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1 HE • ' 

Gulf States Historical 


Vol. II, No. 1. 

JULY, 1903 

Whole No". 7 

■V '3337 




Gu lf States Histo rica l 
Magazine. j 

JOEL C. DuBOSE, Editor and Proprietor. 


. .. CONTENTS: "'"- ; / 

I. Editorial Announcement . I 

II. Professor Joseph Jones, M. D., EL. D. 

. By Charles if. Jones 2 

III. Sidney Lanier By Clifford A. Lanier g 

IV. Recollections of the Growth and Development of 

the ' Anti-Slavery Sentiment .,....,. 

'. % By Judge IV m, D. IVood -iS 

V. Alabama Protest Against Abolitionism 

.By Thomas M. Oivcn 26 

VI. John Bell .By Sal lie Fleming Ord^ay 35 

VII. The Craw fords, 1643- 1903 .- • 

.By Bdzeard Aiken Crawford 45 

VIII. Mississippi Newspaper Files in the Library of the 
American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass. 

IX. The Crawford-Bumside Duel. 

By William B. Collins 

X. Documents 

XI. Minor Topics 

XII. Notes and Queries 

XIII. Historical News 

XIV. Book Notes and Reviews 





Annual Subscription, $3.00. Single Numbers, 50 cents. 

[Entered August 15, 1902, as second-class matter at the post office at 
Montgomery, Ala., under Act of Congress 01 March 3, 1879. J 




Bi-MoittMy, Illustrated, Octavo. Each Issue 64 to 100 pages. 

This Magazine is devoted particularly to the exploitation of the j 

history, literature and antiquities of the Gulf States and their 
neighbors. It will aim to cultivate among* all classes of its readers 
the taste for historical reading and the desire for historical knowl- 
edge. It will contain: 

Carefully prepared historical papers, Historical News. 
Hitherto unpublished documents, Notes and Queries, 

Genealogies and genealogical notes, Book Notes and Reviews, 
Short articles on Minor Topics, Pertinent Illustrations. 

Contributions within the scope of the foregoing will be welcomed. 


The Magazine is a private business enterprise, conducted by 
Joel C. ©ttBose as Editor and Proprietor. Mr. DuBose has for years . 1 
been a student of Southern history, devoting much time to study 
and investigation in the Library of Congress, and in other historical | 

centers throughout the country. He is the author of Sketches of 
Ala&ama History, and has contributed historical articles to leading | 



Many leading historical students and writers of the Gulf States 

and other sections will contribute articles to the Magazine. Some 
of these are: 

Thomas M. Owen, C. Yv r . Raines, Dr. Aleee Fortier, 

William Beer, J. W. DuBose, Rev. A. C. Harte, 

W. L. Fleming, H. S. Halbert, Oliver D. Street, 

Dr. Geo. Petrie, Dr. F. L. Riley, John R. Ficklen, 

Dr. Wm. B. Burroughs, Peter J. Hamilton, Chas. E. Jones, 

Dr. G. R. Fairbanks, Dr. G. F. Mellen, Dr. U. B. Phillips, 

Miss Anne B. Lyon, Dunbar Rowland, Gen. M. J. Wright. 


The Magazine is an excellent advertising medium — none better 
in the South. It goes into thousands of the most substantial homes 
of Alabama. Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and elsewhere. 
It will appeal directly to the good judgment of intelligent people 
who constitute the literary public, and the best patrons of schools, 
colleges, and all other worthy institutions. 

Cards containing tables of rates for advertisements sent on ap- 

Annual subscription, $3.00; single numbers, 50 cents. Back 
numbers can be had as follows: 

Volume I, six numbers, July, 1902, to May, 1903 $3 00 

Volume I, bound in cloth $3 50 

Address all communications to 

Joel C. DuBose. Montgomery, Ala. 

,^ % ->.. 



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Gulf States Historical 

Vol. II, No. 1. Montgomery, Ala., July, 1903. Whole No. 7 


With the appearance of the May, 1903, issue of The Gul£ 
Statks Historical Magazine:, which "completed its first vol- 
ume, Mr. Thomas M. O.wen disposed of his entire interest in 
the publication to his associate, Mr. Joel C. DuBose, and retired 
from the editorial management. 

Mr. Owen was forced to this step because of the growth of 

v • ■ 

his work and duties as Director of the Alabama Department of 
Archives and History. He wishes thanks extended to these 
who have generously assisted him, and asks the same cordial 
cooperation for his successor. He will still labor for the suc- 
cess of the Magazine and will contribute to its pages. 

This Magazine has demonstrated its right to a place in the 
periodical literature of the day, and has met the commendation 
of scholars, critics and the press. It should be a matter of con- 
gratulation to those interested in history that it will not sus- 
pend publication. It will be continued by Mr. DuBose as edi- 
tor and proprietor. 


By Charles Edgeworth Jones, of Augusta, Ga. 

In the distinguished subject of the present sketch, we recog- 
nize a man of mark in the medical and scientific world, one 
whose achievements as an original investigator challenged the 
respect and esteem of co-workers in the several departments 
claiming his industry and abilities. He was a profound scholar, 
a skilled professor, a notable chemist, an indefatigable laborer, 
and a practitioner who devoted more than forty years of his 
life to the alleviation of human sufferings. 

He was born in Liberty county, Georgia, September 6, 1833. 
His father, the Rev. Charles C. Jones, D. D., was a distin- 
guished Presbyterian divine, eloquent in the pulpit, eminent as 
a theological instructor, and the author of a History of the 
Church of God. His maternal grandfather, Captain Joseph 
Jones, of the Liberty Independent Troop, served in the war of 
1812. His great grand-father on the paternal side, Major John 
Jones, was an officer in the Continental Army, who, as aide-de- 
camp to Brigadier-General Lachlan Mcintosh, fell before the 
British lines around Savannah during the memorable assault 
in October 1779. He was connected with the Pinckneys. 
Haynes, Swintons, and Legares, of the Palmetto State. His 
ancestors in the male line removed from England to Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, more than two centuries ago. 

Professor Joseph Jones reflected in his person and accom- 
plishments the dignity of an old and honored family. His early 
education was, in the main, acquired through the aid of private 
tutors at the parental homes, Montevidio and Maybank planta- 
tions, in Liberty county, Georgia. In 1847, when he was four- 
teen years of age, he repaired to South Carolina College, at 
Columbia. Having completed the freshman and a part of the 
sophomore studies in this institution, he matriculated at Nas- 
sau Hall. Princeton College, New Jersey, in the sophomore 
class of 1850. There he spent three profitable years, and, gradu- 
ating with distinction, he received his A. B. diploma from that 
college in June, 1853. 

Selecting medicine as his profession, Professor Jones subse- 
quently entered the medical department of the University of 

Peofessob Joseph Jones, M. D., LL. D. 3 

Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia, where he addressed himself with 
all diligence to a preparation for his important life-work. His 
record while a student was commendable, and his progress 
rapid. Shortly after the award of his doctorate, which occurred 
in 1855, in recognition of the high order of his attainments, he 
was elevated to a Professorship of Chemistry in the Medical 
College of Savannah, Georgia. This appointment dated from 
1856; and from that time until his lamented death, a few years 
ago, he was, under various auspices, continuously identified with 
the offiee of medical instructor. In 1858 he became Professor of 
Chemistry and Geology in the State University at Athens, and, 
in the following year, was called to the chair of Chemistry in 
the Medical College of Georgia, at Augusta. This position he 
retained during the period covered by the war between the 
States, faithfully and energetically performing the duties inci- 
dent to it, except when interrupted by active engagements in the 
field. In 186C he was tendered the Professorship of Institutes 
of Medicine in the University of Nashville, Tennessee. Re- 
sponding to lire call, he repaired to the city, and at once became 
identified with the interests of this progressive institution. His 
connection with that universty was only terminated when he 
removed to New Orleans, Louisiana, in the fall of 1868. It was 
then that' his distinguished labors in behalf of the Medical De- 
partment of the University of Louisiana, now Tulane Univer- 
sity, began. For a space of nearly thirty years were his active 
ministrations in this important regard uninterruptedly con- 

Professor Jones's appointment as visiting physician to the 
Charity Plospital of New Orleans was contemporaneous with his 
arrival in that metropolis. His long and valued services in this 
responsible capacity were beneficial alike to the State of Louis- 
iana and to the cause of medical science. 

Numerous -were the honorable and influential positions which 
Professor Jones at different periods occupied. He- was the 
chemist of the Cotton Planters' Convention of Georgia in i860, 
and the compiler and author of the first report submitted to 
that body* touching the agricultural resources of the "Empire 
State of the South." When the Southern Plistorical Societv 
was founded in New Orleans, in May, 1869, he became its first 
secretary. He was the framer of its original constitution, and 
an intense friend of the movement which gave it birth, and was 
energetic in the consummation of its patriotic purposes. For 
two years or more, he continued a zealous participant in the la- 
bors of this Society. To his individual efforts the sustentation 

4 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. . - 

of its vitality in the infant stage of its history was, to a large ex- 
tent, due. The organization was subsequently (about 1673) 
transferred to Richmond, Virginia, its present place of abode. 
The officers of the Southern Historical Society, as first formed in 
New Orleans, were the late Rev. B. M. Palmer, D.D., Presi- 
dent; General Braxton Bragg, Vice-President; and Professor 
Joseph Jones, who discharged the duties of Secretary and Treas- 

In April, 1880, Professor Jones was complimented with the 
Presidency of the Board of Health of the State of Louisiana. 
The board had been organized in accordance with the provis- 
ions of the State Constitution of the preceding year. His ap- 
pointment was by the Governor, and his term of service expired 
in April, 1884. The four years constituting his tenure of this 
responsible position were replete with important results. His 
administration of the affairs of the Board was characterized by 
ability, fidelity, and enlightened -industry. His official conduct 
merited the approbation of the public, and should challenge the 
emulation of all succeeding presidents. 

In April, 1887, Professor Jones was elected President of the 
Louisiana State Medical Society, and held the office for one year. 
His annual address before the Society, in the spring of 1888, 
is embodied in the second part of the third volume of his Medi- 
cal and Surgical Memoir's. He bore a prominent part in the de- 
liberations of the ninth International Medical Congress, which 
convened in Washington City in the summer of 1887. On that 
interesting occasion, he acted in the capacity of President of the 
Fifteenth Section, being that of Public and International Hy- 
giene. One of his last appointments was as Surgeon-General 
of the United Confederate Veterans. The first official selected 
for that important trust after the formation of this patriotic 
order,. he was assigned to his duties in 1890; and he was ac- 
ceptably filling the position when death ended his useful career. 

Alluding to his war-time experiences, we record the fact that 
Professor Jones was commissioned as full surpeon in the Con- 
federate army in 1862. His duties as such ceased only with the 
termination of hostilities in 1865. ^ or some months prior to 
the receipt of his commission, he had regularly discharged the 
functions of the office, to which he was afterwards promoted. 
As early as January, 1861, he volunteered in the Liberty hide- 
pendent Troop, and entered upon active service in October of the 
same year. During his connection with this cavalry troop, he 
acted as surgeon to several kindred organizations doing duty 
on the Georgia coast. 

Pkofessok Joseph Joxes, M. D., LL. D. 5 

Professor Jones was a member of leading medical and scien- 
tific societies, both in this country and in Europe. His chief 
claims to distinguished recognition rest upon his reputation a? 
an authoritotive and exhaustive writer. 

Pretermitting several minor publications, his first noteworthy 
production was Investigations, Chemical and Physiological, rel- 
altivc to certain American vertebrate. It was comprised in the 
eighth volume of the Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, 
and appeared in 1856. The inquiries forming the subject mat- 
ter of this monograph, which met with a cordial reception, were 
commenced while the Professor was still a lad. In the same 
year, (1856) his Physical, Chemical and Physiological hivesti- 
gations upon the vital Phenomena, and offices of Solids and 
Fluids of Animals (an inaugural dissertation for the degree of 
M. D.,) was given to the public. This was followed by his Ob- 
servations on Malarial Fever, which filled a space in the South- 
■ cm iMcdlcal and Surgical Journal of Augusta, Georgia, for 
1858 and 1859; an d by his Observation on some of the Physical, 
Chemical, Physiological and Pathological Phenomena of Ma- 
larial Fever. These latter Observations were incorporated in 
Volume XII of the Trasactions of the American Medical As- 
sociation, and were published in Philadelphia in 1859. Subse- 
quently appeared his Suggestions on Medical Education (Au- 
gusta, Georgia, i860) ; First Report to the Cotton Planters' Con- 
vention of Georgia on the Agricultural Resources of Georgia, 
.(Augusta, Ga., i860) ; Investigations into the Diseases of the 
Federal Prisoners Confined in Camp Sumter, Andcrsonville, 
Ga., (New York, 1866)* ; Pnvestigations into the Nature, Causes 
and Abatement of Hospital Gangrene, as it prevailed in the Con- 
federate Army (New York, 1866) ; Researches upon Spuri- 
ous Vaccination in the Confederate Army (Nashville, 1867) ; 
Sanitary Memoirs of the War of the Rebellion (New York, 
1866-6868) ; Mollitcs Ossium (Philadelphia, 1869) ; Observa- 
tions and Researches on Albinism in the N egro Race (Phila- 
delphia, 1869) ; Outline of Observations on Hospital Gangrene 
in the Confederate Armies (New Orleans, 1869) ; Surgical 
Memoirs of the War of. the Rebellion (New York, 187 1) ; Ob- 
servations upon the Treatment of Yellow Fever (Louisville, 
Ky., 1873) ; General Conclusions as to the Nature of Yellow 
Fever (New York, 1873) ; Hospital Construction and Ograni- 

♦Prior to the publication of these Investigations by the United 
States Sanitary Commission in their Surgical Memoirs, they had 
been printed under the auspices of the United States Government 
during the trial of Henry Wirz in 1865-'66. 

6 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

nation (Baltimore, 1875) ; and Explorations of the Aboriginal 
Remains of Tennessee which" was published in the Smithsonian 
institution in 1876. 

The last named production represents the author's principal 
contribution to the Science of Archaeology. Articles and 
pamphlets discussing the modes of burial, burial-caves, earth- 
works, mounds and relics of the Southern Indians have like- 
wise been furnished by his pen. Several of these have appeared 
under the auspices of the Institution to which we have just re- 

The year 1876 was notable in the scientinco-literary career 
of Professor Jones. It marked the publication of the first vol- 
ume of his Medical and Surgical 'Memoirs, containing inves- 
tigations on the geographical distribution, causes, nature, re- 
lations and treatment of various diseases, and embodying re- 
sults to the attainment of which more than twenty years had 
been devoted ; this initial octavo work is well worthy of com- 
panionship with the volumes whereto the attention of the medi- 
cal profession has since been invited. As in the first volume a 
large space is given to the study of the diseases of the nervous 
system, so in the second volume, which was issued in 1887, 
malarial "fevers in all their phases receive exhaustive and dis- 
criminating consideration. The concluding volume of these 
Memoirs, which dates its appearance in 1890, consists of- two 
parts, the first being mainly a review of the endemic, epidemic, 
contagious and infectious diseases. In that part is likewise 
comprised a complete and satisfactory account of the quaran- 
tine and sanitary operations of the Louisiana State Board of 
Health during the presidency of the distinguished author*. In 
the second part of the volume we are introduced to Professor 
Jones's latter day labors and researches, as recorded in a se- 
ries of monographs, among which his Philosophical Principles 
of Education, and their Scientific Application to the Develop- 
ment and Perfection of Medical Science, takes foremost rank. 
As presiding officer of the Medical Society of Louisiana, he 
delivered this address in the spring of 1S88. Other matters 
of interest and value to scientists and members of his profes- 
sion are the papers treating of the Relation of Quarantine to 
Commerce in the Valley of the Mississippi River, Public and 
International Hygiene, and the Progress of the Discovery of 
Disinfectants, and their Application for the Arrest of Conta- 

*In this connection see also his Annual Reports of the Board of 
Health, State of Louisiana, 1880-'84, which was first published in 
Baton Rouge in 1884. 

Processor Joseph Jones, M. D., LL. D. 7 

So much for a hurried glance at the general scope and con- 
tents of these Medical and Surgical Memoirs. In them Pro- 
fessor Jones, profiting by a long and varied experience as prac- 
titioner in the several branches of medicine, and reiving upon 
the resources of a mind replete with wisdom, enriched by reflec- 
tion, and active in the pursuit of truth, has raised in honor of 
the medical profession a memorial which dignifies its accom- 
plished maker, and will always commend itself to enlightened 

Professor Jones's life was devoted to the scientific investiga- 
tion of the causes and means for the prevention of diseases in 
the daily round of private practice, in the civil and military hos- 
pitals, in the camp and prison, and en the battlefield. During 
the war between the States he not only ministered to the treat- 
ment of the sick and wounded, but he likewise thoroughly ex- 
amined into the nature and conditions of measles, small pox, 
hospital gangrene, pyaemia and malarial fever, — maladies so 
prevalent and so fatal among Confederate soldiers. By care- 
ful study, moreover, he pentrated the causes of the great mor- 
tality amongst military prisoners and suggested measures for 
their relief. The importance of his labors and the value of his 
services were fully recognized by the Confederate Government, 
by which every facility was afforded for the prosecution of his 
inquiries. His observations and researches upon these matters 
have been printed, and form a unique chapter in the medical 
history of that eventful period. 

During his presidency of the Louisiana State s Board of 
Health, the quarantine and sanitarv measures instituted and 
perfected by Professor Jones were effectual in excluding yellow 
fever from the valley of the Mississippi. When we consider 
the odds against which he was forced to contend, and the na- 
ture of the difficulties by which he was confronted, we cannot 
fail to be impressed with the magnitude of his final triumph. 
On the one hand the yellow fever raged now at the Mississippi 
Quarantine Station, then at Brownsville and Pensacola, again 
at the Naval Reservation at Brewton, and always in Vera Cruz, 
Havana and Rio de Janeiro ; on the other, the gigantic maritime 
and railroad corporations, secure in their wealth and influence, 
attempted to crush him and to impugn the legality of the prin- 
ciples whereof he was the indomitable champion. But in the 
end he proved himself the victor. Yellow fever was met and 
thwarted at all points, and the Mississinpi valley remained un- 
tainted bv the pestilence. The quarantine laws of Louisiana 
were sustained, and their constitutionality was affirmed bv the 
Supreme Court of the United States. 

8 The Gulf States Historical. Magazine. 

Professor Jones was twice married. On the 26th of Oc- 
tober, 1859, ne was united to Miss Caroline S. Davis, of Au- 
gusta, Ga. His marriage to Miss Susan Rayner Polk, a daugh- 
ter of the Rt. Rev. Leonidas Polk, D. D., Bishop of Louisiana, 
and Lieutenant-General in the armies of. the Southern Confed- 
eracy, occurred on the 15th of June, 1870. In the same year 
he went abroad, visiting England, France and Wales, and mak- 
ing a careful tour through the hospitals and museums of those 
countries. The cordial reception tendered him by Professor 
Richard Owen, late Director of Natural History in the British 
Museum, and the friendly courtesies shown by other eminent 
scientists, were gratifying. Special opportunities for observa- 
tion were afforded, ' and the ends with a view to which the 
journey had been undertaken were fully answered. 

That Professor Jones was an earnest student of American 
Archaeology sufficiently appears from the fact that he was the 
outhor of Explorations of the Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee. 
To his reputation as a writer en Archaeological matters, he 
united the distinction of being an extensive collector. His col- 
lection, which now finds temporary lodgement in the Sophia 
Newcomb College — an integral part of Tulane University, — 
comprises a valuable assortment of primitive reucs. Plis speci- 
mens from Mexico, Central America, and Peru are exception- 
ally fine. Among the interesting features of that valuable col- 
lection which comprehends many thousand objects, may be 
mentioned the beautiful Indian bead-work, the idols, the speci- 
mens of Zuni and Pima pottery. 

Professor Jones's brother, the late Colonel Charles C. Jones, 
Jr.,* of Augusta, Ga., the historian of that State, was likewise 
a familiar figure in the Antiquarian world, and the possessor of 
notable Archaeological collections. His Antiquities of the 
Southern Indians, particularly of the Georgian Tribes, which 
was published in New York bv D. Appleton & Co., in 1873, 
enjoys high reoute on this continent and in Europe, and is gen- 
erally regarded as the standard work upon the subject treated. 

In the midst of his many sided usefulness as a physician, 
professor, scientist and author, Professor Jones died on the 
night of February 17. 1896. A panorama of varied and never 
ceasing activity, his life mav rightfully be adduced as a fit ob- 
ject for the emulation of posterity. His important labors in 
the cause of medical education, and in behalf of sanitary science, 
are.national in their character. 

*S?e Gulf States Historical Magazine, March. 1903, pp. 301-310, for 
Life of Col. Charles C. Jones, Jr. 


By Clifford Lanier, of Montgomery, Ala. 

Since Sidney Lanier has been accepted by many competent 
judges as one worthy to be enrolled in a palace of the deathless, 
I put aside the suggestion of indelicacy which might be hinted 
at by some unsympathetic reader, and I proceed with simplicity, 
with frankness and yet with becoming caution to perform the 
pleasing task of contributing this paper. 

Indeed this may be a biographical and narrative rather than 
a critical task. 

If I needed admonition, the words of our author would be 
recalled wherein he shows how often contemporary judg- 
ments have been at fault and criticism has shot very wide of the 
mark. / 

Sidney Lanier paid scant heed to criticism of the day. Even at 
the beginning of his brief literary life when the premature publi- 
cation of the text of the Centennial Cantata in May, 1876, was 
followed by what he and many competent critics deemed not 
only an inadequate and unsympathetic criticism, but an unjust 
and incompetent disapproval, his natural resentment took the 
form of an effort to inform the public of certain artistic aims 
and theories as to the lyric union of words and tones meant for 
orchestral rendition, rather than a self defense.' His rejoinder 
concerned itself with the interesting question, "What changes 
have been made in the relations of poetry to music by the prodig- 
ious modern development of the orchestra?" It was then com- 
paratively a novel inquiry as to what purely intellectual concep- 
tions are capable of orchestral interpretation aided by a vocal 
chorus, leaving wholly aside, of course, the province of emo- 
tional expansion, in which he believed the "power of music to 
be supreme and unlimited. " 

In a letter to his father the young poet says: "My 'experi- 
ence in the varying judgments given about poetry has all 

converged upon one solitary principle, and the experience of the 
artist in all ages is reported by history to be of preciselv the 
same direction. That principle is, that the artist shall put forth, 
humbly and lovingly and without bitterness against opposition, 
the very best and highest that is within him, utterly regardless 
of contemporary criticism." 

But see how he appreciated praise! He calls it encourage- 

10 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

nient. In a letter to Mr. Gibson Peacock, June 16, 1875, he 
writes, "Out of what a liberal sky do you rain your gracious en- 
couragements upon me ! In truth, clear friend, there is such 
large sweep and swing in this shower-after-shower of your 
friendship, it comes in such big rhythms of generosities, it is 
such a poem of inner rains, that I cannot at all get myself satis- 
fied to meet it with anything less than that perfect rose of a 
song which should be the product of such watering. I think I 
hear one of these growing now down in my soul yonder, .etc." 

Sincere judgments, whether favorable or unafavoable, he re- 
ceived thankfully. 

Thomas Lanier, an ancestor in right line of Sidney, came to 
America in 1716, and settled on the present site of Richmond, 

It is written in some records that one Thomas Lanier married 
Elizabeth Washington, daughter of John Washington and Cath- 
erine Wniting. This is copied from the authority of George 
Washington Parke Custis. In what manner were thus mingled 
the life-currents of this French-English family with those run- 
ning in the veins of the "Father of his Country," persons in- 
terested may strive to find. It is growing more and more to 
be a matter of pride to trace connection with the distinguished 
as the land makes history 7 , and the pOet takes pleasure in learn- 
ing that a "Sir John Lanier," is spoken of as commanding the 
Queen's regiment of horse at the battle of the Boyne, July 1, 
1690. He also pleased his relative, Mr. J. F. D. Lanier, of N. 
Y., prominent in the history of Indiana and American financial 
transactions, by writing out some account of the "Lancares" 
who figured in the reigns of Elizabeth and the Stuarts, ten of 
them flourishing between 1568 and 1666. One of them was a 
friend of Pepys, others were painters, musicians, and writers 'of 
masques, the artistic tendency being marked. The Sir John 
who helped King William in Ireland fell gloriouslv at Stein- 

Sidney Lanier was born on High street, in Macon, Ga., Feb- 
ruary 3, 1842, and was the oldest of three children of Robert 
Sampson Lanier and Mary J. Anderson. His father was a na- 
tive of Georgia, and his mother of Virginia. 

The public school was then largely unknown in the South, 
and our subject was schooled in small private one-roomed es- 
tablishments, taught by a Mrs. Anderson, a Mr. Hancock, or 
by that dear old eccentric Dominie, "Jake" Danforth. One of 
these schools stood in a grove of oaks and hickory-nut trees, and 
was called the 'Cademy. Sidney was bright in studies, but while 

Sidney Lamer. 11 

parsing', reading, writing and figuring, he was also chunking 
nuts from the top of the tall trees, sympathizing with the dainty 
half-angel, half-animal flying squirrels, and drinking deep 
draughts of love of nature from the fountains of cool, solacing 
oaks. He learned to enter into the being of tree-nature as few- 
poetic thinkers have done, in a measure just as, yet in a differ- 
ent way than, Wordsworth, Keats and Tennyson did. Added 
to their mental attitude toward nature, he seems to bring 
a passionate, fervent emotion of love. He speaks of a cloud as 
"fair Cousin Cloud !" He makes a flute the voice of nature 

"singing sweet and lone,'* 
breathing "through life's strident polyphone," 
Demand of Science whence and why 
Man's tender pain, man's inward cry, 
When he doth gaze on earth and sky," 
and his "penetrating flute, not overbold 
Yet holds full powers from nature manifold." 

Note this eloquent solo in The Symphony, wherein all the ex- 

"forms and sounds and lights 
And warmths and mysteries and mights 
Of Nature's utmost depths and heights" 
are presented by their 

"Mouthpiece and leal instrument 

And servant, all love — eloquent, 

The rose-throat of the tender, many-tongued flute." 

He learned at an early age by his own efforts and practice to 
play passably on a one-keyed German flute, and he often accom- 
panied his mother on the piano in simple songs, strathspeys, 
Virginia reels and other crude instrumental pieces. 

His father encouraged every refining tendency, yet afterwards 
warned him against making an occupation of* music. 

In ante-bellum days in Georgia the employments of those 
above the rank of non-educated "white trash" were thought to 
be medicine, the pulpit,, the bench and bar, teaching, lordly 
planting, princely trading, etc., only. Some other vocations that 
have since risen much in the esteem of the people were then 
held in slight regard. ■ 

The youth,- Lanier, was a bright, witty, thoughtful, active 
boy, mingling in all sports, yet often voluntarily retiring to a 
closed room for practice on the little yellow flageolet (it might 
be termed) and for poring over Scott or Froissart's Chron- 

12 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

icles or Percy's Reliques or the few 18th century classics to be 
found in the small book collection of a struggling young at- 
torney, his father. j 

Being well advanced in studies he is put at fourteen to a sort 
of apprenticeship to business for one year in " Uncle Sam's" 
crude pcslomce at Macon, and at fifteen he is entered in the 
Sophomore class, half advanced on mid-term, at Oglethorpe Col- 
lege, Midway, near Milledgeville, then the small State capital. 

Dr. Samuel K. Talmage, uncle of the distinguished preacher, 
recently deceased, was president of this Presbyterian school, 
and Dr. James Woodrow was one of its professors. In later 
years Sidney Lanier sometimes spoke of having received from 
Professor Woodrow a strong stimulus toward research and 

A few of his boyish letters have been found, telling his first 
experiences at this school, and they abound in evidences of a 
very deep, singularly self-examining nature for a boy of fifteen. 
Sometime all these and other letters must be printed, and will 
constitute the truest story of his life, for he poured out his in- 
most thoughts often to those he loved. 

His was a nature fitted for ardent friendships ; he was at all 
periods of life continually making new, and cementing old, at- 
tachments. He wrote many letters and his pen seemed always 
warm with the flame of a loving affection. 

For a year after graduation, previous to the war between the 
States, he was employed as tutor at his Alma Mater. Volun- 
teering a private soldier in the Macon volunteers, 2nd Ga. Bat- 
talion of Infantry, he doffed the academic gown of professor in 
the spring of 1861, and shouldered his musket to march among 
the first troops that rushed from the South to the battle grounds 
of Virginia. 

After a year and a half of infantry service he and his brother 
and two companions were transferred to the Signal Corps of 
Milligan, and were on detached duty as scouts and mounted 
signal men under Woodley, in that then-debatable land between 
the enemy around Norfolk and the Confederate lines near Pe- 

No campaigning separated him from his flute and from a 
few small books, among which I remember a German Glossary, 
a little volume of German poetry, Aurora Leigh, of Mrs. Brown- 
ing, Les Miserables, of Victor Hugo, and, I think, Macaria, of 
our Augusta Evans. 

One morning at dawn (we were camped at Burwell's Bay, 

Sidney L»anieb« ■ 13 

James River, thirty miles from Fortress Monroe), the enemy 
sent up gunboats and a transport, landed a regiment, surrounded 
or attempted to surround our party of eighteen, drove us out 
of hiding, after receiving considerable punishment and loss in 
an entire day's skirmishing, and, alas ! captured our camp 
equipage (very slim supply of frying pans, "spiders" for cook- 
ing, wooden bunks.) two guitars, change of clothing, shaving 
appliance, love letters, quinine pills, sassafras root, althea tooth- 
brushes, one or two blankets, writing materials, signal torch 
lamps, and also the above mentioned small select library, more 
precious to us than a New York Carnegie could possibly be in 
these after years. 

Thanks to Woodley's and Hennis' skillful skirmishing, we 
saved "our skins," arms, and what we carried in kit and haver- 
sack, among which was Lanier's magic flute. 

Our operations were reported to Headquarters, and were 
noticed in orders read from the military office of General R. 
E. Lee. Lanier narrowly escaped capture, was absent from 
the small main body two days skirmishing with a Federal de- 
tachment across Smithneld Creek, but drove the enemy off and 
returned in safety with a companion. 

In 1864 he was assigned to duty with Lieutenant Skipwith 
Wilmer,'of the Marine Signal Department, at Wilmington, and 
in .the line of that service, was running the blockade as signal 
officer of blockade runner Annie, when in December his ship 
was captured off the Carolina coast. 

During these years of campaigning weakness of throat and 
lungs developed. Three months of prison life deepened this 
tendency, and his return home as paroled prisoner was accom- 
panied by much hardship and exposure to cold. Shortly after 
reaching Macon, March, 1865, he was brought to the verge of 
dying in a severe illness of erysipelas. The sorrow of his 
mother's death came to him in May of this year. 

A year of desultory study and teaching followed. The young 
eagle, released from a certain imprisonment of uncongenial 
soldiering, was preparing for some tentative flights. He 
strongly condemned war as a remedy for international quarrels. 
"Tiger Lilies," a crude essay in novel writing, yet animated by 
a "love strong as it is humble, for what is beautiful in God's 
Nature and in Man's Art," and containing wondrous hints of 
music, as well as descriptions of the mountains made famous by 
Christian Reed and Charles Egbert Craddock — contains also 
a very striking metaphor burgeoning into a chapter of allegory. 

14 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Chapter I of Book II begins thus: "The early spring of 
1861 brought to bloom, besides innumerable violets and jessa- 
mines, a strange, enormous and terrible flower. This was the 
blood-red flower of war," etc. This parable ends by declaring 
that "war-flowers and the vine of Christ grow different ways, 
insomuch that no man may grow with both !" Then follows a 
generous suggestion that Mr. Jefferson Davis should not be 
made scape-goat of a whole people, and that Southern hearts 
bleed to see how their own act has resulted in his martyrdom, 
who was as innocent as they were of treason. 

In 1867 Sidney Lanier was principal of a nourishing boys' 
and girls' academy at Prattville, Ala., and in the close of that 
year he was wedded to Miss Mary Day, who was to be the good 
genius of his life, to whom he writes the lovely poems, "My 
Springs," "Lo.iis Marine" "In Absence," and "Acknowledg- 
ment," also "June Dreams in January." 

In 1868 came hemorrhages — dread presage of the long con- 
flict with disease, to follow. Like his hero in "Tig-er Lilies," 
Sterling, he has studied law, has taken a wife before many fees 
allow themselves to be taken, and he somewhat resembles Oli- 
ver Wendell Holmes, who, as a very young medical practitioner, 
hangs out a shingle with the advertisement thereon : "Small 
fee-vers thankfully received." Between this time and 1873 
he continues to practice law in Macon, wrestling with consump- 
tion, traveling to San Antonio, in search of strength, al- 
ways scribbling hints of poetry or philosophy, and playing on 
the Bcehm flute. 

In the latter part of 1873 he is engaged with music and 
literature in Baltimore. He savs that he could not banish from 
his affection the two figures of Poetry and Music ; that he has 
kept them steadily in his heart for many years in spite of dis- 
couragement, disease, business, war ; and that he feels that he 
begins to have a right to enroll himself among the devotees of 
these sublime arts. He writes in a private letter : "When Life, 
Health, Passion, Bent-of-Nature, and Necessity all grasp me 
with simultaneous .hands and turn my face in one direction, 
why should I hesitate ? . . . My hope and plan is to get a 
foothold in New York." 

But during the last six or seven years his home was Balti- 
more, although many times he was absent from what he terms 
the place of that "ravishing word" — home : He was traveling 
in the South, gathering materials for that pioneer half-literary, 
half-guide book volume on Florida, its history, value as health 

Sidney Lanier. 15 

and pleasure resort, etc. : he was in Philadelphia studying, writ- 
ing magazine articles, sketches of India, poems, etc. : he was in 
Boston, hoping to arrange events so that he might write of the 
life and times of Charlotte Cushman, to whom he was much at- 
tached : he is searching various localities where favorable con- 
ditions of summer climate may enable him to resume each, 
autumn the work which now so ardently attracts him, and 
which even weakness and pain and lung disabilities cannot 
force him to wholly discontinue. 

In January, 1876, General Hawley, President of the World's 
Fair Centennial Commission, invited him to prepare the words 
of the Centennial Cantata, music to be arranged by Dudley 
Buck, to be rendered by a full chorus of voices (and 
played by a mammoth orchestra, under direction of Theodore 
Thomas), as a part of the memorable opening exercises of the 
Exhibition at Philadelphia in April. This is worthy of 
study to the technical student for many points of technique, and 
to the general student for its wondrous compression into brief 
poetic phrases of the philosophies of Art, of Science, of Power, 
of Government, of Faith, and of Social Life. He says of this 
that he did not hope it would instantly "appeal to tastes pep- 
pered and salted by Swineburne, et id omne genus, but one can- 
not forget Beethoven, and somehow all my inspirations come 
in these large and artless forms, in simple Saxon words, in un- 
pretentious and purely intellectual conceptions ; while never- 
theless I felt, all through, the necessity of making a genuine 
song and not a rhymed set of good adages out of it." 

About this time is published one of the less well-known 
poems, "The Psalm of the West," for which he received three 
hundred dollars. Three thousand w r ere not too much for so 
much of the life-blood of the heart and mind of a poet, yet why 
not suggest three millions, since heart and mind and emotion 
and other product of the invisible, intangible loom of the hu- 
man spirit are priceless, incommensurable, and beyond all bal- 
ancing in scales used for weighing gold dust and silver coins ? 

This consecrated man strove, sang, worked, with no more 
thought of wherewithal the physical life might be sustained 
than was imperatively needful to one who had no war against 
established forms of social struggle, and regarded things in 
their proper perspective, valuing the material as a foundation 
and vantage merely, on which one might stand to work for the 
spirit: he was a missioner of spirit, and of the beautiful in life 
and work and art. 

16 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

In a prayer found among his scribbled notes, he says : 

''For that which I want is, first, bread — • 

Thy decree, not my choice, that bread must be first. 

Then music, then some time out of the struggle for bread 

to write my poems ; 
Then to put out of care . . . those whom I love." 

Among many designs he plans for a chair of Music and 
Poetry in Johns Hopkins University, which is partly realized 
just before his death. * 

He made deep researches into early and middle English verse 
and literature. He writes a valuable contribution to the tech- 
nique of English poetry, "The Science of English Verse.'' He 
arranges several series of Lectures on Chaucer and Shakes- 
peare, on "The English Novel and the Principle of Its Develop- 
ment," on "Music in Shakespeare's Time" ; he prepares the 
four books for boys, "The Froissart," "King Arthur," "Percy," 
and "Mabinogion" ; he delivers lectures to parlor classes, de- 
siring to show "how much more genuine profit there would be 
in studying at first hand, under the guidance of an enthusiastic 
interpreter, the writers and conditions of a particular epoch (for 
instance), than in reading any amount of commentary or in 
hearing any number of miscellaneous lectures on subjects which 
range from Palestine to pottery in the course of a week." 

The lectureship on English Literature at the Johns Hopkins 
finally materialized, and President Gilman's official notification 
reached him on the poet's birthday — February 3, 1879. This 
summer was spent at the Rockbridge Alum Springs, Va., where 
he revelled in nearness to his beloved rocks and hills and waters. 
Yet he worked at race-horse speed, seeming to receive some 
premonition of the time when labor must cease. 

He had sung of "The Stirrup Cup" two years before, when 
lonesomely in Florida he contemplated the advance of his dis- 

"Death, thou art a cordial old and rare : 
Then, Time, let not a drop be spilt : 
Hand me the cup whene'er thou wilt : 
'Tis thy rich stirrup-cup to me : 
I'll drink it down right smilingly." 

His father and brothers aid him to establish a canvas house 

♦See current number of Scribner's Magazine, May and June, 1902, 
for some account of him by Ex-President D. C. Gilman. 

Sidney Lanier. 17 

at "Camp Robin," near Asheville, N. C, overlooking the French 
Broad River, in March, 1881, and he continues to struggle for 
health, to prepare material for an account of the North Caro- 
lina mountain land, and to scribble off hints of poems ; he sings 
in 187s Rose Morals : 

"The wind is up ; so, drift away : 
That songs from me as leaves from thee may fly, 
I strive, I pray." 

But the heroic struggle does not avail to gain new health. 
He works with unabated ardor, yet in midnights, perhaps, 
thinking pensively — .,"'"..:■ 

"Death, My God! it is the sweetest and dearest of all the 
Angels to him who understands." 

The canvas camp is moved to the beautiful valley of the Paco- 
let, Lynn, Polk County, and I left him one afternoon in early 
September, astride his easy-loping pony, which he bestrode 
daily. I thought he had gained new working orders from the 
Masters for many months of earthly "labor, at leisure, in art;" 
but the light shining in his lucent, tender, gray eyes, . was a 
glint from the "Vast of the Lord," and the Sunrise from that 
Heavenly Vast was whispering: . , 

' "And ever my heart thro' the night shall with knowledge 
abide thee, .' ' • 

• And ever by day shall my spirit, as one that hath tried thee, 
Labor, at leisure, in Art, till yonder beside thee 

My soul shall float, friend Sun, ;. 

% , .,' ^ ne d a y being done." ; /" ' ; . * ] " ' 

'He strove to reunite the spirit with the intellect: for how can 
they live apart?. ; - , . !.' . '. . _-J[ '_ .'_', .' , 

l;;j---yic on? !fi • rfOinn '■■■ r.i \ v.h : •■'. ■':: M 

• ■ . ?- 

I - -. , 

2 f:I i r.. ..:.::■ : ;? : ri i ■. ;:,, ./,..: , T ,, f „j ,j rt(;l ■ :: 


»." ! 'By Judge Wm. D. Wood, of San Marcos, Texas. 

In order to disclose properly the opportunities the writer has 
had to become acquainted with the matters about which he 
writes, a little in the way of autobiography becomes necessary. 
He was born in Edgecombe County, North Carolina, on the 
nth of March, 1S28. His parentage, on both sides, was of 
sturdy Southern stock. His father, Isaac F. Wood, was the 
son of Daniel Wood, a Revolutionary Soldier, who fought at 
the battle of King's Mountain, and who emigrated from near 
Petersburg, Virginia, to North Carolina. His mother was Pe- 
ninah Horn, a daughter of William Horn, a planter of Edge- 
combe, who removed to Alabama in 1836 or 1837, and settled 
in Sumter county, and subsequently removed to Choctaw county 
where he died. 

The writer remembers very little of North Carolina, as he 
was only four years and a half old when his parents removed 
from Carolina to Indiana. He remembers that his parents and 
a negro girl they owned, frequently at night engaged in pick- 
ing by hand the lint from seed cotton, which was by hand 
carded into rolls and spun and woven into cloth for the use of 
the family. In the neighborhood at a country store, owned by 
one Roundtree, there was a cotton gin. The process of packing 
or baling the cotton at this gin, as the writer remembers it, 
was by cutting a round hole in the gin house floor, through 
which a long bag was hung by hooks fastened around the edges 
of the hole; into this bag the lint cotton as it came from the 
gin was thrown, and from time to time a negro man would get 
into the bag with a crow bar and pack the cotton down. 
When the bag was complete, it much resembled the bags of 
wool put up at our sheep ranches at the present day. 

The father of the writer, with many other North Carolin- 
ians, removed to the State of Indiana in 1832, and settled in 
Randolph county, twelve miles north of Richmond in W r ayne 
county. A considerable portion of the early settlers in these 

Recollections of Judge Wm. D. Wood. 19 

counties came from the States of North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina and Virginia ; many oi them were Quakers, or as they called 
themselves. Friends. They were honest, industrious and peace- 
able citizens, morally and religiously opposed to war, blood- 
shed and slavery. They were primitive Abolitionists. At that 
early day they considered it a religious duty to assist the runa- 
way slave on his way to Canada, the Mecca of the runaway, for 
he was not considered safe from his master, until he had crossed 
the Canada line. As illustrative of the disposition of the de- 
nomination of Friends to assist the runaway in his flight for 
freedom, I will relate an incident. One winter's night when the 
ground was covered with snow and' the thermometer trembling 
around the zero point, the writer and some half dozen other 
boys were out on a frolic. On their rounds they came to the 
house of a good old Quaker by the name of Nixon, who was so 
strict in his religious principles, that he had discharged a hired 
man because he indulged in the vain and worldly amusement of 
whistling while at his work. It was rumored in the neighbor- 
hood that Nixon's house was a depot or harbor on the under- 
ground route for runaway negroes, leading from Kentucky tc 
Canada. In order to test the truth of this rumor, 4 one of the boys 
who could imitate the negro lingo pretty well, was deputed to call 
the old man up. He went to the gate and after repeated loud 
calls for "Massa Nixon," the old man came to the door in his 
night clothes. In answer to his question, the boy claimed to be 
a runaway from Kentucky, who had stopped at Newport, a 
town about six miles away, another reputed depot on the under- 
ground line; that his master in hot pursuit had arrived there in 
the evening, and for safety he had been sent by friends at New- 
port to "Massa Nixon." The old man told him he was glad to 
have it in his power to take care of him, and to come right into 
the house, as he knew he must be nearly frozen. The supposed 
runaway said he could not do so, as he was afraid to 
stop in the house, but to please hide him in the barn among the 
fodder. Nixon told the supposed fugutive to wait till he could 
put on his clothes, and he would go with him to the barn. When 
the old man closed the door, we boys scampered away. When 
the old man got on his clothes and returned for the distressed 
Sambo, he was no doubt much surprised to find that he had 
vanished. It was cruel on the part of us youngsters, to so treat 
the old man, for during the continuance of the collolquy, he 
was quaking from head to foot, not from the strivings of the 
spirit, but from the icy blasts of winter then sweeping over the 
snow covered earth. 

20 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

No doubt the Quakers who emigrated from the Slave States 
to the Free, were influenced to a considerable extent in making 
the change, by the fact that they were leaving a Slave state for 
one where human slavery was "not tolerated. At the same time, 
a Friend, as a man, was as keenly alive to the turning of :-:u 
honest penny and as ready to embrace any legitimate oppor- 
tunity to better his condition, as any one else. The most of the 
other emigrants who had no conscientious scruples on the subject 
of slavery, were influenced by the hope of bettering their con- 
dition, by acquiring the rich and cheap lands north of the Ohio 
river; some of them no doubt by the restless, roving disposi- 
tion that has ever characterized a considerable portion of the 
people of this country, seeking change for change's sake, al- 
lured by the seductive glamor that the best place, the best coun- 
try, and a fortune are just in advance of them, waiting to be 
overtaken, captured and enjoyed. 

The writer's father was a Jackson Democrat. He was elected 
to the House of Representatives of the State of Indiana, from 
Randolph county as a Democrat ; subsequently to the Senate of 
that State, from the counties of Randolph, Jay and Blackford. 
In the fifties he was elected from Leon county as a member of 
the Texas Legislature, and subsequently was elected Chief Jus- 
tice of Leon county. 

From 1832 to 1850, the writer resided in the State of In- 
diana. His first vote was cast in the city of Indianapolis for 
the candidates of the Democratic party ; and while always a 
Democrat, he is not so blinded by party prejudices as to be- 
lieve that whether right or wrong the party should be sup- 
ported. In 1850 he started for Texas by the way of Ala- 
bama, w r here for the want of funds to prosecute his journey he 
was detained until the fall of 1851. He arrived in Centerville, 
Leon County, Texas, on the 14th of November, 185 1, where he 
remained until May, 1883, when he removed to San Marcos, 
Hays County, Texas, where he now resides. 

The first Abolition lecturer or missionary, as well as the 
writer remembers, that appeared in Randolph County, was one 
Arnold BufTon. He passed through the county, lecturing at 
churches, school houses or wherever he could obtain an audience, 
denouncing slavery and slave-holders. This was about 1836 or 
1837. At most of the places where he lectured, he was coldlv re- 
ceived and roughly treated, and at some places pelted with rotten 
eggs, and warned not to return. It is a peculiar attribute of hu- 
man nature that at first sight we may abhor a thing, at second 
sight we tolerate it, and by frequent contact, w r e finally embrace 

Recollections of Judge Wm. D. Wood. 21 

it. So it was that others followed the footsteps of Buffon, and 
the anti-slavery evangel continued to be preached with a seem- 
ingly unwearied perseverance and persistence. As time passed, 
people became more tolerant, listened, and now and then a con- 
vert was made. The sentiment of opposition to slavery grew, 
acquiring yearly additional force and momentum among the 
people outside of the denomination of Friends. As the Whig 
and Democratic parties were in those days nearly evenly balanced 
as to numbers, victory sometimes inclining to the one and then 
to the other, the Abolition sentiment soon came to hold the bal- 
ance of power between the two parties. It became a matter 
of great interest to the politicians, and they commenced to court 
it. The party that yielded the most to the anti-slavery senti- 
ment triumphed at the polls, and from this moment the anti- 
slavery idea spread with accelerated speed, until it embraced a 
majority of the people of the Free states 

To such extremes did the anti-slavery feeling go, that many 
would not buy cotton goods, for fear that they were made out 
of cotton raised by slave labor. In response to this feeling, 
quite a business grew r up in the sale of cotton goods guaranteed 
to be made out of cotton raised by free labor. One Mendenh~" 
a resident of Randolph county, was one of the leading agents in 
this business. He made annual journeys to the cotton states 
to buy cotton raised by free labor, which cotton he professed 
to have made into goods to supply the demand of those who 
were too conscientious to wear or use any articles produced by 
slave labor. No doubt Medenhall and his co-agents made it 
profitable in thus pandering to the prevalent fanaticism. It 
thus came about that the anti-slavery feeling and sentiment, 
which threatened the destruction of the Union built tip by the 
expenditure of so much blood, suffering and treasure, was 
seized upon by demagogues and fanatics in order to coin money. 
Nero who fiddled while Rome was in flames, has had his coun- 
terpart in every age and country. 

The long continued agitation of the slavery question between 
the people of the slave-holding states and those of the non-slave- 
holding states, had begotten a deep-seated irritation and feeling 
of unjust treatment, on the part of the former by the latter. 
On the 14th of February, 1858, the Texas Legislature, in rc- 
sponse to the recommendation of Governor Runnels, based on 
the violent . and revolutionary conditions in Kansas, in opposi- 
tion to the rights of the slave-holder and his property, then tak- 
ing place, authorized the Governor of Texas to order the election 
of seven delegates to meet delegates from the other slave states 

22 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

in reference to the adoption of the necessary means to protect and 
secure, the equal rights of the slave-holding states in the Union. 
A second resolution authorized the Governor to call the Leg- 
islature together, in extra session, should he consider the rights 
of Texas, a Sovereign State, in danger, to consider the propri- 
ety of calling a convention to authorize the withdrawal of 
Texas from the Union, and the assumption of her rights as a 
Sovereign and independent State. 

After the discovery of the American continent, nearly every 
nation of the world professing to be civilized, countenanced the 
slave trade, and approved the enslaving of the people of the bar- 
barous and savage tribes of America and Africa. England, 
Spain and the Dutch, especially the Dutch West India Com- 
pany, contenanced and engaged in the slave traffic, and fas-, 
tened the institution of slavery on their colonies in the New 
World. Even the Constitution of the United States forbade 
that the importation of slaves into the country should be pro- 
hibited before the year 1808. So it was in those early days 
that slavery was not only upheld by law, but approved by the 
overwhelming sentiment of the civilized world. 
• The Southern slave-holder felt that he was not responsible 
for the institution ; that it came to him by inheritance, under 
the sanction of law and the guaranties of the Federal Consti- 
tution ; that many of the Free States originally tolerated slav- 
ery; that their citizens instead of manumitting their slaves, 
had exercised the right of property in them, and sold them to 
their brethren further South, because slave labor was not prof- 
itable in the bleak climate of the North ; and that these same per- 
sons were active parties in the importation of slaves, and grew 
rich by selling them to the Southren planter. The slave-holder 
further felt that he was a citizen of the Union, that the unset- 
tled territories of the Union were the common heritage of* all 
of the people of the Union, and that as an owner in common, 
a citizen of a slave-holding state had a right to carry his slave 
property into any of the territories, and be as much protected, 
under the guaranties of the Constitution as the man from the 
Free State, who carried only his horse or his ox. Not only d:/"! 
the people of the Free States nullify the fugutive slave law, 
and made it impossible for the slave owner to enjoy his slave 
property in the common territories of the Union, but they were 
constantly clamoring for the abolition of slavery in all the states, 
asserting that the right of property in man could not be justi- 
fied in law, morals or religion, and characterizing the slave- 
holder as a monster outside the pale of humanity. Senator 

Recollections of Judge Wm. D. Wood. 23 

Sumner in the Senate of the United States in 1854.. said: "To 
overthrow the slave power we are summoned by a double call, 
one political, the other philanthropic* First, to remove an op- 
pressive tyranny from the National Government, and secondly, 
to open the gates of emancipation in the Slave States." Sen- 
ator Seward in his speech in New York, in 1858, presented' what 
he said was the issue then pending in the United States. He 
said: "Shall the social organization of the North supplant that 
of the South? Free labor and slave labor cannot exist together 
in the Union." Such sentiments were certainly calculated to 
exasperate the slave-holder, when he reflected that these same 
people had tolerated slavery, and had ridden themselves of it, 
not because of conscientious scruples or philanthropy, but be- 
cause it was not profitable to them. Harried and hounded in 
this way, as the people of the South had been for years, their 
Constitutional rights disregarded, goaded by these bitter de- 
nunciations, because they dared to claim and exercise their 
rights, is to be wondered that in i860, when the bitter warfare 
culminated in the election of a president, who was the em- 
bodiment and representative of all this accumulated hostility 
and feeling of the Free States against the Slave States, that 
there should be a strong and almost universal desire, on the 
part of the latter to withdraw from and sever all political union 
with the former? 

^Lincoln was possessed of a kind and sympathetic heart, and had 
no desire to be unjust to any one knowingly, and had he be^n 
left to pursue the dictates of his own best judgment, the bloody 
Civil war would have been avoided, and some peaceful adjust- 
ment found of the slave trouble. While Lincoln declared that 
the government could not stand part free and part slave, he 
also declared that he had no desire to interfere with slavery in 
the states where it was established. However, the fanataical 
hatred of slavery and the slaveholder was so violent and pow- 
erful, so overwhelming and all-controlling, that Lincoln could 
no more stay its course than he could the force and devasta- 
tion of the cyclone. Situated as he was, he could do nothing 
but respond to the popular sentiment of the Free States, and 
simply register their will. After having embarked, however 
much against his will it may have been, in the attempt to force 
the people of the South back into the Lmion, the pride he would 
naturally feel in being successful, came to his support, and he 
became willing to sanction any measure that held out the prom- 
ise of achieving the end. Hence his proclamation emancipat- 

24 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

irig the slaves, though he had declared he had no desire to m- . 
terfere with slavery in the States. 

-Notwithstanding Lincoln finally threw himself with all his 
energy and power of mind into the struggle to conquer the 
South, his death just before the close of the war was a 
most unfortunate thing for the people of the Confederacy. With 
his kind and gentle disposition and his popularity with the peo- 
ple of the Free States, he could measureably have had his will, 
and would have been disposed to extend to the Southern people 
the hand of sympathy and forgiveness, and the fearful meas- 
ures of reconstruction would never have developed. The growth 
of the anti-slavery sentiment may be well illustrated by the votes 
cast for the Abolition candidates for President of the United 
States in the following years : 

~ : 1840, James G .Birney, Liberty, 7,059 votes. ; ■ 

- 1844, James G. Birney Liberty, 62,300 votes. 
1848, Martin Van Buren, Freesoiler, 291,263 votes. 
1852, John P. Hale, Freesoiler, 156,149 votes. 
, 1856, John C. Frecmont, Republican, 1,341,262 votes. 
.i860, Abraham Lncoln, Republican, 1, 866,352 votes. 
'In the election of i860 Douglas received 1,375,157 votes; 
Breckenridge, 875,534, and Bell, 589,581. These three candi- 
dates represented different phases of democracy, and while the 
votes cast for them exceeded the votes cast for Lincoln by 973,- 
920, the great majority of the Northern Democrats who nomi- 
nated and supported Douglas were in favor of ''Squatter 
Sovereignty," the doctrine that the inhabitants of a territory- be- 
fore it became a State, could adopt or abolish slavery. 

While Douglas posed as a Democrat, the platform on which 
he was nominated, while not expressly endoring "Squatter 
Sovereignty/' gave no substantial guarantee of the protection of 
the equal rights of the South in the Union, or practical assur- 
ance that the slaveholder w r ould be protected in his rights of 
property in his slave. The supporters of Bell were Unionists, 
in favor of fighting for the rights of the South inside of the 
Union. In none of these platforms on which Lincoln, Douglas, 
and Bell were nominated, did the majority of the people of the 
slave states find any satisfactory security for the institution of 
slavery, or for their slave property ; and they supported Breck- 
enridge, who represented the Southern sentiment and feeling on 
the slavery question. The experience of the slave-holder in 
Kansas, had demonstrated that slavery had no chance along- 

Recollections of Judge Wm. D. Wood. . 25 

side of sharp rifles and '"'Squatter Sovereignty," and would never 
be tolerated in any of the then existing territories of the Union. 

In addition to the anti-slavery vote for Lincoln, a large 
proportion of the vote polled for Douglas represented a like 
anti-slavery sentiment, so that the election of i860 showed 
that the voting population of the Union, by an overwhelming 
majority, was opposed to the institution of slavery, its exist- 
ence in the States where established, and its extension into new 

The South recognized the doom of slavery in the Union, and 
that withdrawal from the Union could alone perpetuate the 


IN 1835. 

Contributed By Thomas M. Owen, Montgomery, Ala. 

The following documents illustrate an episode of a very in- 
teresting- character in the anti-slavery controversy between the 
South and the Abolitionists in the thirties. The latter early 
foresaw the value of the press and the circulation of literature 
against the institution of slavery, not only as a means of arous- 
ing public opinion everywhere, but also as a means of irritat- 
ing the South and Southern leaders. This literature, it is need- 
less to observe, was regarded as highly incendiary, and its ap- 
pearance aroused the keenest indignation in all parts of the 
South. The Southern newspaper press uniformly denounced 
it, and in Alabama, as is shown by the documents herewith, the 
whole matter received the serious consideration of the courts 
and of the chief executive. Notwithstanding the indictment of 
Williams and the demand for his surrender to the courts of Ala- 
bama, the New York executive took a different view and the 
demand was not complied with. v The agitation of the Aboli- 
tionists continued; and the South burning with resentment, be- 
came a practical unit in opposition to their propaganda. 

The documents are from the sources indicated. T. M. O. 

Editorial, Expression on the: Indictment of Robert G. 
Williams, Editor oe "The Emancipator." 

(From the Flag of the Union, Tuscaloosa, reprinted in The Demo- 
crat, Huntsville, Ala., Oct. 14, 1835.) 

The Grand Jury of Tuscaloosa county on Friday, the 26th, 
ult. [Sept.], returned a true-bill, against Robert G. Williams, 
the Editor of "The Emancipator," of New York, for circulat- 
ing within our State, pamphlets and papers of a seditious and 
incendiary character, and tending by gross misrepresentation, 
and illicit appeals to the passions, to excite to insurrection and 
murder our slave population. This course was adopted by the 
jury after a calm and deliberate investigation of the subject, 
and a full examination of the obnoxious documents, which have 
for some months since been transmitted to our citizens, through 


Alabama Pkotest Against Abolitionism. 27 

the medium of the mails, by the above mentioned individual, 
notwithstanding they were not only unwilling to receive them, 
but looked upon their circulation, as a gross and im- 
pudent insult, and a base and malicious interference 
with their best and most valuable interests, and a di- 
rect violation of the known and severe penal laws of the State. 
Under these circumstances and feeling a deep obligation to our 
fellow citizens, to support and protect from impious violence 
their privileges and possessions, and to sustain and enforce, in 
their purity and vigor, the laws of the land, the Grand Jury 
have, with much prudence and propriety, presented the above 
named individual to the legal authorities of the country, as a 
malicious infringer of the established laws of the State. This 
individual Robert G. Williams, is the publisher and ostensible 
proprietor and editor of the Emancipator, and several other 
publications, issued in the city of New York, and which have 
for their object the total and immediate abolition of slavery, as 
it now exists in the Southern States. Under these circum- 
stances he was therefore, although an unimportant individual 
himself, selected from the mass of the Northern Abolitionists, 
as a fit subject for indictment. 

We learn, though not authentically, that a demand will be 
made by the Governor of this State upon the Executive of 
New York, for his delivery in pursuance of the Constitution, 
to the authorities of Alabama. Should such a demand be made, 
it will involve the consideration of several questions of consti- 
tutional and international law 7 , which have already begun to en- 
gage the attention of the public in several of our sister States. 

The clause of the constitution upon which such a demand 
would be made, says, a "person charged with treason, felony 
or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in an- 
other State, shall on demand of the Executive authority of 
the State, from which he fled, be delivered up to the State hav- 
ing jurisdiction of the crime." 

From the language of this article, which is the only one in 
the constitution, touching the subject, it would seem that the 
crime should not only be perpetrated within the borders of the 
State, DUt that the individual himself should actually be within 
the State. This is the letter of the constitution, and is believed 
by many to be the only circumstances under which a demand 
could be made, viz : that the individual should be a fugutive 
from the State, where the crime was perpetrated. Now if this 
is the meaning of the constitution, we can certainly have under 

28 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

it, no claim upon the Executive of New York, or any other 
State, for any person violating- our criminal statutes, so long as 
they do not come within our border. 

We think, however, that the Constitution intends otherwise; 
that the true spirit of it is, that any person violating the crim- 
inal laws of any State, and being without its jurisdiction, shall 
upon demand be given up to the State where the crime was 
committed. The word fleeing, was intended merely to express 
the fact of his absence, from the jurisdiction of the State of- 
fended, and not to express a species of locomotion necessary to 
be performed before the crime would be fully perpetrated. The 
criminality would be the same, should an individual, standing 
upon the Georgia bank of the Chattahoochie (where that river 
is*the dividing line between Alabama and Georgia) willfully 
and maliciously shoot down a person on the Alabama shore, as 
as if he were to come over into Alabama, commit the act, and 
flee to Georgia, and we believe the Governor of Alabama would 
have as strong a constitutional right to demand him from the 
Executive of Georgia, in the one case as the other. 

This question, however, is one of great difference of opinion, 
and is well deserving the consideration of the politicians and 
lawyers of the country. 

. Demand on Governor Marcey by Governor Gayle eor the 

Arrest oe Williams. 

{From $ke original letter.) 

Executive Department, Alabama, 
Tuskaloosa, 14th November- 183;. 

I have the honor to transmit to you, a demand under the Con- 
stitution and laws of the United States, for Robert G. Williams, 
and a copy of an Indictment recently found against him, by the 
grand jury of Tuskaloosa County, in this State, for attempting 
to produce insurrection and rebellion among our slave popula- 
tion, in the manner set forth in the Indictment. It is admitted 
that the offender was not in the State when his crime was com- 
mitted and that he has not fled therefrom, according to the strict 
literal import of that term. But he has evaded the justice of 
our laws, and according to the interpretation which mature re- 
flection has led me to place upon the constitution, should be de- 
livered up for trial, to the authorities of this State. 

My views, somewhat at length, are contained in a Message, 

Alabama Protest Against Abolitionism. 29 

which will be sent to the General Assembly, which convenes on 
Monday next, and I take the liberty to enclose a copy of so 
much of it, as embraces this deeply exciting & interesting 
subject. Should your excellency concur with me in opinion, I 
have to request, that Williams be arrested and confined, until 
I can despatch an Agent to conduct him to Alabama. 
I have the honor to be very respectfully, 

Yr obt Servt, 

John Gayle. 
His Excellencv Gov. Marcey. 
[Albany, N. Y.] 

Extract from the Message of Governor Gayle to the 
Alabama Legislature. 

(From the Journal of the Alabama House of Representatives, 17th 
Session, November 1835, pp. 12-14. Message dated Nov. 17, 1835.) 

[Tuscaloosa, Ala., Nov. 17, 1835.] 
The whole country has recently, been much agitated, by a 
disclosure of the measures which have been adopted, and the 
attempts which have been made and are now making, to inter- 
fere with and destroy the institution of slavery, as it exists in 
the South. The purpose of this interference, as avowed by its 
authors, is the immediate abolition of slavery, at any hazard and 
by whatever means they may deem necessary to its accomplish- 
ment. The expedient of sending to the south, for distribution 
among our slave population, immense numbers of tracts, mis- 
representations and pictures, calculated to render them dissatis- 
fied with their condition and to incite them to rebellion against 
their masters, has been adopted as the readiest way to introduce 
the bloody scenes of the drama which has been deliberately plot- 
ted for our ruin, and which, influenced by the dark spirit of fa- 
natacism ; they are resolved to perform. 

This attempt to interfere with an institution, peculiarly and 
entirely our own, which no power on earth can control with- 
out our consent, which existed previous to the formation of the 
constitution and has been sanctioned, ratified and confirmed by 
that instrument, has roused the whole South, as one man, to 
the highest pitch of indignation. They have been moved almost 
simultaneously and without concert to hold large public meet- 
ings, and to adopt resolutions showing, that understanding 
their rights they are determined to maintain them as becomes 

30 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

free men. Deeply and horribly impressed with the shocking ca- 
lamities that must attend a servile and domestic war, they will 
not permit the question of slavery to be discussed, since discus- 
sion will inevitably produce the evils they so much deprecate. 

Arthur Tappan and the infuriate demoniacs associated with 
him, as if intending - to add to injury, gravely maintain, that the 
freedom of opinion and the liberty of the press, secured by our 
institutions, give them a warrant for overflowing this country 
with their licentious and incendiary publications. And in the 
very midst of the excitement which has prevailed at the North ; 
when our brethren, in that quarter were loud and indignant in 
expressing their disapprobation of the reckless course of these 
fanatics, they appealed, in a printed and formal document, to 
the American people to sustain them, under the pretext of free 
discussion, in their efforts to light up our land by the midnight 
conflagration of our dwellings, and to effect the indiscrimi- 
nate slaughter of our wives of our sons and our daughters. 

Nothing is more to be regretted, than the attempts which have 
been made by partisan newspapers to connect this subject with 
the contest that is now going on for the office of President of 
the United States. The politicians of the South who do not fa- 
vor the pretentions of a Northern candidate for this high office, 
are charged with endeavoring to keep up and increase the abo- 
lition excitement, with the foul design of dissolving the Union, 
while it is maintained, on the other hand, that the candidate al- 
luded to is in favor of the principles and friendly to the views 
of the Northern incendaries. These mutual accusations are il- 
liberal and unjust, because they are made without any proof 
whatever and it is believed have not the slightest foundation in 
truth. They serve to show the bitterness of party spirit, and 
the unprincipled devices to which editors of the present dav will 
resort, for the purpose of proving their devotion to particular 
individuals. If the exertions of those who are endeavoring to 
distract the councils and to paralyze the efforts which the South 
are making to guard against the dangers of the impending cri- 
sis, should be attended with success — if by threatening the peo- 
ple of the slave holding states with the odium of a connexion 
with this or that political creed, they can induce any consider- 
able portion of them to abandon or become indifferent to a 
cause in which their highest interests and their whole fortune are 
vitally at stake, they may succeed in making a President, but 
it is fearfully apprehended, that a dissolution of the Union will 
be among the early fruits of their victory, for no one of com- 
mon discernment can doubt, that unless the Northern fanatics 

Alabama Protlst Against Abolitionism. 31 

arc prevented by timely measures from pursuing their mad ca- 
reer, this event will certainly and speedily take place. 

We are told that public sentiment in the North is decidedly 
in our favor, and that the large and numerous public meetings 
which have been called throughout the non-slave-holding states, 
demonstrate that the majority is too overwhelming to be re- 
sisted—that, with these favorable indications before us, we 
should not agitate this subject in the South, and that it is our 
duty to rely, for safety, upon the force of public opinion in that 
quarter. Our Northern brethren deserve and will command our 
gratitude for the interest they have taken in our behalf, and 
there can be little doubt that the majority against the abilition- 
ists is very large, but this reasoning is wholly erroneous and de- 
lusive. He who believes that fanaticism can be put down by pub- 
lic opinion, has a very imperfect knowledge of human nature, 
and must be deaf to the lessons and admonitions of history. 
So far from this being the case, the opposition to public opin- 
ion is the aliment, the food that feeds, nourishes and sustains 
this dark and fiendish passion. Of this, no stronger proof 
could be offered than the success, with which the efforts of 
these false philanthropists have been crowned, in opposition to 
the concentrated force of public opinion throughout the North- 
ern States. Indeed they never acquired any considerable noto- 
riety until this opposition commenced. Under its heaviest pres- 
sure, if the information we have received be correct, they have 
established 250 anti-slavery societies, and about thirty presses, 
from one of which, they send forth weekly, from twenty-five 
to fifty thousand incendiary pamphlets, and other simi- 
lar publications. But a short while since, the whole pop- 
ulation of the State of New York, seemed to be aroused to the 
sense of the dangers threatened by the machinations of these 
societies. The largest public meetings which had ever been con- 
vened were speedily assembled, from which issued the most elo- 
quent and burning condemnation of the abolitionists ; and yet 
in the very face of these proceedings, imposing as they undoubt- 
edly were, they have called a convention of their associates, 
from the several counties and districts in that State, and their 
leader Tappan and others, in numerous handbills, have an- 
nounced their firm and unshaken purpose of renewing with in- 
creased energy, their exertions in favor of immediate abolition. 
It is obvious, therefore, that we blindly and obstinately deceive 
ourselves, if we entertain the belief that public opinion, unaided 
by the strong sanctions of the law, will have any other effect 
than to strengthen the hands of this dangerous and insidious 

32 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

enemy. It has been improperly admitted by writers in the 
South, who have engaged in discussing this subject, that the 
constitution and laws of the United States, in regard to fugi- 
tives from justice, do not authorize a demand for the delivery 
of those incendiaries, to the States whose laws they have vio- 
lated. The opinion has been embraced under the erroneous im- 
pression, that the rules of strict construction, which, with great 
propriety apply to certain parts of the constitution, must neces- 
sarily apply to all others. They do not appear to have observed 
the obvious distinction, between those provisions of this instru- 
ment, which transfer powers to the General Government, and 
those which confirm and enlarge the rights of the States as they 
existed previous to its formation. When the States achieved 
their independence, they had no rules to regulate their inter- 
course with each other, but such as could be derived from the 
law of nations. This law, as laid down by Vattel in relation to 
offenders is, that a sovereign "ought not to suffer his subjects 
to molest the subjects of others, or do them an injury; much 
less should he permit them audaciously to offend foreign pow- 
ers. He ought to oblige the guilty to repair the damage, if that 
be possible — to inflict upon him exemplary punishment, or in. 
short, according to the nature and circumstances attending it, 
to deliver him up to the offended State, there to receive justice." 
The rule as stated by this eminent author was defective, as it 
left it too much in the power of the State applied to, to judge 
of the nature of the crime, for which an offender should be de- 
livered up, and as no mode of proceeding was specified, in mak- 
ing the demand, and no compulsory obligation imposed to in- 
sure a compliance with it, when made. To remedy these de- 
fects, the constitution provides, that "a person charged in any 
State, with treason, felony or other crime, who shall flee from 
justice and be found in another, shall, on demand of the execu- 
tive authority of the State from which he fled, be removed 
to the State having jurisdiction of the crime." It is contended 
that by this clause, unless a man actually flee, run away or vol- 
untarily go into another State, he cannot be demanded by the 
Governor of the State in which his crime was committed. The 
expression flee, is not as comprehensive as others that might 
have been employed, but, as the great object of this provision 
was. to secure the punishment of offenders, and thereby pre- 
serve the harmony of the States, according to all the known 
rules of construction, it should be taken in the sense in which 
jt was used by the framers of the Constitution. The word flee 
as it occurs in this clause is synonymous with the word evade. 

Alabama Protest Against Abolitionism:. 33 

It would be trifling with the dignity and importance of the sub- 
ject, to confine this expression strictly to its literal meaning, for 
it would lead to the absurd conclusion, that if an offender leaves 
the State by any means whatever, without his consent, he could 
not be demanded or surrendered up to the justice of our laws. 
Suppose the case of a man guilty of murder here, who is con- 
veyed by force to Georgia, and is tried and acquitted for sup- 
posed offenses against the laws of that State. He chooses after- 
wards to reside in Georgia, and according to the position as- 
sumed, cannot be demanded of the executive, for he did not ilee 
from justice, if to flee is a voluntary act. This provision of 
the constitution should receive the most liberal construction, for 
the reason that it is in favor of the rights of the States, and be- 
cause, without such construction, they will be deprived of the 
power of self protection. It is undoubtedly true, that the States 
of the Union, in all their reserved rights, occupy to each other 
the relation of independent sovereignties, and any one of them 
has the right to demand redress and satisfaction for injuries done 
by the others or by their citizens. But having expressk relin- 
quished the power to enter into treaties, grant letters of marque 
and reprisal, &c, the only means to which resort can be had to 
secure the obligations which exist between independent States, 
we should, if we rely on the national code, be restricted simply 
to the privilege of preferring our complaints without the power 
of enforcing them. Influenced by the views herein expressed, 
I have transmitted to the Governor of New York, a copy of an 
indictment, found by the Grand Jury of Tuscaloosa county at 
their late session, against one of these incendiary editors, by the 
name of Williams, accompanied with a demand for his delivery 
for trial to the authorities of this State. From the high charac- 
ter of the Chief Magistrate of New York, from his known at- 
tachment to the Union and the just and liberal views he enter- 
tains towards the institutions and people of the South, there is 
no doubt that he will examine the subject with the most favor- 
able dispositions, and with a sincere desire to render impartial 
justice, and to arrive at a correct interpretation of the constitu- 
tion. After all, the question is rendered doubtful, as many per- 
sons in the South, respectable for intelligence and political re- 
search, hawe published opinions different from mine, and it is 
not improbable that these opinions will be embraced by our 
Northern brethren. Such are the perils of our situation — the 
dangers by which we are surrounded, that it is certainly the 
part of wisdom and prudence not to rest our case on any doubt- 
ful issue. We should look to those measures of safety and re- 

34 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

sort to them at once, which will place us beyond the reach of 
these unprincipled fanatics. Should the right to demand them, 
be admitted, it may well be questioned whether that would pro- 
tect us against the evils of which we complain. As the evi- 
dence to be brought against them will have to be collected in 
the States where their schemes and machinations are prepared, 
it would be difficult, if not impracticable, to convict them, ac- 
cording to the rules which have been laid down in criminal 
prosecutions, for the security and protection of the citizen. It 
is believed, therefore, that no remedy short of severe penal 
statutes, passed by the States where slavery does not exist, 
will be effectual for our relief. They themselves entertain no 
doubt of their right to pass these laws, and they are called upon 
to do so, by the solemn behests of the constitution, by the noble 
efforts of our ancestors for independence, and by the blessings 
we all derive from our glorious and happy Union. 

\ 339755 

By Saixie Fleming Oedway, Auburn, Ala. 

To the general reader John Bell is known merely as the un- 
successful candidate of the Constitutional Union party for pres- 
ident in i860. But his nomination by this conservative party of 
able men was really the reward of years of important service in 
State and national affairs, and it is the irony of fate that after 
a well rounded life full of usefulness, success, and honor, his 
name should be remembered only by his association with a po- 
litical movement that failed. 

He was born on February 15, 1797, near Nashville, Tennes- 
see. He graduated at the University of Nashville in 1814, and 
began to practice law at Franklin in 181 6. The next year he was 
elected to the State Senate at the unusually early age of twenty, 
and served one term. He declined a re-election, and went back 
to his law practice. In this he was eminently successful, and 
gained a training and experience which helped him greatly 
when later on he went to Congress. - ■ 

In 1827 Mr. Bell entered public life as Congressman from 
Davidson county, winning the election in a very hot and ex- 
citing campaign over Felix Grundy, then in the height of his 
fame. Grundy was the favorite of General Jackson who gave 
him his open and cordial support and did all in his power to 
help him. He was a brilliant, well known, and very successful 
lawyer, twenty years Bell's senior, and had previously been a 
member of Congress. Bell was young, comparatively unknown, 
and this was his first political campaign. So it is remarkable 
with all the odds against him, Bell should have been elected by 
an over-whelming majority. He took his seat in Congress with 
a national reputation, and with strong feelings of resentment 
against the president. He was a Jackson-Democrat, but, though 
he supported most of the issues of Jackson's administration, 
there was already sown the seed of that dissension which was 

♦This paper was awarded the prize offered by the Lewis Chapter 
of P. A. R. at Eufaula, Ala., for the best piece of original research 
in American History done by any young woman student of the Ala- 
bama Polytechnic Institute. 

36 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

to cause a final separation of the two leading minds of Tennes- 
see and drive Bell into the ranks of the Whigs. 

In 1834 Bell was made speaker of the House, his main op- 
ponent being James K. Polk. The next year a similar contesct 
occurred, in which Polk won. These two speakership con- 
tests are said to be the only time when Tennesseans have been 
against each other in such an election. 

One of the most important questions of the earlier part of 
Jackson's administration was the one about removing the Cher- 
okee arid Creek Indians from Georgia. Bell was, at that time, 
chairman of the committee on Indian Affairs, and carried 
through successfully the policy, of the president. This was to 
force the Indians to move beyond the Mississippi and give them 
land there, and also to pay them for the land in Georgia which 
was thus taken from them contrary to the treaties formally 
made by the United States with them. 

The first real break between Jackson and Bell was in regard 
to the recharter of the National Bank and the removal of the 
government deposits from it. Jackson probably entered his 
administration with a feeling of opposition to the Bank. He 
soon questioned its constitutionality and its- expediency, called 
it a monopoly and- suggested that its financial condition was 
not sound. He claimed that the bank had been employing its 
means to prevent his re-election, and that it was now using its 
funds to buy up members of congress in order to get a renewal 
of its charter. It was thus becoming a dangerous means of 
corruption and an enemy to the government. As his mind 
was made up he went to work to carry out his plans. He de- 
termined to have the government deposits removed from it. 
But there was a law which required that the Secretary of the 
Treasury should have the sole power to remove these deposits, 
and that he must at once report to congress his reasons for such 
action. So Jackson remodeled his cabinet twice before he 
finally found a man willing to do his bidding. Bell was among 
those who did not favor Jackson's course in regard to this af- 
fair. Jackson resented his disapproval, and there was a visible 
widening of the breach already made. 

From this time on, their relations grew more and more 
strained. In 1833 it became known that Jackson had deter- 
mined to make Van Buren his successor, and this caused great 
alarm in Tennessee, where Van Buren was very unpopular. It 
became rumored that Hugh L. White, a noted Tennessean, was 
going to be put up against Van Buren, and, to prevent this, 

Johx Bell. " 37 

Jackson offered him several offices, all of which he refused' and 
thus strengthened Jackson's fears. Jackson then made the un- 
fortunate threat that if White did come forward as a candidate 
he would ''render him adious to society." White was known as 
the purest and most spotless character, and he was so enraged by 
this speech that when the nomination was offered him a few days 
later, he accepted, contrary to his first intentions. Then followed 
one of the most furious political struggles ever waged in Ten- 
nessee. John Bell supported White and managed his campaign, 
in so far as it was managed at all. They both declared them- 
selves supporters of Jackson, and he was equally vehement in 
his declaration that they were not. In a speech made in Nash- 
ville on May 23, 1833, Mr. Bell said : "Opposition to the ad- 
ministration of Gen. Jackson is the course the worst enemies 
of judge White desire his friends to adopt. But, gentlemen, 
the friends of Judge White will adhere to Gen. Jackson and his 
administration from consistency and respect for their own char- 
acters, and because they will be supporting their own principles. " 
Out of this division of the Democratic-Republican party grew 
the Democrats, who supported Jackson, and the Whigs, of whom 
John Bell was the leader in Tennessee. Jackson established a 
newspaper in Nashville, "The Globe," and its attacks on Bell in 
which it said that White was "a tool in the hands of one deeper 
and more designing than himself — -one whose foul and deep-laid 
scheme it was to defeat Jackson's administration and strengthen 
the hands of his enemies," finally drove him to declare his oppo- 
sition to Jackson in his celebrated Vauxhall speech. Of course, 
as a result of this struggle, White was not elected, but he carried 
Tennessee, and even the Hermitage District by a vast majority. 
The only victory of the Jackson party during this time was that 
of James K. Polk over Bell as speaker in 1835. 
* Up to this time Bell had supported all of Jackson's measures 
except the question about the bank. He had objected to the pro- 
tective tariff of 1832, had favored the reduction of 1833, and 
had been with Jackson in his views on nullification until the 
question of the Force Bill came up. Now he was a Whig. In 
other words he had entered congress as a Jackson-Democrat, 
had differed from Jackson on some important matters, had 
been bold enough to defy him, and now not ten years later was 
the leader of the opposing faction. It is hard to say whether he 
came to believe deeply in such Whig doctrines as a protective 
tariff and internal improvements. In a speech made in con- 
gress June 8th, 1832, in regard to the tariff of 1832, he earnestly 

38 The Gulf States Hjstobical Magazine. 

opposed the so-called American system which he said was "the 
direct and baneful cause of the present distracted condition of 
the country/' while "the true American policy is to preserve the 
natural equality of rank and influence by discouraging the ac- 
cumulation of great wealth in the hands of individual citizens." 
He made a speech very soon after entering congress about 
the "Cumberland Road" which gave him an opportunity to ex- 
press his views on the subject of 'internal improvements." He 
is very much opposed to congress's having anything to do with 
what it has no constitutional right to act upon. Or to use his own 
words: "I have brought my mind to the conclusion that the 
assumption of the direction and superintendence of a system of 
internal improvements by Congress will lead to results of the 
most disastrous character — both to the prosperity and liberty of 
the people." 

In regard to the nullification controversy with South Carolina, 
Bell supported Jackson until the Force Bill came up. He was 
made chairman of the judiciary committee, and reported that 
the committee was not in favor of giving so much arbitrary 
power into the hands of one man. They thought the trouble 
should be stopped, but without the use of military force. 
. As early as 1830 the great storm about abolition petitions was 
already brewing, and its advance could be felt. Societies were 
being formed for the abolition of slavery in the Southern States, 
and in 1831 John Quincy Adams presented fifteen petitions 
from different counties of Pennsylvania to abolish slavery in the 
District of Columbia. At this time Mr. Bell displeased his 
Southern supporters by his views on the subject. He said: 
"With regard to the Constitutional power of Congress over this 
subject, I would say, that the only doubt I have of the existence 
of the power either to suppress the slave trade or to. abolish 
slavery in the District, is inspired by the respect I have for the 
opinions of so many distinguished and eminent men both in 
and out of Congress who hold that Congress has no such power. 
Reading the Constitution for myself, I believe that Congress 
has all the power over the subject in this District which the states 

have within their respective jurisdiction. — 

But, however great my respect may be for the opinions of others 
there are some considerations of such high account as in my 
judgment to make it desirable that unless by common consent 
the project of abolition shall be wholly given up, and disbanded, 
the remnant of slavery existing in the District should be abol- 
ished at once. At the present moment, however, the excited 

John Bell. 39 

state of public sentiment in the South, growing out of territo- 
rial questions seems to forbid such a course. — 

I would be glad to see all cause of disturbance and contention 
in the District wholly removed, but let me say that this can 
never be done by the abolition of slavery unless it be accom- 
plished by some adequate provision for the removal of the ef- 
fective control of the slaves after they shall have been emanci- 
pated. With this qualification and in order to test the determ- 
ination of the North in regard to any further and continued ag- 
gression upon Southern feelings and the security of Southern 
property, I would be blad to see slavery in the District abolished 
today. In one aspect of the subject I am not sure that it 
would not be a great conservative measure, both as regards the 
Union and the interests of the South ; this District once re- 
lieved of all sources of dissension we should be speedily enlight- 
ened on the question whether the North would stop there or 
raise new and dangerous issues." The question was finally set- 
tled by saying it would be unjust to interfere until Virginia and 
Maryland did. But petitions kept pouring in, and an equal 
number came from the South, begging that no. abolition peti- 
tions be received. This was felt by the conservative men, North, 
and South, to be a great mistake, as the cause of slavery be- 
came thus identified with the denial of the freedom of speech 
and writing. Mr. Bell's speeches in favor of receiving the abo- 
lition petitions are considered among his best, and are among 
the strongest made on the subject. He favored their reception, 
not because he was opposed to slavery but because he consid- 
ered freedom of speech as a part of our inherent rights as Eng- 

After the Whig victory in 1841, John Bell was made secre- 
tary of war in President Harrison's cabinet. Harrison died. 
Bell did not like his successor, Tyler, and in the fall of the same 
year resigned, as did all of the cabinet except Webster. Bell re- 
turned to Tennessee, and the next year he was urged to come 
forward as candidate for a vacancy in the Senate, but declined 
in favor of Ephraim H. Foster. Returning to the practice 
of law he became successful and eminent. In 1847 ne became a 
member of the House of Representatives of Tennessee, and from 
that body was sent to the United States Senate. The war with 
Mexico was then in progress, and on February 2, 1848, he deliv- 
ered a speech on that subject in the Senate which some described 
as the ablest made on the question, and which alone, it is said, 
"would stamp him as a statesman of the first rank." In Marsh's 

40 The Gi/lf States Historical Magazine. 

Reminiscences of Congress it is staled that Calhoun and Webster 
were attentive listeners, and that Calhoun declared it to be ex- 
haustive of the subject. 

The next great political issue was the California-Oregon 
question. The bill first presented to Congress provided that 
California should be admitted as a free state without going- 
through any territorial condition, and that slavery should be for- 
ever excluded from Oregon territory. This caused a perfect 
storm of debate between Northern and Southern men. Clay, as 
usual, offered a compromise measure, and during the course of 
the speeches on this, en February 18, before Calhoun or Web- 
ster presented their views, Mr. Bell came forward with propo- 
sitions supporting Clay. He suggested that California be ad- 
mitted as a commonwealth, and that each territory be allowed. In 
making its State constitution, to "have the sole and exclusive 
right to regulate and suggest all questions of internal state pol- 
icy of whatever nature they may be, controlled only by the re- 
strictions expressly imposed by the Constitution of the United 
States." These resolutions were referred to a committee 
but nothing was done for some time. Calhoun, in his speeches, 
set forth his doctrine that the Constitution protected slaves as 
well as all other property, and that Congress had no right to leg- 
islate against slavery in any territory. He declared that whether 
the North now gave the South a compromise, would settle defi- 
nitely the question of the dissolution of the Union. Bell, con- 
servative as always, spoke gainst Calhoun's extreme views, and 
said that though he was a Southern man, and deeply involved 
in Southern interests, he still believed that Calhoun had placed 
the South in a wrong position when he assumed that by the de- 
cision of that question (slavery in the Oregon territory) the die 
would be cast and the issue then made would involve the dissolu- 
tion of the Union. Mr. Bell had supported Clay all the while, 
and was on the Committee of Thirteen which was appointed to 
consider the various resolutions, and which presented the com- 
promise of 1850 in its final form. 

, During the course gf the debates on this subject, Clav be- 
came rather bitter against General Taylor, on account of his at- 
titude toward the compromise, and in one speech he declared 
that if General Taylor would only do his part, the bill could 
easily be passed. Mr. Bell defended General Taylor's course 
in a very able speech, saying that "General Taylor had been 
influenced in his course upon this subject by the highest and 
noblest motives of duty and patriotism." Near the close of his 

John Beix. 41 

remarks, he said, ''The president announced that he still ad- 
hered to the plan he had proposed, and the old question is pre- 
sented whether Mahomet will come to the mountain, or the 
mountain come to Mahomet. I do not undertake to say which 
is Mahomet or which the mountain." To which Clay quickly 
fesponded, ''I beg pardon, but I only wanted the mountain to 
let me alone." ■ 

In 1853 the country was again torn asunder by the struggle 
over the Kansas-Nebraska bill of Stephen A. Douglas. This 
bill provided that the eastern part of the Platte country be di- 
vided into two territories to be called Kansas and Nebraska. All 
of this region was north of the line of 36° 30'; and the bill con- 
tained a clause repealing the Missouri Compromise and allow- 
ing, the people of the Territories to decide whether or not they 
would have slavery. In a letter on this subject written on 
April 21, 1854, Mr. Bell says: "When I saw all the South go- 
ing headlong into the support of the measure, and some of my 
colleagues as zealous as any others, however strange and unac- 
countable it was to me, I was really desirous of not breaking 
the ranks ; but I found three of my Whig colleagues in the 
House resolved to go against it, and I finally resolved to obey 
the dictates of my own judgment and go with them. I could 
not have voted for the bill in any event, as it contained pro- 
visions I was deeply committed against at the last session of 

Congress I thought the proposal to repeal the 

Missouri Compromise a most foolish and mischievous one .... 

The whole movement by Douglas from the first was to 

get up some counter excitement to call off the public attention 
from the conduct of the administration The South- 
ern Democrats went in for the repeal, I think as a good party 
move to show the South that, altho' the administration bestowed 
so many offices on free-soilers and abolitionists, still he (Pierce) 
was a strong Southern man in his principles. Some of the se- 
cession and fire eating Democratic members doubtless went in 
for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, foreseeing that it 
would create great excitement at the North, but rejoiced at the 
thought, as it tended to get up a general agitatiaon which 
might end in the separation of the Union." The storv of the 
storm of debates in House and Senate on this question is too 
well known to need repeating. Mr. Bell made on March 3, an 
exceedingly able speech on the repeal of the Missouri Compro- 
mise line, considered by some as the greatest effort of his long 
and useful career. He based his objections partly on the in- 
justice to the Indians. He says : "I have not heard any of 

42 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

those who seem on other occasions to have such a superabund- 
ant flow of the milk of. human kindness — such deep and pro- 
found sensibilities awakened whenever the condition of the 
black is alluded to — say one word when it is proposed to strip 

the red man of his whole country not one is found to 

raise his voice against such a general spoliation of Indian 
Rights." The rest of his speech was a logical setting 
forth of the three propositions : that popular sovereignty could 
not be established in the territories by an act of Congress, that 
the passage of the bill before the Senate, attempting it, would 
produce a great development of the anti-slavery sentiment at the 
'North, and that no practical good could come to the South by 
the repeal of the restriction to slavery extension in the act of 
1820. By this speech and his vote against the bill, he did 
not please his constitutents, but it might have been wiser had 
they followed his words of warning. When the question of the 
Lecompton Constitution for Kansas was brought up, he once 
more voted contrary to the way the State Legislature desired, 
and even ordered him to do. For by a resolution passed Feb- 
ruary 10, 1858, the Legislature of Tennessee said: "That our 
Senators in the Congress of the United States are hereby in- 
structed to vote for the admission of Kansas as an 

-independent state under what is termed the Lecompton Consti- 

After twelve years of service, he retired from the Senate in 
March, 1859. W« have now come to the last chapter of John 
Bell's political life, his nomination for President of the -United 
States by the Constitutional party. For seven years, be- 
fore he retired from the Senate, he had been a man without 
a party, for the Whig party w r as dead, and Bell of Tennessee and 
Crittenden of Kentucky were the sole representatives of this 
party in Congress. The Constitutional Union party originated 
chiefly with the friends of General Houston of Texas, who had 
separated from the Democratic party. So this new party wfok-h 
appeared for the first and last time in i860, was composed of 
the remnants of the old-line Whigs and of the American or 
Know-nothing party, and also many Democrats, too conserva- 
tive for any faction of their own party and opposed to the Re- 
publican doctrine. It is a noteworthy fact that there were few 
young men among them. They included the most conservative 
men of the North and South, and many of the most able. The 
convention met at Baltimore on May 10, i860. General Hous- 
ton w r as Bell's main opponenet, and on the first ballot he was 
within nine votes of Bell, but on the second ballot Bell was almost 

John Bell. 43 

unanimously nominated for president, with Edward Everett 
for vice-president. This party, thus represented, agreed in its 
platform to "recognize no political principle other than the con- 
stitution of the country, the union of the states, and the enforce- 
ment of the laws," because, as they said, all political platforms 
were deceptive. In the election they carried the three states, 
Tennessee, Kentucky and Virginia, and most of Maryland. The 
electoral vote was thirty-nine, with a popular vote of 646,124. 
The six months following the election and immediately pre- 
oeeding the war were full of anxiety for Bell and his friends 
in Tennessee. The governor of Tennessee, Isham G. Harris, 
was a strong secessionist, and also a man of great ability and 
determination. The first attempt to take Tennessee out of the 
Union was unsuccessful, but when Lincoln made his call for 
volunteers and it became evident that the seceding states were 
going to be forced to come back into the Union, the situation 
became intense and Tennessee seceded. Bell approved of her 
course. Indeed on April 18, 1861, Mr. Bell, in connection with 
some of his colleagues, issued an address to the people of 
Tennessee, in which they said : "Tennessee is called upon by the 
President to furnish two regiments and the state has, through 
her executive, refused to comply with the call. This refusal of 
our state we fully approve We unqualifiedly dis- 
approve of secession both as a constitutional right, and as a 

remedy for existing evils But should a purpose be 

developed by the government of over- running and subjugating 
our brethren of the seceded states, we say unequivocally that it 
will be the duty of the state to resist at all hazards and at any- 
cost and by force of arms any such purpose or attempt." There 
is no doubt that these were Mr. Bell's sentiments. He was a 
Whig and a Union man, but he was a loyal Tennessean and a 
Southern statesman, and while he loved the Union, he loved his 
state more, and when he found he could not lead the state he 
went with it. He never believed that the South could win, but 
his sense of duty made him stand by it. From this time on 
there was nothing in life for him. He supported the Confed- 
eracy, but took no active part in the war, and after 1861 we do 
not hear of him as a public man. 

Mr. Bell has been greatly blamed for the part he played in the 
war by Northern writers, particularly Blaine and Greeley. Blaine 
says: "If Mr. Bell had taken firm ground for the Union, 
the secession movement would have been to a very great ex- 
tent paralyzed in the South A large share of the re- 

44 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

sponsibility for the dangerous development of the rebellion must 
be attributed to John Bell and his half million Southern sup- 
porters of the old Whig party. At the critical moment they sig- 
nally failed." Blaine makes two mistakes. He assigns greater 
power and influence to Bell and his supporters than they pos- 
sessed in reality, and he also seems to imply an insincerity on 
Bell's part. A review of his previous career is sufficient to dis- 
prove this accusation ; his action in the Ivansas-Nebraska bill 
and Lecompton affairs was both independent and honorable ; 
and it is hardly probable that he would close a life of the most 
conscientious statesmanship, by an act of insincerity. Rather 
would we think that it was the sincercst patriotism which led 
him to lay aside his own cherished sentiments when his state 
demanded his support.* 

*The following are the principal authorities used in the prepara- 
tion of the foregoing paper: 

James Phelan's History of Tennessee. Appleton's Cyclopedia of 
American Biography. Congressional Globe, Vols. v. and viii. Nash- 
ville Daily American, Jan. 10, 1898. Montgomery Daily Wail, July 
17, 1860. Benton's Abridgment of the Debates in Congress, Vol. 
xii. Burgess's Middle Period. Sixteenth Section of the Bank Act. 
Dixon's True History of the Missouri Compromise and its Repeal. 
Wilson's Rise and Fall of Slave Power in America, Vol. 11. J. F. 
Rhodes' History of the United States. Olympian Magazine. April 
1903. Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress. MeClure's Our Presidents 
.and How V/e Make Them. 

THE CRAWFORDS, i 643-1903. 

Contributed By Edward Aiken Crawford, Midway, Fla. 

I. John Crawford, the first of the name and blood to reach 
these shores, was born in Ayrshire, Scotland, in the year 1600, 
and landed at Jamestown,, Virginia, in 1643. His only child, 
David, came with him, his wife having died some years previ- 
ously in Scotland. He was killed during "Bacon's Rebellion," 
in 1676. 

II. David Crawford was born in Ayrshire, Scotland, in 
1625, and married in James City County, Virginia, in 1654. 
We do not know the name or history of his wife, but their 
children were ; Elizabeth, m. Nicholas Meriwether ; 2, Judith 
m. Robert Lewis; 3. Angelina, m. William McGuire ; 4. Capt. 

David, rn. Elizabeth Smith ; and 5. John, m. . His infant 

daughter Angelina w r as baptized Nov. 2nd, 1689, and he died 
Dec. 13th, 1689. Church records show these facts, and noth- 
ing more is known concerning the family. 

III. Capt. David Crawford was born in 1662, m. Elizabeth 
Smith in 1695; d. in 1762, aged a few months more than 100 
years. Their children were: 1. David, m. Ann Anderson; 2. 

♦Mr. Crawford has in preparation an exhaustive history of the 
Crawford family containing a brief account of the Crawfords in 
Scotland from the founding of the family in 1123, and a history of 
them in this country from the landing of John Crawford and his son 
David at Jamestown, Virginia, in 1643 to the present time. The 
compiler has devoted many years to the collection of data for this 
work, corresponding with, and securing liable records from hun- 
dreds of the descendants of John and David Crawford in all parts of 
the country, searching church and court-house records, public and 
private libraries and all other available sources of information. Th • 
personal sketches are, for the most part, prepared by writers who 
had intimate personal knowledge of their subjects, and are, there- 
fore, the more accurate and interesting, and the numerous engrav- 
ings will include those of Hon. William Harris Crawford, Major 
Joel Crawford, Hon. Martin Jenkins Crawford. Major John Craw- 
ford, Rev. Nathaniel Macon Crawford. Dr. John Lovic Crawford, Rev. 
William Bibb Crawford, Hon. Bennett Hamilton Crawford, Hon. Na- 
than Anderson Crawford, Capt. Charles Peter Crawford, Hon. Henry 
Clay Crawford and many others. The history will be out about Dec. 
15, 1903. 

46 The Gulf Siates Historical Magazine. 

Elizabeth, m. James Martin ; 3, John, m. Mary Duke ; 4. Mary, 
m. John Rhodes; 5. Judith, m. Joseph Terry; and 6. Michael, 
m. Elizabeth Terrell, in South Carolina. 

IV. (r.) David Crawford was born in 1697; m. Ann An- 
derson in 1727; d. 1766. Their children were: 1. Susanna, m. 
Nathaniel Barnett ; 2. John, m. (1) Sarah Smith, (2) Eliza- 
beth Moore; 3. Elizabeth, d. unm. ; 4. David, m. Lucy Hender- 
son 5. Joel, m. Fanny Harris ; 6. Charles, m. Jane Maxwell ; 7. 
Sarah, m. John Jacobs; 8. Mary, m. Charles Yancey; 9. Hon. 
Nathan, m. (1) Judith Anderson, (2) Margaret Jewell; 10. 
Peter, d. unrn. ; 11. Nelson, d. unm.; 12. William, d. unm.; and 
13. Ann, m. Rev. Robert Yancey. 

(2.) John Crawford was born in 1701, m. Mary Duke in 
1724. It is not known when either of them died, but their 
children were: 1. William, m. Elizabeth Lewis; 2. Elizabeth, 
n ; 3. David, n ; 4. Mary, n ; and 5. John , n. Nothing is known 
concerning the history of the last four of these children. 

(3.) Michael Crawford was born in 1707, m. Elizabeth 
Terrell in 1730; d. in 1776. It is believed that they had two 
daughters also, but the only children of whom there are rec- 
ords were : 1. John Hardy, m. Massie ; 2. James, m. — — ; 

and 3. Thomas, m.. Elizabeth Alston in Edgecomb County, 
North Carolina. 

V. (1.) John Crawford was born in 1731, m. Sarah Smith 
in 1755, and Elizabeth Moore in 1767. There were six children 
by the first marriage and four by the second as follows: 1, 
Thomas , d. unm ; 2. Ann, m. John Gibson ; 3. John m. Rebecca 
Snyder; 4. Elizabeth, m. John Garnett; 5. Sarah, m. Hon. Sol- 
omon Marshall ; 6. Peter, m. Mary Ann Crawford ; 7. William 
d. unm; 8. Nelson, d. unm; 9. Obadiah, d. unm; and 10. Sus- 
ana, m. Nathan Benton. 

(2.) David Crawford was born in 1734, m. Lucy Hender- 
son in 1756, d. in 1807. Their children were; 1. Capt. John, m. 
Man' Burroughs ; 2. William Sidney, m. Sophia Perm ; 3. Nel- 
son, m. Lucy Crawford; 4. Rev. Charles, m. Sarah Lewis; 5. 
Nathan, d. unm; 6. David, d. unm. 7. Reuben, killed, unm, in 
war of 1812; 8. Elizabeth, m. Nicholas C. Davies; 9. Ann, m. 
Roland Jones ; and 10. Sarah, m. Thomas W. Cocke. 

(3.) Hon. Joel Crawford was born in 1736, m. Fanny Har- 
ris in 1760, d. in 1788. Their children were: 1. Ann, m. Will- 
iam Barnett ; 2. Robert, m. Elizabeth Maxwell ; 3. Joel, m. Ann 
Barnett, 4; David, m. Mary Lee Woods; 5. Lucy, m. James 

TnE Cbawfords. 47 

Tinsley ; 6. William Harris, m. Susanna Gerdine ; 7. Elizabeth, 
m. (1) William Glenn, (2) William Rhymes; 8. Charles, d. 
unm ; 9. Fanny, m. David Crawford; 10. Nathan, d. unm ; and 
11. Bennett, rat. (1) Nancy Crawford, (2) Martha Crawford, 
sisters of David who m. Fanny Crawford. 

(4) Capt. Charles Crawford was born in 1738, m. Jane 
Maxwell in North Carolina in 1762. Their children were: 

1. Anderson, m. Rachel Singersfield ; 2. Elizabeth, m. Hon. Joel 
Barnett; 3. David, d. unm; 4. Mary Ann, m. Hon. Peter Craw- 
ford; 5. John, m. Eleanor Attwood; 6. William, m. Alice Stro- 
ther Allen; 7. Dr. Nathan, m. Mary Marshall; 8. Rhoda, d. 
unm : Charles, d. unm ; and 10. Major Joel, m. Sarah Louisa 
Rhodes of North Carolina. 

(5) William Crawford was born in 1726, m. Elizabeth 
Lewis in 1747, and it is not known when either of them died. 
Their children were: 1. Hardy, n; 2. Elizabeth, n; 3. John, n; 
4. Sarah, n ; and 5. David, n. This is the last known of the 
'line" of John and Mary (Duke) Crawford. It is believed 
that their descendants went over into Pennsylvania and Ohio, 
but there is no definite information concerning them. 

(6) John Hardy Crawford was born in 1732, m. Massie 

in Marion County, South Carolina in 1773, but it is not 

known when either of them died. They had but one child of 
whom we have record, namely, James, m. Martha Part. 

(7) James Crawford was born in 1734, m. — in 1755, 
and they had children as follows: 1. Terrell, m. Polly Russell; 

2. Michael, m. — — ; 3. Elizabeth, n; 4. David, n; 5. Mary, n. 

(8) Thomas Crawford was born in 173.6, m. Elizabeth 
'daughter of William and Ann (Kimbrough) Alston in Edge- 
combe County, North Carolina in 1763, d. in 1791. Their 
children were: 1. William, m. Delilah Martin; 2. Mary, m. 

3. John, d. unm; 4. Thomas, m. Martha Coleman; 5. Grizelle 

Yancey, m. (1) -"Hawkins, (2) Sion Boone; 6. Hardy, d. 

unm; 7. Elizabeth, m. ; 8. David, m. Fanny Crawford; 9. 

Nancy, m. Bennett Crawford ; 10. Sarah Yancey, m. Joshua 
Boone; and 11. Martha, m. Bennett in 1816 after the death of 
her sister Nancy. 

VI. (1.) Hon. Peter Crawford was born in 1765; m. 
Mary Ann Crawford in 1791, and d. in 1830. Their children 
were: 1. Charles, n; 2. Eliza, d. unm; 3. Harriet Elizabeth, m. 
William Francis Jackson ; 4. Hon. George Washington, m. 
Mary Ann Mcintosh; 5. Jane, m. William H. Torrance; 6. 

43 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Thomas, d. unm; 7. William d. unm; and 8. Maria, m. William 
J. Rhodes. 

(2.) Hon. William Sidney Crawford was born in 1760; m. 
Sophia Perm in 1785, and d. in 1817. Their children were: 1. 
Sarah, m. John Patton ; 2. Maria, m. Col. William Edward 
Fletcher ; 3. Henrietta, m. William Fletcher ; 4. Elizabeth Helen, 
m. Hon. Alden Burton Spooner; 5. Van Tromp, n; 6. W 7 illiam 
Sidney, n ; 7. Alexander, n ; 8. Gabriella, m. Rev. Chats. Henry 
Page, of Richmond, Va. ; and 9. Julian, n. 

(3) Nelson Crawford was born in 1762, m. Lucy Craw- 
ford in 1783, and their children were as follows : 1. Bennett An- 
derson, m. Hannah Haire ; 2. Edmund, d. unm ; 3. Richard, d. 
unm; 4. Judith Anderson, m. Benjamin B. Taliaferro; 5. Eliza- 
beth, d. unm; 6. Ann, d. unm; 7. Nathan, d. unm; 8. Hugh 
Nelson, d. unm ; 9. Lucy, d. unm. 

(4.) Robert Crawford was born in 1764, m. Elizabeth Max- 
well in 1790, but the date of his or her death is unknown. Their 
children were : 1. Edw T ard, n ; 2. Ann, m. William Cox ; 3. Mary, 
m. Richard C. Walker. 

(5.) Joel Crawford was born in 1766, m. Ann Barnett in 
1792, and they had only one child, namely, Susan Ann, m. Dan- 
iel McDowell. 

(6.) David Crawford was born in 1767, m. Mary Lee 
Woods in 1793, d. in 1821. Their children were: 1. Robert 
Harris, m. Mary Winn Jennings ; 2, Maria, d. unm ; 3. James 
Berrien, d. unm; 4. Caroline Matilda, d. unm; 5. Emily, d. 
unm; 6. Mary, d. unm ; 7. William Harris, m. (1) Cecelia Free- 
man, (2) Mrs. McLendon, (3) Mary Elizabeth Long; 8. Fran- 
ces Ann, m. Cyrus Sharp ; 9. Benjamin Franklin, m. Rebecca 
Ammons ; and- 10. John Anderson, m. Emily Elizabeth Hill. 

(7) Hen. William Harris Crawford, distinguished states- 
man, was born in Amherst County, Va., Feb. 24, 1722, m. 
Sunsanna Gerdine in 1804, d. in Elbert County, Ga., Sept. 15, 
1834. Their children were: 1. Caroline, m. George Mortimer 
Dudley ; 2. John, m. Sarah Eaton Bass ; 3. Ann, d. unm ; 4. Rev. 
Nathaniel Macon, m. Ann Lazer; 5. Rev. William Harris, m. 
Caroline E. Thomas ; 6. Robert, d. unm ; 7. Susanna, d. unm ; 
and 8. Rev. "William Bibb, m. Mary Knight. 

(8) Bennett Crawford was born in 17S6, m. Nancy Craw- 
ford in 1808 and Martha Crawford, her sister, in 1816, and 
died in 1845. There were three children by the first marriage 
and four by the second as follows: 1. Hardy Glenn, m. Jane 
Lane; 2. Elizabeth Adeline, m. Henry Lewis; 3. William 

The Crawfords. 49 

Thomas, m. Alabama Reviere; 4. Robert Alston, d. unm; 5. 
Frances Ann, d. unm ; 6. Benjamin Franklin, d. unm; and 7. 
Nancy Harriet, m. John P. Dickenson. 

It will be observed from the foregoing that I have only 
traced the families of the Crawford male lines, reserving the 
daughters for another article, an arrangement which w r ill en- 
able those not familiar with the family history to trace the sev- 
eral branches with greater ease and accuracy. 

As stated, the above are the descendants of John and David 
Crawford, father and son, who came from Ayrshire in 1634. 

In 1670 the brothers, George and William Crawford, kins- 
men of. John and David, came from Lanarkshire, and George 
located with his family of three sons (John, William, and Alex- 
ander) in South Norfolk Parish, Virginia, while William went 
over into Delaware shortly after landing, and there married a 
Huguenot lady of distinguished lineage. Their descendants 
went, for the most part, into Maryland, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and 
further west, one of them now residing in Clifton, Arizona. 
Those of George and his sons John, William and Alexander, 
came south into the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama and Missis- 
sippi, and I have many letters, Bible records, and other data 
from and about them which I 'will take up after having finished 
with the descendants of John and David Crawford who came 
from Louisa County Virginia to Alabama in 1810 and was suc- 
cessively a United States Commissioner, Attorney, and District 
Judge, was descended from "The Two Brothers" (George and 
William) of whom most of the Crawfords of earlier times had 
heard, and to whom many of my correspondents of the present 
day refer. 


Car roll ton. 

Mississippi Democrat, w. 
December 22, 1848. 

The Tallahatchian. w 
February 16, 1867. 



The Young Reader. 

March 15, 1877 (Amateur copy) 8vo. 

Holly Springs. 

The Mississippi Times. 

January 18, February 1. April 20, 1854. 

(Mississipi Territory, now in Alabama.) 

Madison Gazette, w. 
October 19, 1813. 


The Daily Mississippian. d. 
June 20, 21, July 5, 18C2 


The Daily Clarion, d. 
August 30, 1863. 

♦This list was compiled by Miss Mary Robinson, assistant libra- 
rian, for tbe Alabama Department of Archives and History, and is 
presented here through the courtesy of Thomas M. Owen, the Di- 
rector of the Department. 

A list of Alabama files in the library was given in this Magazine 
May, 1903, Vol. i, pp. 425-7. 

Mississippi Newspaper Piles. 51 1 




Mississippi Herald and Natchez City Gazette. 
January 14, 21, 1803, May 19, 23, 28, 30, 1804. 

Mississippi Herald and Natchez Gazette. 
March 25, 1807. 

Mississippi Herald and Natchez Repository. 
July 18, 1803. 

The Mississippi Messenger, w. 
September 1, 1804. 
October, 12, 19, 26, 1804. 
November 2, 9, 23, 30, 1804. 
January 18, 25, 1805. 
February 8, 1805. 
March 15, 29, 1805. 
April 26, 1805. 
June 7, 1805. 
July 19, 1805. 
August 16, 30, 1805. 
September 6, 1805. 
October 29, 1805. 
November 5, 1805. 
June 2, 1G, 1807. 
July 7, 14, 1807. 
September 22, 1807. 
November 26, 1807. 
March 24, 1808. 
July 7, 1808. 

Mississippi Republican, w. 
April 23, May 20, 1812. 
October 20, 1813. 
January 26, 1814. 
May 24, 1815. 
April 9, 1818. 
March 23, 1819. 

The'Mississippian. w. 

December 22, 29, 1808. 
January 19, February 2, 1809. 
March 9, 16, 23, 1809. 
May 1, 15, 29, 1809. 
August 14, 1809. 
May 14, 1810. 
June 4, 1810. 
August 20, 27, 1810. 
September 10, 1810. 

Natchez, Gazette, s. w. 

August 5, 10, 17, 26, 81, 1808. 
September 2, 7, 9. 14, 1808. 

The Natchez Gazette, w. 
July -28, 1813. 

52 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

The Natchez Gazette and Mississippi General Advertiser, w. 

Jim© 20, .27, 1811. 

July 4, 1811. 

August 1, 15, 22, 1811. 

September 5, 2G, 1811. 

October 10, 31, 1811. 

November 14, 1811. 

December 26, 1811. 

January 9. February 13, 1812. 

March 5, 26, 1812. 

April 2, May 7, 1812. 

Southern Galaxy, w. 

June 12, December 13, 1S23. 

The Washing-ton Republican' andvNatchez Intelligencer, w. 
July 31, 1816. 
September 11, 1816. 
June 14, 1817. 

The Weekly Chronicle, w. 

July 6, September 7, 1808. 

October 12, November 2, 16, 1808. 

December 14, 28, 1808. 

January 11, 25, 1809. 

February 22, 1809. 

March 1, April 5, 1809. 

May 6, 13, 1809. 

June 3, 17, 1809. 

May 28, 1810. 

June 25, 1810. 

July 2, 16, 1810. 

August 13, 27, 1810. 

September 10, 1810. 

October 8, 1810. 

November 5, 12, 1810. 

December 31, 1810. 

January 7, 21, 28, 1811. 

February 11, March 4, 1811. 

April 8, 1811. 

Ship Island. 

News Letter. Extra. 

May 2, 1862 (Amateur copy) 8vo. 


Vicksburg Register, d. 
January 2, 1828. 

Vicksburg Register, w. 
December 17, 1835. 

Mississippi Newspaper 53 

The Daily Citizen. 

July 2, 1863. 

(The. last newspaper published in Vicksburg, Missis- 
sippi, on the day previous to the surrender of the Con- 
federate forces under General Pemberton, to the Union 
forces under General Grant.) 

Vicksburg Republican, s. w. and w. 

June 12, 25, 23, 18G7. 

July 9, 12, 16, 18, 26. SO, 1867. 

August 2, 9, 13, 20, 23, 27, 30, 1867. 

September 3, 6, 10, 13, 17, 20, 24, 1867. 

December 31, 1867. 

January 14, 1868. 

Vicksburg Weekly Republican, w. 
March 31, 1868. 


By William B. Collins, of Thomson, Ga. 

Every student of the history of Georgia has read of the 
fierce struggles that rent the State in twain, and caused much 
bickering, and oftentimes bloodshed, in the contests for supre- 
macy of two political parties — one led by George Michael Troup 
the other by John Clarke. During these troublous times,, there 
occurred an event which resulted in the death of one man and 
was a source of life-long regret to another. This was the duel 
fought by George Washington Crawford and Thomas Edgehill 

Before entering into the details of this unfortunate affair, it is 
proper to give an account of the causes that led to it. Hon. Peter 
Crawford, a descendant of an old and highly distinguished Vir- 
ginia family, was a prominent citizen of Columbia county, and 
one of the leaders of the Troup party. He was, while brave 
and fearless, a gentleman of a very pleasant and suave demeanor, 
and not at all disposed to provoke a quarrel. There lived also 
in this county Colonel Zachariah Williams, an equally strong 
supporter of the Clarke faction. He was a man of vigorous, 
native intellect, but of limited education, an extreme partisan, 
and one who was ready at all times to commence a difficulty. 
Peter Crawford, from his influential position in the councils of 
the opposing party, was an object of the Colonel's bitter dislike. 
The Augusta Chronicle and Advertiser was the recognized or- 
gan of the Clarkites, as this element was sometimes styled, while 
The Sentinel, also published in Augusta, upheld the banner of 
Troup. The tone of the editorials and other matter that ap- 
peared in their columns was emphatic, to say the least. In the 
midst of this heated newspaper discussion, an anonymous com- 
munication, severely abusive of Mr. Crawford, appeared in The 
Chronicle and Advertiser, and handbills containing it were 
printed and freely circulated. Unused and opposed, as he was, 
to this covert mode of attack, for a time the latter hesitated. 
Finally however, stung to the quick and filled with just indig- 
nation, he replied in an article/ signed by himself, manfully re- 
pelling the assault made upon him. A bitter and satirical re- 
joinder followed from his unknown enemy. 

Who wrote the articles reflecting upon Mr. Crawford will 

The Crawford-Burxsipe Duel. 55 

probably never be known with certainty. According to some, 
they were the work of a lady, whose name has never been given 
to the public. Others claim Colonel Williams as their author. 
Be the case as it may, Mr. Burnside, who has been before re- 
ferred to, and who was a young lawyer of much promise resid- 
ing at Appling, the county seat of Columbia county, assumed 
the responsibility of their origin. This was the latter part of 
the year 1827. 

After the appearance of the last manifesto of the Clarkites, 
Colonel Williams, while on a visit to Augusta, indulged in a 
street denunciation of Mr. Crawford and of his son, George 
W. Crawford, branding the latter as a coward. The younger 
Crawford was engaged in the practice of law in Augusta, had 
risen to eminence in his profession, and was now Attorney Gen- 
eral of the State. The remarks of Colonel Williams soon came 
to his ears, and the result was he made a demand for personal 
satisfaction of Mr. Burnside. The challenge was promptly ac- 
cepted, and Fort Mitchell, in Russell county, Alabama, (then 
in the Lower Creek nation), was selected as the place for the 
duel. Pistols were to be used. Colonel Alfred dimming, of 
Augusta, was chosen by Mr. Crawford as his second, and Dr. 
Ambrose Baber, of Macon, as his physician. For his second, 
Mr. Burnside selected Mr. Thomas Triplett, of Wilkes county, 
and as his physician, Dr. William A. L. Collins, of Columbia 

There were no railroads in Georgia in those days, and the 
journey to the duelling ground had to be made by stage. Early 
in 1828, Mr. Crawford and Colonel dimming boarded the 
stage coach in Augusta. At the White House (then a well 
known inn, the site of which is now in McDuffie county), on the 
Milledgeville road, Mr. Burnside and his friends joined them, 
and the hostile parties on their ill-fated errand, travelled to- 
gether across the State to Fort Mitchell. 

The duel occurred on the morning of January 5, 1828. When 
the parties arrived on the field, Mr. Triplett, who had been 
chosen by Mr. Burnside as his second, asked to be excused from 
acting in that capacity, and on the plea that having nearlv lost 
his life during a late affair of honor in which he held that posi- 
tion, he had recently made to his wife a solemn vow never again 
to serve. Dr. Stephen M. Ingersoll, who resided in what is now 
Phoenix City, Ala., was then selected in his stead. 

The ground was now measured off and a line drawn, inside 
of which were the two principals, their friends, and a crowd 

56 The Gi~lf States Historical Magazine. 

of whites and Indians. The parties being placed in position 
and the word given, two pistol shots rang out, Mr. Crawford' 
firing first. The bullet from Burnside's pistol struck the ground 
just" in front of his opponent, throwing dust and sand all over 
his face. Otherwise no one was hurt. 

At this juncture Mr. Triplett asked permission to confer with 
the parties. His 1 request was granted. He said he came bear- 
ing the olive branch of peace, which he thought could be hon- 
orably accepted. He insisted that honor had now been vindi- 
cated and that there was no necessity to longer continue the 
combat. Mr. Crawford and his second, Colonel dimming, 
thereupon stepped aside and held a short conversation. Return- 
ing, the latter answered that Mr. Crawford would accept the 
proposition of peace if Mr. Burnside would apologize' and with- 
draw the offensive language used by him. Mr. Burnside re- 
fused to accede to these conditions, so the duel went on. A 
second exchange of shots took place, but neither of the prin- 
cipals was struck, and Mr. Triplett again demanded a confer- 
ence, which was accorded him, but which was as unsuccessful as 
the first. For the third time the parties took their positions. 
Both fired at the same time, and Mr. Burnside was observed to 
bend slightly forward. One of his friends sprang quickly to his 
relief and saw that he had been shot through the heart. . He 
fell into the arms of this gentleman, dying instantly. Mr. Craw- 
ford, with his friends, immediately retired. 

The body of Burnside was interred in the family burial 
ground of Colonel John Crowell, a strong personal friend, who 
resided at Fort Mitchell, and there it rests today. He left a 
wife and three small children, all sons. A few years after his 
death his family removed to Dahlonega, Lumpkin county, in the 
northeastern portion of the State.. 

Although he had emerged unharmed from this deplorable af- 
fair, which had been forced upon him, its sad result was a cause 
of continual unhappiness to Mr. Crawford, and the wife and 
children on whom had fallen so great a loss, remained, through 
life, objects of his fondest solicitude. Although the necessity 
had appeared to him urgent, and there had seemed no other way 
of settling the difference, yet duelling was prohibited by the 
law of Georgia, and as the Attorney General of the State, it was, 
in a peculiar degree, his duty to have respected that prohibi- 
tion. His subsequent career is well known. As a member of 
the Legislature and of Congress, twice Governor of the State, 
Secretary of War in the cabinet of President Taylor, and Presi- 


dent of the Georgia Secession Convention in 1861, he filled each 
and every position worthily and well. He' died at his home at 
Belair, in Richmond county, on July 22, 1872, leaving a repu- 
tation alike honorable to State and nation. 

A few words as to him who fell in this unfortunate encoun- 
ter, and this sketch closes. Born in South Carolina, and spring- 
ing from family of high respectability, he was, after due prepa- 
ration, called to the bar in his native State. Very soon he 
established himself in Georgia, where his talents and industry 
pointed to a life of great future usefulness. But entering poli- 
tics, he lent his name and influence to measures that were de- 
cidedly questionable and calculated to create strife. Unduly 
biased by the fear of public opinion, perhaps he rejected all 
overtures of compromise, and descending to an early grave, he 
"left a legacy of grief, to his family and friends. 


Through the courtesy of Dr. U. B. Phillips, of the Univer- 
sity of Wisconsin, the following copies of papers in the Draper 
MSS. in the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society, Madi- 
son, are presented. They illustrate various phases of life one 
hundred years ago. 

The last illustrates the activity of the settlers in Ohio in es- 
tablishing varied industries, in contrast with the uniform agri- 
cultural pursuits in the South. 

I. Bill for Newspaper Advertising, Kentucky. 
(Draper Collection, Vol. 3, No. 110.) 

Colonel Robert Patterson, [of Lexington, Ky.]. 
1796. To James H. Stewart, Dr. 

Aug. 30. To Adv. of a negro boy £0 10 6 

Sept. 1. To Do. a wench & Children . . . . o 3 o 

1797 Feb. 7. To. Do. calling in Debts .... 1 8 6 

To Do. a likely Negro Wench I 8 6 

1798 Septr. 25 To Do. Walkers Pleirs or Repre* 

sentatives o 6 o 

Deer. 24 To Do. for a person to refine 

Sugar 1 13 o 

To 5^2 years Subscription for N 

Paper 4 2 6 

1799 Cr. By Cash on Subscribing. . . .£0 7 6 

By Do < . o 18 o 

Feb. 13. By Do. from G. Anderson. . 180 

_ 2 13 6 

Balance Due 6 18 6 

Dear Sir, > 

I have stated your account above as it stands on my Books ; 
if any mistake in it you will please to rectify it. — I would not 
at this time trouble you, but am myself very hard pushed. — 
For in the course of the present month, I have between 4 & 
500 dollars to pay. Your attention to this request will confer a 
particular obligation, on 

Yours sincerelv, 

Jas. H. Stewart. 
Col. Robert Patterson. 18th August, 1800. 

Documents. 59 

II. Kentucky Broadside:. 

(Draper Collection, Vol. 3, No. 122.) 

(No Date.) 

200 Dollars Reward. 

The above sum will be given to any person who will give in- 
formation to either of the Subscribers, by which they may be en- 
abled to discover the mother of a Female Child, left at the door 
of James Morrison, in Lexington, on the morning of the 9th 
instant. — They pledge themselves in the most sacred manner, not 
to divulge the name of the person giving the information, if re- 
quired to keep it secret. They will receive information either 
verballv, or through the medium of a letter, addressed to either 
of them, by post ; and on the fact being ascertained, the money 
shall be transmitted in bank notes to the address required, and 
no questions asked — Or, if the mother will come forward, the 
above sum will be given to her, or appropriated to the support 
and education of the child, as she may think proper. 

The above reward is offered with a view of rescuing the 
reputation of several innocent females from the unjust suspicion 
of being the mother of the child. It is a primary duty with 
every honest citizen, to do justice, and to relieve the innocent 
from aspersions calculated to wound the reputation, which, to 
a female of delicacy and sensibility, is dearer than life. Under 
these circumstances, the subscribers have the utmost confidence, 
that exertions will be used to discover the mother, and give 
them the information required. 

Henry Clay, J. Postlethwait, 

W. Macbean, Will. Norton, 

Thos. Hart, jun. Sam. Brown, 

John W. Hunt, James Brown, 

John Bradford, James Morrison, 

Alex. Parker, Thos. Bodley, 

John Jordan, jun. • Jas. Fishback, 

James Maccoun, Thomas Wallace, 

William West, John Pope, 

Geo. Anderson, W. Warfield. 

60 The Guilf States Historical Magazine. 

III. Early Industrial Developments. 

(Draper Collection, Vol. 3, No. 100) 

Davton Feb. 15th 1804. 

Yesterday Mr. Hopkins arrived & handed me your's of the 
It. & 3d. Instant, tomorrow Morning I will lay off the Garden 
for Thomas agreeable to your request, and will endeavour to 
prevent his getting too much Whiskey, lie is very well pleased, 
with the grounds. Mr. Hopkins will get his business so ar- 
ranged, that he can commence Shoe making next week, and if 
he had two Journey Men he would have business for them. 

You observe in one of your letters that Mr. Alex. Smith 
would build a Paper Mill in this Country, if he could get a 
good seat ; I do not know of any near this,but should be he dis- 
posed to commence the business this season. I. will join him, at 
this place, it is what I have had in view, & nothing but the Idiea 
of haveing too much business on hands, prevents my starting 
it this summer. Colo. Chamber's urged me to send to Kentucky 
to get Mr. Smith to do all my Work, and I should have done it, 
but I was informed that he had declined the business. I would 
thank you to make known to him my Situation for Water 
work's and know of him if it would not answer to come over 
this Spring and complete my Mills, And write me on the sub- 
ject the first oppertunity. 

If you have the printing press and tipes I will join you in 
it and start the business here next summer, provided you can 
get some trusty person to carry it on. please to subscribe for me 
to a Lexington paper, and have it sent on by post, to Dayton 
post. Office, Ohio — be so good as to inform Doct. Welsh and 
Mr. Patten that I will write them in few days and inform them 
concerning their houses. And the requests which you have made 
I will endeavour to comply with. I am Sir with 

Sentiments of Esteem 
Colo. Patterson. yours & D. C. Cooper 

The Legislature has done nothing in the County contest nor 
will they, unless it can be proved that the Commissioners acted 
Corruptly, which they have failed to do. I will have a public 
sale of lots the first day of our Court which is the 4th Tuesday 
in Next Month. I enclose an advertisement, if you think it will 
be of any service, have it put in the papers. Air. Reed's house 
wall be leased this Month. 



One of the very rare books on early Southern history is the 
following : 

Memoir© sur la Louisiane par M. cle Marigny de Mandeville. 
Paris; Imprime chez Guillaume Despres, Rue S. Jacques, 1765. 

I have recently been greatly impressed with the notion that 
this book is of especial importance for the early history of Ala- 

(1) The elder Marigny de Mandeville must have been 
among the first-comers; for as eary as 1709 he wrote to the 
French minister a letter of complaint against Bienville. (Gay- 
arre : Histoirc de la Louisiane: I, 90). 

(2) Pie was the first commandant of Fort Toulouse, in 1714, 
(Gayarre, I, 115.) 

(3) He came back from France in 1722, having obtained 
the cross of the order of St. Louis, and the appointment of com- 
mandant of Fort Conde. (Gayarre, I, 115.) 

(4) According to the "Plan de la Ville et Fort Louis de la 
Louisiane" in 171 1, (printed in Hamilton's Colonial Mobile, pp. 
70 seq.), he had a residence on the South side of Fort Conde. 

(5) Hamilton, in Colonial Mobile, p. 108, says that he died 
about 1727. He does not give his authority for this statement, 
but I doubt not that it is true. 

The son of the first Marigny de Mandeville, whose name (the 
son's) was Philippe de Marigny de Mandeville, was the author 
of the above named work. 

In 1740 he was twenty-one (21) years old. I find in a mem- 
orandum on some officers of Louisiana written by Bienville in 
1740 and printed by Gayarre (I, 358) in the list of "Officiers 
Reformes" the name of Philippe with the following note : "Fils 
d* tin ancien capitaine du pays. II sert depuis quatre ans avec 
application. Sage. — 21 ans." 

If Philippe was twenty-one years of age in 1740, he must 
have been born about 1719, possibly in France, but probably 
at his father's house in Mobile. At any rate he was reared in 
Louisiana, his early years being spent in Mobile, his' later ones 
in New Orleans. 

In 1763 Philippe Marigny de Mandeville was broken of his 
military office by Kerlerec, Governor of Louisiana, and sent back 

62 The Gitlf Status Historical Magazine. 

to France in disgrace (Gayarre, II, 121.) He is spoken of in the 
highest terms by Bossu, writing from New Orleans in June, 
1762. {Nouveaux Voyages mix hides Occidcntales, II, .151.) 
"Cet officer a fait, a ses frais, la decouverte de le pays inconnu, 
avec in zele infatigable," etc. 

It is passing strange that Mandeville's Memoir c is never 
quoted or even referred to by any of the writers on the History 
of Louisiana. Surely it must be valuable. 

Win. S. Wyman. 
University of Alabama. 


As we summon the nations to celebrate with us the centenary 
of the Louisiana Purchase, we are apt to forget that to one of 
the invited guests the anniversary recalls anything but cheer- 
ful memories. In the May number of La Espana Moderna, Sn. 
Jerinimo Becker, Archivist of the Ministry of State, gives the 
history of the cession from a Spanish point of view. He re- 
hearses in detail the familiar story of the transfer of Louisiana 
to Spain in 1763 in compensation for the loss of Florida to Eng- 
land, and of the tricky bargain by which Napoleon recovered 
the territory with six men-of-war to boot, in return for the be- 
stowal upon the Duke of Parma of the improvised "Kingdom 
of Etruria," Napoleon pledging himself never to alienate the 
Territory to a third Power. According to Sr. Becker, Talley- 
rand even went so far as to assure the Spanish government, in 
return for the sum of $1,000,000 duly paid and another million 
promised, that the cession was to be merely ostensible, and that 
Spain might keep her province, after all ! Three years later, the 
unscrupulous First Consul had sold Louisiana to the Ameri- 
cans; the Americans were laying claims to the Floridas as apart 
of their purchase; and the "Kingdom of Etruria" was still dom- 
inated by French bayonets. No wonder that Sr. Becker calls 
our joyful anniversary "a very sad date." A curious sequel to 
the story is that, in 181 5, the Spanish ministry entertained hopes 
of regaining Louisiana by the action of the Congress of Vienna. 
Labrador, the Spanish emissary, was urged to make every effort 
for restitution. Of this project he easily saw the futility, but 
he devised an ingenious plan of recovery of his own. The Eng- 
lish, he wrote on February 13, were now in possession of New 
Orleans (or so it was believe^ in Vienna), and thereby virtually 

Mtnor Topics. 63 

in occupation of the entire Territory. Though they were bound 
hv the treaty of Ghent to respect the American possessions of 
Louisiana, this must be distasteful to them and perhaps they 
would prefer to hand it over to Spain. The Duke of Welling- 
ton, he added, had personally expressed his approval of this 
arrangement. Of course, when this scheme was broached at 
Loadon, it led to nothing. Sr. Becker has not forgiven France, 
but he nowhere expresses any resentment at the conduct of 
America. A curios limitation in his treatment of the whole his- 
torical question is that he seems to regard it solely as a matter 
of diplomacy and of documentary title, and closes his eyes on 
the fact that, whether Spanish nrlers and statesmen were weak 
or strong, foolish or wise, their authority within the present 
boundaries of the United States was inevitably destined to be 
swept away by the tide of American expansion. — The Nation, 
New York, June 1 1, 1903. 


After a sleep of nearly a hundred years "the Society 
of the ^Cincinnati" of the State of Georgia on the 23rd of Feb- 
ruary, (the 22nd being Sunday), held its annual meeting in the 
Court house in the city of Savannah, Ga. The 22nd being 
Washington's birthday, was the day appointed for the annual 
meetings. General Washington was the first president general 
of the parent Society. After the transaction of business the 
society adjourned to the DeSoto Hotel to partake of a most elo- 
quent banquet. Governor Terrell, the guest of honor, with Ad- 
jutant General Robertson and twelve members, attended 
the banquet. 

The Flags of the General Society, of the Georgia Society, and 
of the original Society all floated from "the DeSoto." These 
flags had been on exhibition for several days at a city store. They 
had attracted a good deal of attention and had been greatly ad- 
mired. One is of a white background with blue strips and the 
thirteen stars, representing the original states, in the corner ; the 
other is a white flag and bears the words "Society of the Cin- 
cinnati 1783." In the center between these flags fs a fac simile 
of the "Eagle" presented to Major John Berrien, secretary of 
the Society of the Concinnati in the State of Georgia, by Gen- 
eral George Washington. This "Eagle" is now known as the 

G4 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

"Washington Berrien Eagle." A die has been made from it 
by Tiffany and it has been adopted by the Georgia Society as 
their "Eagle." It was first proposed to call it the Georgia Ber- 
rien Eagle, but as Major John Berrien had been decorated by the 
hand of General George Washington with this badge, the name 
of "Washington! Berrien Eagle'' was considered most appro- 

Mr. Thomas Savage Clay of New York City, a Georgian by 
birth, and a member of the Georgia Society, a descendant of 
the rebel paymaster, had the die cut, and has by request, pre- 
sented fac simile photographs of this "Eagle" to the New York, 
the .Maryland, South Carolina, and Georgia Societies of the 
Cincinnati, to the New York Historical Society, to the New 
York and Georgia Societies of Colonial wars, and to all the 
Societies of the D. A. R. in Georgia. Major John Ber- 
rien passed through the different chairs from Secretary to Pres- 
ident of the Society and wore this Eagle. In 1800 we find him 
President of the Society and Treasurer of the State of Georgia. 
He occupied many other places of honor and trust. He was the 
son of Chief Justice Berrien of New Jersey, and the father of 
Senator John MacPherson Berrien of Georgia to whom the 
Eagle descended. In January, 1776, we find John Berrien, age 
fifteen, commissioned by John Hancock, President of Congress, 
as 2nd Lieutenant in Georgia's first battalion of the Continental 
Army. He rose to the rank of Brigade Major, and history tells 
us that he served with distinction on the staff* of General Lach- 
lan Mcintosh at Germantown, Valley Forge and elsewhere. He 
was wounded in the head by a ball from a British musket at 

This "jEagle" has descended to me, his great-grandson, 
through my mother who was the oldest daughter of Senator 
John MacPherson Berrien, who left no descendants by his name. 
I prize the Eagle very highly. Some years ago I was having a 
painting made from Major Berrien's miniature, and as the Eagle 
was indistinct on his military coat, at the request of the artist I 
lent him this badge. Imagine my chagrin one day to find my 
artist had taken French leave and his studio closed. I found he 
had bought a ticket to Montgomery, Ala., and I wired my 
friend and class-mate, Hon. Clifford Lanier, who next day had 
the artist arrested and procured my Eagle, but the scoundrel had 
picked out the jewels which I did not ascertain until he had left 

Wm. Berrien Burroughs. 
Brunswick, Ga. 






Senator Thomas H. Williams of Mississippi. — Descendants of 
Thomas Hill Williams, who was in the U. S. Senate from Mississippi, 
1S17-1S31, and 1838-39, are requested to supply a biographical sketch 
of him for these pages. ' 

Eastern Boundary of the Louisiana Purchase. — I would like to 
know the eastern limit of the Louisiana Purchase. Did it extend to 
the Perdido river, South of the 31 degrees North latitude? If so, 
why are not Mississippi and Alabama entitled to a place in the com- 
ing centennial exercises as States embraced in, or affected in part by 
the purchase? 

Dr. Walter L. Fleming. — The trustees of the University of West 
Virginia, Morgantown, have called Dr. Walter L. Fleming to the 
chair of history in that institution. Dr. Fleming is a graduate of 
Columbia University, and has for the past year been a lecturer there. 
He has been a contributor to this Magazine, and has in preparation 
an exhaustive History of Reconstruction in Alabama. He is an able 
writer, a conscientious student, and his election means much for his- 
torical enterprise in West Virginia. 

Was Mississippi the first to Establish A State College for Wo- 
men. — The catalogue of the "Mississippi Industrial Institute and Col- 
lege," Columbus, Miss., claims that n is "the first State College ever 
founded for women." In his History of Mississippi for schools, Dr. 
F. L. Riley says that it was the first college established in the United 
States for the "industrial education of young women." The latter 
statement is broader than that claimed by the institution. Are these 
statements accurate? If not, can any one give an earlier example of 
educational effort in this direction? 

March and. 
Montgomery, Ala. 


Colored Troops in the Civil War. — The free colored population of 
Pensacola (Florida) have voluntarily taken the oath of allegiance 
to the Confederate States and organized a military company, num- 
bering thirty-six men, who offer their services for the protection 
of the city. — From The Alabama Beacon, Greensboro, July 19, 1861, 
reprinted from the Pensacola Observer, June 29', 1861. 

CG The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Gen. Jackson's Birthplace. — Braxton Davenport, in a letter ad- 
dressed to the Governor of Virginia, asserts, on the authority of two 
witnesses, whom he considers entirely credihle, that General Andrew 
Jackson was born in Berkley county, Virginia, instead of the Wax- 
haw settleemnt in South Carolina. He gives the testimony of the 
two witnesses, a Mrs. Shepherd, and a Mrs. Bedinger, and some ex- 
planatory facts, which certainly seem to justify him in claiming for 
the Old Dominion the honor of the birthplace of the illustrious hero 
of New Orleans. — From The Alabama Beacon, Greensboro, April 13, 

- Hunting Rifle Query Answered. — In answer to the query of V\ T . 
H. Blake, on page 57 of Vol. i, (July, 1902), of your Magazine, I ven- 
ture to suggest that the inscription has been misread, ami that the 
old hunting rifle was presented to "W. Hale." It can be readily seen 
how it would read "Whale," if the period is not observed, or if it 
has been worn away. This solution is more than probable because 
a William Hale was in the Creek war of 1812. He was an early set- 
tler in the Tennessee valley, and the rather curious statement is 
made in Northern Alabama Illustrated, p. 764, that "Messrs Hale 
and Hunt settled Huntsville and drew straws as to who should name 
the town. Mr. Hunt pulled the longest straw and named the place 
Huntsville, for himself." William Hale was the grandfather of 
Messrs. Fred S. and Charles W. Ferguson, lawyers of Birmingham, 
Ala. In all my reading and research I have never seen a reference 
to an Indian of the name "Whale." 


Birmingham, Ala. 

Judaii P. Benjamin. — As of public intereset in connection with the 
appeal of Mr. Joseph Lebowich for Benjamin documents (see this 
Magazine, Vol. i. p. 457, May, 1903) I give the following extract from 
Dr. James M. Callahan's Diplomatic History of the Southern Confed- 
eracy (1901,) p. 20, note: 

"Mr. Benjamin seems always to have had a desire not to leave be- 
hind him any historical material. He also seemed to have an ab- 
horrence of any ransacking of his private papers and correspondence, 
and a very short time before his death he destroyed all such manu- 
scripts. Some of his correspondence of the period before 1861 may- 
be found passim in the archives of the State Department at Wash- 
ington, but no collection of his private letters is to be found any- 

Notes and Queries. 67 

I expect soon to secure the papers left by Colin J. McRae, who was 
sent to Europe in 18G2 as the financial agent of the Confederacy. Mr. 
McRae resided in Honduras after the war, and was there the busi- 
ness partner of a brother of Mr. Benjamin. It is possible that some 
letters of interest may be in the collection, which, if received, I shall 
be glad to place in the hands of Mr. Lebowich. 

It is probably worth noting that a fine bust oil portrait of Mr. Ben- 
jamin hangs in the Supreme Court room of Louisiana, in the old 
Cabildo building, New Orleans. 

Thomas M. Owen. 
Montgomery, Ala. 

Revolutionary Monuments in the South. — Information is wanted 
in regard to Revolutionary Monuments in the South. 


Mississippi Historical Society. — The sixth annual meeting of the 
Mississippi Historical Society was held in Yazoo City, Thursday and 
Friday, April 23 and 24, 1903. At the opening session, Thursday 
evening, an address of welcome was made hy Hon. John Sharp 
Williams, member of Congress from the Yazoo City district, with a 
response hy. Prof. E. L. Bailey, of Jackson. Three sessions were held 
on Friday, at which several papers were presented. The reports of 
the officers indicated a sound condition, and tbe number in attend- 
ance evidenced the widespread interest in the work of the Society. 
(Jen. Stephen D. Lee and Dr. F. L. Riley, were re-elected president 
and secretary, respectively. 

This Society is doing excellent work. Sec previous issues of this 
Magazine for reference to its meetings and publications. (Vol. i. 
pp. 63-77, and 405.) 

Portrait of Judge William McLaughlin Presented to the Wash- 
ington and Lee University. — On June 17, 1903, a life size oil por- 
trait of Judge William McLaughlin was unveiled at the Washington 
and Lee University. Judege McLaughlin was for a number of years 
rector of the University, a position he held at the time of his death. 
The portrait was presented by alumni, and by admirers and friends 
of the deceased. The presentation speech was made by Hon. A. C. 
Gordon, of Staunton, Va., and accepted on behalf of the University 
by the present recort, Rev. Dr. G. B. Strickler, of Richmond. 

Relics of Col. Burgwyn Presented the State of North Carolina. 
The State of North Carolina on June 17, 1903, received the sword, 
sash and gauntlets of Henry K. Burgwyn, Colonel of the 26th Regi- 
ment of North Carolina troops, who fell at Gettysburg. The sword 
and sash are the gifts of his only sister, Mrs. T. Roberts Baker, and 
the gauntlets were presented by Wm. H. S. Burgwyn, a brother, of 
Weldon, N. C. These relics will be placed in the "Hall of History" 
in the State Capitol. 

' ■ Statue Unveiled at Virginia Military Institute. — The principal 
event of the commencement exercises of the Virginia Military Insti- 
tute occurred June 2, 1903, when the heroic bronze statue, "Virginia 
mourning her dead," executed and presented by Sir Moses Ezek- 
iel, a native born Virginian, was unveiled in the presence of several 

Historical News. 69 

thousand people. Tile monument is commemorative of the part 
taken by the battalion of cadets of the Virginia Military Institute in 
the battle of Newmarket, Va., May 15, 18G4, when the defeat of the 
Federal forces was mainly due to the charge and capture of their 
battery in an orchard by uiis battalion. Prior to the unveiling, ad- 
dresses were made in Stonewall Jackson ' Memorial Hall by Br. 
John N. Upshur of Richmond, and by Holmes Conrad of Winchester. 
The commemoration ode was read by A. C. Gordon of Staunton. 

The statue is a mail-clad figure of a woman seated, mourning, 
upon a piece of breastwork, with her foot resting upon a broken can- 
non that is overgrown with ivy, and her hands holding a lance 
reversed. This heroic bronze rests upon a pedestal of limestone, 
around which are bronze tablets. On the tablets are inscribed the 
names of the cadets in the battalion. The monument faces the' pa- 
rade grounds and the South. It stands immediately in front of the 
archway between the Stonewall Jackson Memorial building and the 

Memorial Address of Colonel Toomer. — The memorial ad- 
dress of Colonel William M. Toomer, delivered in Waycross, 
Ga., on April 2G, 1902, before the United Confederate Vet- 
erans, has been neatly printed in pamphlet form by the Yv r aycross 
Herald Print. The subject of the address is, "The Flag of Re- 
bellion Floated Not Over the South." The argument deals with 
Justice Taney's discussion in the Dred Scott case, the statutes of 
States in New England and the middle west nullifying acts of Con- 
gress in order to protect fugitive slaves, and the South's action in 
defense of the Constitution of the United Sates. 


Remshart Redding, of Waycross, Ga., 1903, (1G rno. pp. 97 .) 

A valuable treatise on the Revolutionary history of Georgia, writ- 
ten to create a fund for the Winnie Davis Monument. 

Jonathan Bryan was a direct ancestor of Captain Joseph Bryan, 
editor of the Richmond Times, Richmond, Va. He was a hero worthy 
of record, and Mrs. Redding has paid a deserved tribute to his mem- 

Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1903, (16 mo. pp. 320.) 

Dr. Garrison is the Professor 1 of History in the University of Texas. 
He has prepared this book as a terse and scientific study of tne sa- 
lient features of Texas history. The book fulfills his aim "to give 
a picture of what Texas is, and of the process by which it has be- 
come such." It is but slightly annotated, but the author claims to 
have written "under the keen sense of responsibility for every state- 
ment and every reasonable implication." There is a strong attrac- 
tion not only in the logical grouping of historical facts, but also in 
the genuinely original linguistic formation of sentences and in the 
classic parallels which emphasize the pages. The initial chapters 
tell the story of Spanish settlements and French encroachments with 
their resultant conflicts until 1762 when France surrendered west- 
ern Louisiana to Spain; of distant judges and courts dispensing 
dilatory justice to an eager, restless pioneer people, and the growing- 
spirit of liberty that is ever born of conditions that force self-reli- 
ance when Courts or Sovereigns fail of protection. Spain and 
Mexico both failed to catch the future sweep of history. American 
emigrants, led by Stephen F. Austin and other empresarios, fol- 
lowed the filibusters, felt the cruel hardships of unprotected border 
life and the continuous attacks of the Apaches and Comanches, and 
broke the yoke of Mexican misrule to establish the independence and 
tne republic of Texas. Then come chapters on "Annexation and Boun- 
daries," "Statehood," "Civil War and Reconstruction," and the "Texas 
of Today." The last chapter tells the wonderful resources of Texas; 
the schools, manufactures, railroads, cities, farms, cattle ranches, 
population, and closes With Texas looking "out upon the twentieth 
century and all future time brimming with courage, energy and 

The book has two maps and a fac simile of the heroic letter of 
William B. Travis to the people of Texas and all Americans in the 
world, just before the fall of the Alamo, in which he declares, "I 
shall never surrender or retreat." 

The book lacks both the detail and the comprehensiveness of the 
works of Yoakum, Brown and others, but its convenient form and 
scholarly presentation embodying results of latest research make it 
a work of great interest and value. 

Book Notes aku Reviews. ' 71 

SOME TRUTHS OF HISTORY. By Thaddeus K. Oglesby, Atlanta, 

Ga., 1903. (8 vo. pp. 263.) 

$1.25 net. Mail orders 9 cents extra. 

In this book Mr. Oglesby presents "a vir-dication of the South 
against the Encyclopedia Britannica and other maligners." It 
would be difficult to find in another volume of its size so much evi- 
dence of Southern leadership in everything that conserves the civi- 
lization and aggrandizement of our common country. To refute the 
charges of the Encyclopedia Britannica that, "since the Revolution 
days the few thinkers of America born South of Mason and Dixon's 
line — outnumbered by those belonging to the single State of Massa- 
chusetts — have commonly migrated to New York or Boston in search 
of a university training," and that "in the world of letters, at least, 
the Southern States have shown by reflected light; nor is it too much 
to say that mainly by their connection with the North the Caro- 
lina.s have been saved from sinking to the level of Mexico or the 
Antilles;" that Southern literature "has only flourished freely on a 
free soil, and for almost all its vitality and aspirations we must 
turn to New England," etc., Mr. Oglesby draws some vivid contrasts 
between "the great thoughts and great deeds" of the North and 
the South. His long list of Southern statesmen, warriors, jurists, 
scientists, poets, prose writers, explorers, churchmen, educators, in- 
ventors, discoverers, physicians, surgeons, architects, musicians, 
painters, chess-players, tragedians, dramatists and journalists, is a 
veritable' multum in parvo of historical information. He attributes 
to the genius and greatness of the South; the first post- 
graduate medical school in the United States— the New York 
Polyclinic and Hospital — established by Dr. John A. Y\ r yeth of Ala- 
bama; the first man in the United States to receive the Doctor of 
Medicine degree, Dr. John Archer of Maryland; the first professor of 
pathological and surgical anatomy. Dr. John "Wagner of South Car- 
olina; and many other first things leading to the great institutions 
and enterprises of the world. He gives records of United Confed- 
erate Veteran camps condemning the Enclvcopedia Britannica. re- 
counts American deeds, of daring, criticises favorably Greg's History 
of the United States, summarizes the life and character of Alexander 
H. Stephens, tells of the shackling of Jefferson Davis by Gen. Nelson 
A. Miles and interlines every narrative with historical incidents 
which add largely to the interest of the book. The subject matter 
is the^enlarged reproduction, in connection with new facts, of the 
author's articles published in The Montgomery Advertiser (1891), 
The New York Tribune (1898), The Times -Democrat (New Orleans, 
1894. 1895), The Picayune (New Orleans, 1895), Magazine of Ameri- 
can History (June, 1889), the Union and Recorder (Milledgeville, 
Ga., 18S3), the Macon Telegratfi, (1902), The Atlanta Journal (1902), 
and other publications. 

AMERICAN AUTHORS. A Hand-Book of American Literature from 
Early Colonial to Living Writers. By Mildred Rutherford, 
Athens, Georgia, 1894. (8 vo. pp. xxxix, 654.) 

A valuable reference volume for the general reader, and an admir- 
ably arranged text-book. In it Miss Rutherford has given the names, 
with birthplace, dates of birth and death, of more than three thous- 

72 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

and American authors. She has indicated by horizontal columns the 
sovereigns of England and France contemporaneous with important 
dates in American history. A brief history of American literature 
is followed by sketches of some one hundred and twenty-five of the 
most typical authors. With rare judgment and discrimination Miss 
Rutherford has selected the representative writers of the different 
periods from all sections of the country, thereby adding to the in- 
terest and value of the historical merits of her book. She has pre- 
sented in readable form the lives and labors of authors, giving in 
connection therewith the criticisms of eminent people, the titles 
to works produced, and a "History Review" which requires a con- 
siderable amount of collateral reading in American history. The 
memoirs, illustrations, the -Revolutionary Songs and Ballads, and 
TVell-knoicn Poems. Songs and Hymns and their Authors, with 
eight pages of questions and answers, upon history and literature, 
make the work a helpful compendium of information. 

SHIP OF RAILROADS. Compiled under the Direction of A. P. C. 
Griffin. Chief of Division of Bibliography. Washington: Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1903. 4to pp. 14. 

VICE PENSIONS. Washington. 1903. 4 to. pp. 18. 

TION. Washington, 1903. 4to. pp. 15. 

UNITED STATES. Washington, 1903. 4to. pp. 14. 

COMMERCE AND CORPORATIONS. Washington, 1903. 4to. pp. 8. 

Wasnmgton, 1903. 4to. pp. 65. 

ESTS. Washington. 1903. 4to. pp. 12. 

Washington, 1903. 4to. pp. 28. 

AND AMERICA. Washington, 1903. 4to. pp. 8. 

pp. 100. 

Through the division of bibliography, under the able direction of 
Mr. A. P. C. Griffin, the Library of Cougress continues its special or 
subject bibliographies. The foregoing are the most recent issues. 
Whiie they make no claim to completeness, they are sufficiently full 
to meet all of the demands of the ordinary inquirer. These biblio- 
graphies, together with those published monthly in the Bulletin of 
the New York Public Library, place in easy reach of the student 
and investigator select lists of references on a multitude of sublets, 
.and thus render more easy and ready the explanation of a given 


Gulf States Historical 


Vol. II, No. 2. Montgomery, Ala., September, 1903. Whole No. 8 



By WaeTER L. Fleming, West Virginia University. 

The Union League movement began in the North in 1862 
when the outlook for the Northern cause was gloomy. The 
moderate polic}- of the Washington government had alienated 
the extremists; the Confederate successes in the field and 
Democratic successes in the elections; the active opposition of 
the "Copperheads" to the war policy of the administration; 
the rise of the secret order of the Knights of the Golden Circle 
in the West opposed to further continuance of the war; the 
strong Southern sympathies of the higher classes of society; 
the formation of societies for the dissemination of Democratic 
and Southern literature; the low ebb of loyalty to the govern- 
ment in the North — especially in the cities; all these causes 
resulted in the formation of Union Leagues throughout the 
North. * This movement began among those associated in the 
work of the United States Sanitary Commission. These peo- 
ple were important neither as politicians nor as warriors, and 
had sufficient leisure to observe the threatening state of society 
about them. "Loyalty must be organized, consolidated and 
made effective," they declared. The movement first took ef- 
fective form in Philadelphia in the fall of 1862, and in Decem- 
ber of that year the Union League of Philadelphia was organ- 
ized. The members were pledged to uncompromising and un- 
conditional loyalty to the Union, the complete subordination of 

^President Jay's Address, March 26, 1868. 

Bellows' History Union League Club, of New York, 6-9. 

Chronicle of Philadelphia Union League, 5-8. 

74 The Guef States Historical Magazine 

political ideas thereto, and the repudiation of any belief in states' 
rights. The New York (Union League) Club followed the ex- 
ample of the Philadelphia League early in 1863, and adopted, 
word for word, its declaration of principles.* Boston, Brook- 
lyn, Chicago, Baltimore, and other cities, followed suit, and 
soon Leagues were formed in every part of the North. These 
Leagues were modeled after the Philadelphia plan, and were 
connected by a loose bond of federation. The M Lpyal National 
League" of New York, an independent organization with 
thirty branches, was absorbed b}~ the League. These Leagues 
were social as well as political in their aims. The "Loyal 
Publication Society" of New York came under the control of 
the League, and was used to disseminate the proper kind of 
political literature. As the Federal armies went South, the 
Union League spread among the disaffected element of the 
Southern people. f Much interest was taken in the negro and 
negro troops were enlisted through its efforts. Teachers were 
sent South in the wake of the armies to teach the negroes, and 
to use their influence in securing negro enlistments. In this 
and in similar work the League acted in cooperation with the 
Freedmen's Aid Society, the Department of Negro Affairs 
and later with the Freedmen's Bureau. * 

With the close of the war the Leagues did not cease to 
take an active interest in things political. It was one of the 
earliest bodies to declare for negro suffrage and white dis- 
franchisement, X and this declaration was repeatedly made dur- 
ing the three years following the war. Its agents were always 
in the lobbies of Congress clamoring for radical measures. 
The reconstruction policy of Congress was heartily endorsed 
and the President condemned. 

Part of the work of the League was to distribute campaign 
literature, and most of the violent pamphlets on reconstruction 
questions will be found to have the Union League imprint. 
The New York League alone circulated about 70,000 publica- 

*Chronicle of the Union League, Philadelphia, 5-8. 
Bellows' Union League Club, 9. 

■\First Annual Report of Board of Directors of Union League of Phila- 

Bellows 9, 32. 

Chronicle Union League of Philadelphia, 70, 112. 

JSee Bellows' History Union League Club. 

The -Formation op 1 the Union League in Alabama 75 

lions,* while the Philadelphia Uiiion League far surpassed this 
record, circulating 4,500,000 political painphletsf within eight 

The literature printed consisted largely of accounts of 
''Southern Atrocities." The conclusions of Charles Schurz's 
report on the condition of the South justified the publication 
and dissemination of such choice yarns as this: A preacher 
in Bladon (Springs), Alabama, said that the woods in Choctaw 
County stunk with dead negroes. Some were hanged to trees 
and left to rot; others were burned alive. $ 

Southern "Unionists" who went North were entertained 
by the Union League, and their expenses paid. In 1866 the 
Philadelphia Convention of Southern "Unionists" was cap- 
tured by the League, carried to New York and entertained at 
the expense, of the latter. In 1867 several of the Leagues 
sent delegates to Virginia to reconcile the. two warring factions 
of Radicals. The formation of the Union League among the 
Southern "Unionists" was extended throughout the South 
within a few months of the close of the war, but a "discreet 
secrecy" was maintained. It was easy for all the disaffected 
whites, especially those who had been connected with the 
Peace Society, to join the Union League, which soon included 
Peace Society men, "loyalists," deserters and many anti-ad.- 
ministration Confederates. The most respectable element con- 
sisted of a few old Whigs who had an intense hatred of the 
Democrats and who wanted to crush them by any means. In 
this stage the League was strongest in the white counties of 
the hill and mountain country. 

The League was continued several years after the war as 
a kind of Radical Bureau in the Republican party to control 
the negro vote in the South. Its headquarters were in New 
York, audit was represented in each state by "state mem- 
bers." John KeiTer was "state member" for Alabama. 

*Bellows, 90. 

t'fhere were 144 different pamphlets published by the Philadelphia 
League and 44 posters. 

56,380 pamphlets were issued in 1865. 
867,000 " " " " 1866. 

31,906 M M " " 1867. 

1,416,906 " «' " " 1868. 

4,500,000 " " " " in eight years.— Chronicle, 106,107. 

^Presumably this preacher, if not a myth, was a missionary. 
Chronicle of Union League of Philadelphia, 145. 

76 The GuivE States Historical Magazine 

It is quite likely that such Leagues as that in New York 
and Philadelphia, after the first year or two of reconstruction, 
rather grew away from the strictly political "Union League of 
America" and became more and more social clubs. The spir- 
itual relationship was close, however, and in political belief 
they were one. The eminently respectable members of the 
Union Leagues of Philadelphia and New York, had little in 
common with the Southern Leagues except radicalism. . 

Horace Greeley was attacked by the League because he 
had signed the bond of Jefferson Davis. He, in turn, attacked 
the League in stinging articles in the Tribune* 

Bven before the end of the war the Federal officials had 
organized the Union League in Huntsville, Athens, Florence 
and other places in Northern Alabama. It was understood to 
be a very respectable order in the North, and General Burke, 
and later General Crawford, with other Federal officers and a 
few of the so-called "Union" men of North Alabama, formed 
Lodges of what was called the Union or Loyal League. At 
first but few native whites were members, as the native ' 'Un- 
ionist' ■ was not exactly the kind of a person the Federal Un- 
ion Leaguers cared to associate with more than was necessary. 
With the close of hostilities and the establishment of army 
posts over the state, the League grew rapidly. The civilians 
who followed the army, the Bureau agents, the missionaries, 
and the Northern school teachers were gradually admitted. 
The native "Unionists" came in as the bars were lowered, 
and with them that element of the population which during 
the war, especially in the white counties, had become hostile 
to the Confederate administration. The disaffected politicians 
saw in the organizations an instrument which might be used 
against the politicians of the central counties who seemed likely 
to remain in control of affairs. At this time there were no 
negro members, but it has been estimated that in 1865, 40 per 
cent, of the white voting population in North Alabama joined 
the Union League, and that for a year or more there was an 
average of half a dozen Lodges in each county north of the 

* Chronicle Union League, Philadelphia, 169. 
Bellows, 90, 99, 100, 102. 

Reports of the Executive Committee, Union League Club of N. Y., 

Century Magazine, 1884, Vol. vi, pp. 404 and 949. 

The Formation ok the Union League in Alabama 77 

Black Belt. Later, the local chapters were called Councils. 
There was a State Grand Council with headquarters at Mont- 
gomery, and a Grand National Council with headquarters in 
New York. The Union League of America was the proper 
designation for the entire organization. 

The White Union Leaguers were few in the Black Belt 
counties and even in the white counties of Southeast Alabama 
where one would expect to find them. In Southern Alabama 
it was disgraceful for a person to have any connection with 
the Union League, and if a man was a member he kept it 
secret. To this da}' no one will admit that he belonged to that 
organization. So far as the native members were concerned, 
they cared little about the original purposes of the order, but 
hoped to make it the nucleus of a political organization, 
and the Northern civilian membership, the Bureau agents, 
preachers and teachers and other adventurers, soon began to 
see the possibiiition of the organization.* 

From the very beginning the preachers, teachers and Bu- 
reau agents had been accustomed to gather the negroes around 
them at times for advice and to make speeches to them. Not 
a few of them expected confiscation, or some such procedure, 
and wanted a share in the division of the spoils. Some began 
to talk of political power for the negro. For various purposes, 
good and bad, the negroes were, by the end of 1865, largely 
organized by their would-be leaders, who as controllers of ra- 
tions, religion and schools, had great influence over them. It 
was but a slight change to convert these informal gatherings 
into Lodges, or Councils of the Union League. The early or- 
ganization of the League was not considered Republican and 
political so much as a purely mercenary organization for the 
reception of future plunder from confiscation or governmental 

After the refusal of Congress to recognize the restoration 
as effected by the President, the guardians of the negro in the 
state began to lay their plans for the future. Negro Councils 
were organized, and negroes were even admitted to some of the 

*I am indebted to Prof. L. D. Miller, Jacksonville, Ala., for many 
details concerning the Loyal Leagues. He made inquiries for me of 
people who knew the facts. I have also had other oral accounts. See 
also Ku Klux Report, Alabama Testimonv, (Pierce) 305; (Lowe) 894; 
(Forney) 487. • 

78 The Gui,f States Historical Magazine 

white" Councils which were under control of the Northerners. 
The Bureau gathering of Colonel John B. Callis of Huntsville, 
was transformed into a League. Such men as the Rev. La- 
kin, Colonel Callis, D. H. Bingham, all men of questionable 
character from the North, went about organizing the negroes 
during 1866 and 1867. The Bureau agents were the directors 
of the work, and in the immediate vicinity of the Bureau offi- 
ces they themselves organized the Councils. To distant plan- 
tations and to county districts agents were sent to gather in 
the embryo citizen. *In every commmunity in the state 
where there was a sufficient number of negroes the League 
was organized sooner or later. f 

In North Alabama, the work was done before the spring 
of 1867; in the Black Belt and in South Alabama it was not 
until the end of 1867 that the last negroes were gathered into 
the fold. 

The effect on the white membership of the admission of 
negroes was remarkable. With the beginning of the manipu- 
lation of the negro by his Northern friends, the native whites 
began to desert the order, and when negroes were admitted 
for the avowed purpose of agitating for political rights and for 
political organization afterwards, the native whites left in 
crowds. Where there were many blacks, as in Talladega, 
nearly all of the whites left the order. Where the blacks were 
not numerous and had not been organized more of the whites 
remained, but there was a general exodus in the hill counties. J 

Professor Miller estimates that 5 per cent, of the white 
voters in Talladega county and 25 per cent, of those in Cleburne 
county, where there were few negroes, remained in the order for 
several years, The same proportion would be nearly correct for 
the other counties of North Alabama. Where there were 
few or no negroes, as in Winston and Walker counties, the 

*Ku Klux Report, Alabama Testimony, (Sayre) 357; (Gov. Lindsay) 
170; (Nick. Davis) 783; (Richardson) 815, 855; (Ford) 684; (Lowe) 892; 
(Forney) 487; Miller, Alabama, 24G. Herbert, Solid South, 36, 41. Also 
oral accounts. 

fThere is a copy of the charter of a local Council in the Alabama Tes- 
timony of the Ku Klux Report, 1017. The Montgomery Council was or- 
ganized June 2, 1^66, and three days later General Swayne joined it. It 
was charged that even this early he was desirous of representing Ala- 
bama in the Senate. Herbert, 41-43. 

JNew York Herald, August 5, 1867. 

The Formation 01* this Union League in Alabama 79 

white membership held out better, for in those counties there 
was no fear of negro domination, and if the negro voted he 
would be controlled by the native white population no matter 
what was his politics; and what the negro would do in the 
black counties, the white Leaguers in the hill counties cared 
but little. The character of the whites left in the League was 
extremely shady. The native element has been called "low 
down, trifling white men" and the alien element "itinerant, 
irresponsible, worthless white men from the North." Such 
was the opinion of the native white people, and the later his- 
tory of the Leaguers has not improved their reputation.* The 
sprinkling of whites served to furnish leaders for the ignorant 
blacks. In the black counties there were practically no white 
members in the rank and file. The alien element was proba- 
bly more able than the native white, and had gained more 
completely the confidence of the negroes, and soon had com- 
plete control over them whenever they were in large numbers. 
The Bureau agents saw that the Freedmen's Bureau could not 
survive much longer, and they were especially active in look- 
ing out for soft places to fall. With the assistance of the ne- 
gro they had hoped to pass into high offices in the state and 
county governments. 

One thing about the League that attracted the negro was 
the nrysterious secrecy of the meetings, the weird initiation 
ceremony that made him feel shivery good from his head to 
his heels, the imposing ritual and the songs. I have been in- 
formed that the ritual was not used in the North; it was prob- 
ably adopted for the particular benefit of the African. The 
would-be Leaguer was told in the beginning of the initiation 
that the emblems of the order were the altar, the Bible, the 
Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United 
States, the flag of the union, censer, sword, gavel, ballot box, 
sickle, shuttle, anvil and other emblems of industry. He was 
told that the objects of the order were to preserve liberty, per- 
petuate the union, maintain the laws and the constitution, to se- 
cure the, ascendancy of American institutions, to protect, de- 
fend and strengthen all loyal men and members of the Union 

■ f A« Klux Report, Alabama Testimony, (Lowe) 872; (English) 
1437,1438; (Lindsay) 170; New York Herald, August 5, 1869, June 20, 
18G7. Prof. Miller's account. Oral accounts. 

80 The Guxf States Histoiucai, Magazine 

league of America in all rights of person and property,* to 
demand the elevation of labor, to aid in the education of labor- 
ing men, and to teach the duties of American citizenship. 
This was fine sounding and impressive, and at this point the 
negro was always willing to take an oath of secrecy, after 
which he was asked to swear with a solemn oath to support 
the principles of the Declaration of Independence, pledge him- 
self to resist all attempts to overthrow the United States, and 
to strive for the maintainance of liberty, elevation of labor, 
education of all people in the duties of citizenship, to practice 
friendship and charity to all of the order, and to support for 
election or appointment to office only such men as were sup- 
porters of these principles and measures. f 

Then the Council sang "Hail Columbia" and "The Star 
Spangled Banner," after which an official harangued the can- 
didate, saying that though the designs of traitors had been 
thwarted, there were yet to be secured legislative triumphs 
with complete ascendancy of the true principles of popular 
government, equal libert}', elevation and education, and the 
overthrow at the ballot box of the old oligarchy of political 

Prayer by the Chaplain then followed, the room was dark- 
ened, the "fire of liberty" X lighted, the members joined hands 
in a circle around the candidate who was made to place one 
hand on the flag and, with the other raised, swear again to 
support the government, to elect true Union men to office, etc. 
Then placing his hand on a Bible for the third time he swore 
to keep his oath, and repeated after the President "the Freed- 
man's Pledge": "To defend and perpetuate freedom and un- 
ion, I pledge my life, my fortune and my sacred honor. So 

• -In Sn rater county a Northern teacher of a negro school informed a 
planter that the Leaguers were sworn to defend one another, and that 
he, the y' inter, would be punished for striking a Leaguer whom he had 
caught stealing and had thrashed. — Selma Times and JMessenger, July 
21, 1 868. 

fThe Montgomery Council, May 22, 1867, resolved "That the Union 
League is the right arm of the Union Republican party of the United 
States, ; -.1 that no man should be initiated into the League who does not 
heart: h . a dorse the principles and policy of the Union Republican par- 
ty."— 3 -rt, Solid South, 41. 

A Com", derate could not be admitted to the League unless he would 
ackowk- i,:;\. that his course during the war was treason. 

{Alcohol on salt burns with a peculiar flame making the faces of those 
around, especially the negroes, appear ghostly. 

The Formation of the Union League in Alabama 81 

help me God!" Another song was sung, the President charg- 
ed the members in a long speech concerning the principles of 
the order,' and the marshal instructed the members in the signs. 
To pass one's self as a Leaguer, the "Four L's" were given: 
(i) With right hand raised to heaven, thumb and third fin- 
ger touching ends over palm, pronounce "Liberty"; (2) 
Bring the hand down over the shoulder and say "Lincoln"; 
(3) Drop the hand open at the side and sa} 7 "Loyal"; (4) 
Catch the thumb in the vest or in the waistband and pronounce 

This ceremony of initiation was the most effective means 
of impressing the negro, and of controlling him through his 
love and fear of the secret, mysterious, and midnight mum- 
mery. An oath taken in da}dight would be forgotten before 
the next day; not so, an oath taken in the dead of night under 
such impressive circumstances. After passing through the 
ordeal, the negro usually remained faithful. 

In each populous precinct there was at first one Council of 
the League. In each town or city there were two Councils, 
one for the whites and another, with white officers, for the 
blacks. f The Councils met once a week, sometimes oftener, 
and nearly always at night, in the negro churches or school- 
houses. J Guards, armed with rifles and shotguns, were sta- 
tioned about the place of meeting in order to keep away in- 
truders, and to prevent unauthorized persons from coming 
within forty yards. Members of some councils made it a prac- 
tice to attend the meetings armed as if for battle. In these 
meetings the negroes met to hear speeches by the would-be 
statesmen of the new regime. Much inflammatory advice was 
given them by the white speakers; they were drilled into the 
belief that they and the Southern whites were natural ene- 
mies, and passion, strife and prejudice were excited in order to 
solidify the negro race against the white, and thus prevent po- 
litical control by the latter. Many of the negroes still had 

*A copy of the Constitution and Ritual was secured by the whites and 
published in the Montgomery Advertiser ^ July 24, 1867. 

|The Montgomery Council was composed of white Radicals, and the 
Lincoln Council in the same city was for blacks. Most of the officers 
of the latter were whites. Herbert, 41. 

tThis fact will partly explain why there were many burnings of negro 
churches and school-houses by the Ku Klux Klan. These were political 
headquarters of the Radical party in each community. 

82 Thk Gui/f States Historical Magazine; 

strong hopes of confiscation and division of property, and in 
this they were encouraged by the white leaders. Prof. L. D. 
Miller was told* by respectable white men, who joined the or- 
der before the negroes were admitted and who left when they 
became members, that the negroes were taught in these meet- 
ings that the only way to have peace and plenty, to get "the 
forty acres and a mule," would be to kill some of the leading 
whites in each community as a warning to others. The League 
in Tuscumbia received advice from Memphis to use the torch, 
that the blacks were at war with the white race. The advice 
was taken. Three men were to go in front of the council as 
an advance guard, three were to follow with coal oil and fire, 
and others were to guard the rear. The plan was to burn the 
whole town, but first one negro and then another insisted on 
having some white man's house spared because "he is a good 
man". The result was that no residences were burned, and 
they compromised by agreeing to burn the Female Academy. 
Three of the leaders were lynched, f The general belief of the 
whites was that the objects of the order were to secure politi- 
cal power, to bring about on a large scale the confiscation of 
the property of Confederates,]; and while waiting for this to 
annex all kinds of portable property. Chicken houses, pig pens, 
vegetable gardens and orchards were invariably visited by 
members of the League when returning from the midnight 
conclaves. This evil became so serious and so general that 
many believed it to be one of the principles of the order. 
Everything of value had to be locked up for safe keeping. 

As soon as possible after the war each negro had supplied 
himself with a gun and a dog as a badge of freedom. As a 
usual thing he carried them to the League meetings and 
nothing was more natural than that the negroes should begin 
drilling at night. Armed squads would march in military 

*See Miller, Alabama, 246, 247. 

Leslie & Wilson, Ku Klux Klan, 45, 46. 

iKu Klux Report Ala. Testimony; (Lindsay) 170, 179; (Nich. Davis) 783; 
(Richardson) 830, 355; (Lowe) 872, 886, 907; (Pettus) 3S4; (Walker) 
962, 975. L 

JThad. Stevens' speech on Confiscation, through the Royal League, had 
a wide circulation in Alabama. Agents were sent to the state to organize 
new Councils, to secure the benefits of the proposed confiscation, and free 
farms were promised the negroes. — New York Herald, June 20,1867. 
Many whites now believed that wholesale confiscation would take place. 

The Formation of the; Union League in Alabama 83 

formation to the place of assemblage, there be drilled, and 
after the close of the meeting, would march along the roads 
shouting, firing off their guns, making great boasts and threats 
against persons whom they disliked. If the home of such a 
person happened to be on the roadside, the negroes usually 
made a practice of stopping in front of the house and treat- 
ing the inmates to unlimited abuse, firing off their guns in 
order to awaken them. Later military parades in the 
day time were much favored. Several hundred negroes would 
march up and clown the roads and streets, and amuse them- 
selves by boasts, threats, and abuse of whites, and b} r shoving 
^whites off the sidewalks or out of the road. But on the whole, 
there was very little actual violence done the whites; very much 
less than might have been expected. That such was the case 
was due, not to any sensible teachings of the leaders, but to 
the fundamental good nature of the blacks, who were generally 
content with being impudent.* 

The relations between the races, with exceptional cases, 
continued to be somewhat friendly for several years. In the 
communities where the League was established the relations 
were soonest strained. . For awhile in some localities, before 
the advent of the League, the negroes looked to their old 
masters for guidance and advice, and the latter for the 
good of both races, were most eager to retain a moral 
control over the blacks. Barbecues and picnics were 
arranged by the whites for the blacks, speeches were 
made, good advice given and all promised to go well. 
Sometimes the negroes themselves would arrange the 
festival and invite prominent whites to be present, for 
whom a separate table attended by the best waiters would 
be reserved; and after dinner there would be speaking by both 
whites and blacks. With the organization of the League, the 
negroes grew more reserved and finally unfriendly and hostile 
to the whites. The League alone, however, was not respon- 
sible for the change. The preaching and teaching missiona- 
ries were- at work. On the other hand, among the lower 
classes of whites an unfriendly feeling quickly sprang to op- 
pose the feeling of the blacks. 

*Ku Klux Report, Alabama Testimony, (Sanders) 1803,1811; fDox) 
432; (Herr) 1662,1663. 

84 'The Guef States Histortcae Magazine 

When the campaign grew exciting, the discipline of 
the league was used to prevent the negroes from at- 
tending democratic meetings, or hearing democratic speak- 
ers. The League leaders even went further and for- 
bade the attendance of the blacks at Radical political meet- 
ings where the speakers were not endorsed by the League. 
Almost invariably the scalawag hated the Leaguer, black or 
white, and often the" League proscribed them as political 
teachers. Judge Humphrey was threatened with political 
death unless he joined the League. This he refused 
to do as most whites did where there were many negroes. All 
Republicans in good standing had to join the League. Judge 
(later Governor) D. P. Lewis was a member for a short while, 
but he soon became disgusted and published a denunciation of 
the League. Nich. Davis and J. C. Bradley, both scalawags, 
were forbidden by the League to speak in the court house at 
Huntsviile because they were not Leaguers. At a Republican 
mass-meeting a white Republican wanted to make a speech. 
The negroes voted that he should not be allowed to speak be- 
cause he was opposed to the Loyal League, He was treated to 
much abuse and threats of violence. He then went to another 
place to speak but was followed by the crowd which refused 
to allow him to say anything. The League was the machine 
of the Radical party, and all candidates had to be governed 
by its edicts. Candidates were usually nominated in its 

Bvery negro was ex colore a member of or under the con- 
trol of the League. In the opinion of the League, white 
Democrats were bad enough, but black Democrats were not to 
be tolerated. The first rule of the Leaguers was that all 
blacks must support the Radical program. It w r as possible in 
some cases for a negro to refrain from taking an active part in 
political affairs. He might even fail to vote. But it was 
martyrdom for a black to be a Democrat — that is, try to fol- 
low his old master in politics. The negroes often liked the 
white Democrats, but life was made miserable for the black 
Democrat. The whites, in many cases, were forced to advise 
their faithful blacks to vote the Radical ticket that they might 

*Ku Klux Report, Alabama, (Lowe) 836, 887, 894, 997, (Davis; 783; 
(Cobbs) 1037. 

The Formation of the Union League in Aubama 85 

escape mistreatment. There were numbers of negroes as late 
as 1868 who were inclined to vote with the whites, and" to 
bring them into line all the forces of the League were brought 
to bear. They were proscribed in negro society; expelled from 
negro churches; the women would not "prashay" (appreciate) a 
black Democrat. The negro man who had Democratic inclina- 
tions was sure to find that the League was bringing influence to 
bear upon his dusk) 7 sweetheart or wife to cause him to see 
the error of his ways, and persistent adherence to the white 
part) 7 would result in the loss of her. The women were con- 
verted to Radicalism long before the men, and almost invari- 
ably used their influence strongly for the purposes of the 
League. If moral suasion failed to cause the delinquent to 
see the light, other methods were used. Threats were com- 
mon from the first and often sufficed, and fines were levied by 
the League on recalcitrant members. In case of the more 
stubborn, a beating wrought a change of heart. A sound 
whipping was usually effective. The offending darkey was 
"bucked and gagged," and the thrashing administered, the 
sufferer being afraid to complain of the way he was treated. 
There were man)' cases of aggravated assault and a few cases 
of murder. By such methods the League succeeded in keep- 
ing under its control almost the entire negro population.* 

The discipline of the League over its active members 
was stringent. They w r ere sworn to obey the orders of the 
officials. A negro near Clayton disobeyed the "Cap'eu" of 
the Loyal League and was tied up by the thumbs; and an- 
other for a similar offense was "bucked" and whipped. A 
candidate having been nominated by the League it was made 
the duty of every membsr to support him actively. Failure to 
do so resulted in a fine or other more severe punishment, and 
members that had been expelled were still under the control of 
the League. f 

The effects of the teachings of the League orators were 
soon seen in the increasing insolence and defiant attitude of 
some of the blacks, in the greater number of stealings, small 

*Ku Klux Repot t, Alabama, (Ford) 684; (Herr) 1665; (Pettus) 381; 
(Jolly) 283, 291; (Sayre) 387; (Pierce) 313; New York Herald, Dec. 4. 1867, 
October 2, 186S. Herbert. Solid South, 45. Oral accounts. 

fNew York Herald, October 13, 1867. Eufaula Correspondence Kic 
Klux Report, Alabama, (Sanders) 1812; (Pettus) 381; (Herr) 16C3; 
(Pierce) 313; (Sayre) 357. 

86 Thk Goi,f States Historical Magazine 

and' large, in the boasts, demands, and threats made by the 
more violent members of the order. Most of them, however, 
behaved remarkably well under the circumstances, but the few 
unbearable ones were so much more in evidence that the suf- 
fering whites were disposed to class all blacks together as un- 
bearable. Some of the methods of the Loyal League were 
similar to those of the later Ku Klux Klau. Anonymous warn- 
ings were sent to the obnoxious individuals, houses were 
burned, notices were pasted at night in public places and on 
the doors of persons who had incurred the hostility of the 

In Bullock county, near Perote, a Council of the League 
was organized under the direction of a negro emissary who 
proceeded to assume the government of the community. A 
list of crimes and punishments was adopted, a court erected 
with various officials established, and during the night all ne- 
groes, who opposed them, w r ere arrested. The black sheriff 
and his deputy were arrested by the civil authorities. The 
negroes then organized for resistance, flocked into Union 
Springs, the county seat, and threatened to exterminate the 
whites and take possession of the county. Their agents vis- 
ited the plantations and forced the laborers to join them by 
showing orders purporting to be from General Sw 7 ayne giving 
them the authority to kill all who resisted them. Swayne 
sent out detachments and arrested fifteen of the ring leaders, 
and the Perote government collapsed, f 

When the League was first organized in the Black Belt, 
and before native whites were excluded from membership, 
numbers of whites joined the League upon invitation in order 
to ascertain i'ts objects, to see if mischief were intended toward 
the w T hites, and to control, if possible, the negroes in the or- 
ganization. Most of these became disgusted and withdrew, or 
were expelled on account of their politics. In Marengo 
County several white Democrats joined the League at Mc- 
Kinley in order to keep down the excitement aroused by other 

*A notice pasted on the door of a citizen of Dallas county was to this 
effect: "Irvin Hauser is the damnedest rascal in the neighborhood, and 
if he and three or four others don't mind they will get a ball in them." 
— Selma Times and Messenger,K^x\\ 21, 1868. Oral" accounts. See also 
Brown, Lozuer South, chapter on Ku Klux movement Herbert, 3, 8. 

fNew York Herald, Dec. 5, 1867. 

Montgomery Advertiser^ Dec. 4, 1867. (J. M. Chappell.) 

The Formation of the Union League in Alabama 87 

Leaguers, to counteract the evil influences of alien emissa- 
ries, and to protect the women of the community where but 
few men were left after the war. These men succeeded in 
controlling the negroes, and in preventing the discussion of 
politics in the meeting. The League was made simply a club 
where the negroes met to receive advice, which was that they 
should attend strictly to their own affairs and vote without 
reference to any secret organization. Finally they were ad- 
vised to withdraw from the order.* 

For two 3'ears, 1867- 1869, the League was the machine in 
the Radical party, and its leaders formed the "ring" that coir 
trolled party action. Nominations for office were made by 
the local and state Councils. It is said that there were stormy 
times in the Councils when there were more carpet-baggers 
than there were offices to be filled. The defeated candidate 
was apt to -run as an independent, and in order to be elected 
would sell himself to the whites. This practice resulted in a 
weakening of the influence of the League, as the members 
were sworn to support the League nominee, and the negroes 
believed that the terrible penalties would be inflicted upon the 
political traitor. The officers would go among the negroes and 
show their commissions which they pretended were orders 
from General Swayne or General Grant for the negroes to vote 
for theni.f A political catechism of questions and answers 
meant to teach loyalty to the Radical party was prepared in 
Washington and sent out among the Councils to be used in the 
instruction of negro voters. J 

After it was seen that existing political institutions were 
about to be overturned, the white Councils and, to a certain 
extent, the negro Councils became simply associations of those 
training for leadership in the new party soon to be formed in 
the state by act of Congress. The few whites who were in 
control did not care to admit many new white members as 
there might be too many to share in the division of the spoils. 
Hence we find that terms of admission were made more string- 
ent, and, especially after the passage of the Reconstruction 

*$?u Klux Report, Alabama, (Lyon) 1422, 1423; (Abrahams) 1382, 

tSee Ku Klux Reft Alabama, (Alston) 1017; (Herr) 1665; (Sayre) 357; " 
(Pierce) 313. 
tSelma Messenger, July 19, 1867. 

88 The Gui/f States Historical Magazine 

Acts in March, 1867, many applicants were rejected. The 
alien element was in control of the League. The scalawags 
had no love for the negro, nor the negro for them. Conse- 
quently, they were not able to associate together in League 
meetings and in political work. The result was that where 
the blacks were numerous the largest plums fell to the carpet- 
baggers. The negro leaders, — politicians, preachers and teach- 
ers — trained in the League, acted as subordinates to the white 
leaders in controlling the black population, and they were sent 
ont to drum up the country negroes when elections drew near. 
They were also given minor positions, when offices were more 
plentiful than carpet-baggers. Altogether they received but 
few offices, which fact was later a cause of serious complaint. 
The largest white membership of the League was in 1865- 

1866 and after that date it constantly decreased. The native 
Radicals did not belong to the League except in the remote 
white counties. The largest negro membership was in 

1867 and 1868. Onty the Councils in the towns remained 
active after the election of 1868, for after the disci- 
discipline of 1867, and 1868, it was not necessary to look so 
closely after the plantation negro, and he became a kind of 
visiting member of the Council in the town.*- The League 
as an organization gradually died out by 1869 except in the 
largest towns. Many of them were simply transformed into 
political clubs loosely organized under local political leaders. 
The Ku Kiux Klan undoubtedly had much to do with break- 
ing up the League as an organization. The League was 
largely the cause of the Ku Klux movement, because it created 
the conditions which made such a movement necessary. f In 
1870 the Radical leaders missed the support formerly given by 
the League, and an urgent appeal was sent out all over the 
state from League headquarters in New York by John Keffer 
and others advocating the reestablishinent of Union Leagues 
to assist in carrying the elections of iS7o.{ 

*It is certain that the estimates of 18,000 white and 70,000 black mem- 
bers at the same time is not correct. As the latter increased in numbers 
the former decreased. Early in 1867, KefFer said there were 38, COO whites 
and 12,000 blacks in the League.— New York Herald, May 7, 1867. Per- 
haps he meant the total enrollment early in the year. In 1868, he claimed 
20,000 whites. 

f Leslie & Wilson, Lu Klux Klati, 47. Also Alabama Testimony in 
Ku Klux Report 

{Montgomery Mail, August 20, 1870. 

The Formation of the Union League in Alabama 89 


. The leaders of the Union League were such men as Lakin, 
Callis, Spencer, Bingham, Norris, Keffer, Nealy and Strobach, 
all aliens of shady character. Nearly all of them were elected 
to office by the support of the League. After the order was 
broken up the carpet-baggers found it harder to get office. 

However, before its dissolution, the League had served its 
purpose. It had completely alienated the races politically and 
made it possible for the outsiders to control the negro. It en- 
abled the negroes to vote as Radicals for several years where 
without it they either would not have voted at all or they 
would have voted as Democrats along with their former mas- 
ters. The League was necessar}' to the existence of the Radi- 
cal part}* in Alabama. No ordinary political organization 
could have welded the blacks into a solid party. The Freed- 
men's Bureau, which had much influence over the negroes for 
demoralization, was too weak in numbers to control effectually 
the negroes in politics. The League finally absorbed the per- 
sonnels of the Bureau and inherited all its prestige.* 

*In the Ku Klux Report^ Alabama Testimony, will be found many de- 
tails concerning the workings of the League. The Conservative and 
sometimes the Radical witnesses, in Alabama and in all the other South- 
ern states, uniformly assert that the Ku Klux movement was caused by 
the workings of the Union League. 


" Well proved ', Ihey say, in strife of war, 
And tempest on Ike sea." 

By Marsha^ DrLancey Haywood, of Raleigh, N. C. 

With those few of the present generation who have heard 
at all of Major George Farragut, the idea usually prevails that 
his only title to distinction lay in the fact that he became the 
father of one of America's most noted naval commanders. Yet 
the services rendered by George Farragut himself, both as a 
soldier and sailor, were not unappreciated during his own life- 
time. This gentleman, sometime a Captain of North Carolina 
Cavalr}^ in the army of the Revolution, a pioneer in the trans- 
montane settlements of Tennessee and the Gulf States, and 
who was later engaged in the naval service of the United 
States, was a native of the Island of Minorca, one of the 
Balearic group, in the Mediterranean sea. A record concern- 
ing himself, made in a family Bible and addressed to Admiral 
Farragut, is reproduced in one of the latter' s published bio- 
graphies as follows: 

My Son: 

"Your father, George Farragut, was born in the Island 
of Minorca, in the Mediterranean, in 1755, the 29th of Septem- 
ber, in Ciudadella, and came away from that island the 2d day 
of April, 1772 — came to America in March, 1776. Your moth- 
er, Elizabeth Shine, was born in North Carolina, Dobbs Co., 
near Kinston on the Neuse River, in 1765, on the 7th of June. 
Her father, John Shine — mother, Ellenor Mclven." 

That part of Dobbs County, to which allusion is made in 
this extract now forms the county of Lenoir. Dobbs no longer 
exists, having been abolished by legislative enactment in 1791. 

In the above quoted volume of biography, (written by 
Eoyall Farragut, son of the Admiral), is also a quotation from 
the records of the ecclesiastical court of Ciudadella, stating 
that the baptism of George Farragut occurred on September 
30, 1755, and giving the date of his birth as above. In this 
entry on the church records, he designated the son of Anthony 
Farragut and Juana Mesquida, with Don Joseph de Vigo and 

Major George Farragut 91 

the noble lad} r Dona Juana Martorell as his god-parents. The 
full baptismal name given young Farragut was George Anth- 
ony Magin; but he no doubt considered an appellation in four 
sections too cumbersome to be carried about by a sojourner in 
many lands, so dropped his two middle names and was known 
simply as George Farragut. 

The family of Farragut, (or Ferragut, as it was formerly 
written), is one of ancient orign, claiming descent from Don 
Pedro Ferragut, styled El Conquistador, or "the Conqueror," 
a noted warrior in the service of King James the First of Ara- 
gon when that monarch expelled the Moors from Majorca and 
Valencia in the thirteenth century. From this Don Pedro 
sprang many noted .fighters as well as scholars and theolog- 
ians; but as numerous as the family was, it now no longer ex- 
ists in the Balearic Islands. It is interesting to note, in con- 
nection with the Island of Minorca, that when Admiral Farra- 
gut visited, his father's birthplace in 1868, the population 
turned out en masse to welcome him, and held in his honor 
public entertainments attended by many thousands. 

George Farragut, the subject of the present sketch, was a 
full-blooded Spaniard. Later, however, in a resolution by the 
North Carolina Assembly, (hereinafter to be quoted), he is 
styled "a native and subject of the Kingdom of France." As 
an explanation of this^ it may be mentioned that at about the 
time of Farragut' s birth, Minorca, (then an English possess- 
ion), was captured by the French. This disaster to British, arms 
was the one which cost the unfortunate Admiral Byng his life 
after he returned to England. 

The education of George Farragut was received in Spain 
at the schools of Barcelona, and it may be that he gained some 
knowledge of English while there; for, after coming to Amer- 
ica, he showed himself quite proficient in the language of his 
adopted country. During the four years elapsing between his 
departure from Minorca in April, 1772, and his arrival in 
America in March, 1776, he was for a while at school, as above 
noted, later being engaged in seafaring pursuits. At the time 
that he came to America, the war with Great Britain had begun 
in earnest, and one decisive victory had already been gained 
in North Carolina by the colonists at Moore's Creek Bridge. 
Promptly espousing the patriot cause, Farragut now entered 

92 The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

upon the long war in which he was destined to bear an honor- 
able part. 

As seamen of the eighteenth century knew more of broad- 
side firing than cavalry tactics, one might expect to find George 
Farragut on some armed sloop, or fighting as an artilleryman 
in the ranks of the patriots; yet navigating a horse seems also 
to have been one of his accomplishments, for we soon see his 
name enrolled as an officer in the North Carolina State Legion 
or Mounted Rangers. This organization of light-horsemen was 
largely entrusted with guarding the western settlements, and 
much of its warfare was waged against the Indians and their 
Tory instigators in that section of North Carolina which is 
now the State of Tennessee. 

At the battle of Cowpens, January 17, 1781, Farragut is 
said to have saved the life of Colonel William Washington. 
Such is a tradition handed down among descendants of the for- 
mer; and some verification of the belief may be found in pub- 
lished accounts of the battle which state that Colonel Wash- 
ington was rescued from a perilous encounter in which he was 
engaged, by a Sergeant (whose name is not given), and a 
Bugler named Ball.* The Sergeant referred to may have been 
Farragut, as both he and Washington were in the cavalry. 

The exact date when Mr. Farragut entered the army does 
not appear; but by the spring of 1782, he had risen to the rank 
of Captain, as is shown by a resolution which the Assembly of 
North Carolina passed on the 27th of May, in that year: 

"Resolved, That Captaiu George Farragut, of the State Legion, be 
allowed three hundred dollais in full for six months' pay and subsistence 
money, which shall be received in the sales of confiscated property as 
gold and silver, and an}' Commissioner may be allowed the same in the 
settlement of accounts." f 

When the Revolution came to an end and the arms of the 
colonists were crowned with success, too long drain on North 
Carolina's resources was sorely felt, and it was not until three 
years after the war that even a part of the arrears due Captain 
Farragut for his services could be paid. On the 27th of Nov- 
ember, 1776, the Senate of North Carolina passed a set of res- 

♦Marshall's Life of Washington, ( 1804-1807 edition ) vol. iv, p. 347; 

Col. Henry Lee's Memoirs, ( 1812 edition ) vol. i, p. 258. 

Garden's Anecdotes, ( 1822 edition ) p. 69. 

fSlate Records of North Carolina, Vol. xvi, p. 169. 

Major George Farragut 93 

olutions (concurred in by the House of Commons on the same 
clay) , as follows : 

"RSSOIVVKD, That Mr. George Farragut, late a Captain in the Cav- 
alry in the State Regiment of North Carolina, be allowed the sum of 
sixty-eight pounds, eight shillings and four pence, current money, being 
the one-fourth part of the sum which appears by his account rendered to 
be due Mr. Farragut for and on account of his military service perform- 
ed in this State; that the Treasurer pay him the same, and it be allowed 
in settlement of public accounts; 

"Resolved also, That the Comptroller issue to Mr. George Farragut 
a certificate for the other three-fourths of the sum due him; 

"RESOEVED likewise, That this General Assembly are led to adopt 
this measure from a conviction of the faithful, voluntary and priblic 
spirited services of the said Mr. F N arragut, he being a native and subject 
of the Kingdom of France.* 

Shortly after the war, Captain Farragut went west and 
engaged in surveying, also becoming a farmer in what was 
then known as the District of Washington in North Carolina. 
L,ater, his place of residence became a part of the South West 
Territory, and is now embraced within the borders of the State 
of Tennessee. 

When Captain Farragut went to the Washington District, 
men of military training were acquisitions to that thinly settled 
region. Farragut soon became Muster-Master of the District, 
and was commissioned a Major of Cavalry by Governor Wil- 
liam Blount on November 3, 1790. One of the claims before 
Congress in 1797 was from Major Farragut for "services ren- 
dered the United States as Muster-Master of the Militia of the 
District of Washington, employed in actual service for the pro- 
tection of the frontiers of the United States south of the Ohio, 
from the 1st of March, 1792, to the 26th of October, 1793." 

In the course of time, Major Farragut became the owner 
of quite a number of tracts of land in his new home. The re- 
cord of his purchases, as ascertained by the well-known law- 
yer and historian, Honorable Joshua W. Caldwell, of Knox- 
ville, Tennessee, is as follows: On February 6, 1794, he pur- 
chased from James White a lot in Knoxville, and two days 
later bought from Thomas King tw 7 o hundred acres in Knox 
County, on Third Creek; in the same year, on April 8th, the 
the State of North Carolina granted him a tract of three hun- 
dred and eighty acres in Grassy Valley, Knox County; in 
April, 1796, he purchased two tracts in Knox County from 
James White. These last named were on the south side of 

*State Records of North Carolina, vol. xviii, p. 24 and 257. 

94 ,The Guj.f Stayks Historical Magazine 

Second- Creek, partly within the present bounds of the City of 
Knoxville, Farragut disposed of these two tracts in 1799 and 
1800. Prior to the time when he sold them, he made his 
home on the first, (a little over three acres), which stood at 
the end of Emerson Street, or Spring Street, as it was formerly 
called. On this lot the house occupied by the Farragut fam- 
ily .was standing as late as the beginning of 1903, when it was 
torn down to make way for a railroad. Shortly after this a 
public-spirited Tennesseean, Benjamin Rush Strong, conceiv- 
ed the idea of preserving the structure, had the tim- 
bers collected and the house rebuilt in its original form. It 
now stands on the premises of Mr. Strong. In a letter 
written by Hon. John B. Brownlow, and published in the 
Knoxville Sentinel 'of April 8, 1903, the original form of the 
house is thus described: "The first story was stone, with, a 
wall thick enough for a four-story log house. The second, of 
thick logs, and then a half story above, with a high roof." 

Having gained a practical knowledge of carpentry while 
on ship-board, Major Farragut put his experience in that line 
of work to good account when in Knoxville, and became a 
contractor and house-builder. Not only in Knoxville, but 
throughout the surrounding country, many of the houses of 
the earlier settlers were built by him. 

On December 9, 1796, Farragut bought from Stokely 
Donelson six hundred and forty acres on the north bank of 
the Holston River. Later, in 1805, he executed a mortgage 
for a part of this land, and set forth in the mortgage deed that 
his dwelling house was on part of the tract. His residence 
was at a place called Stony Point which was afterwards known 
asEow's Ferry. There, (and not, as is usually supposed, at 
Campbell's Station), Admiral David Glasgow Farragut was 
born. Major George Farragut, so far as the records show, never 
owned land at Campbell's Station. In the records of the coun- 
ty court of Knox County for April session, 1797, it appears that 
license was granted Maj. Farragut to ''keep a public ferry at his 
own landing on Holston River at the place called Stony Point." 
Campbell's Station was the nearest settlement to Stony Point, 
and the only place which could be shown on a map. This is 
probably why Admiral Farragut himself later referred to 
Campbell's Station as his birthplace. To speak of Stony Point, 

Major George Farragut 95 

otherwise Low's Ferry, which was about four miles distant 
from Campbell's Station, would convey no idea to a person 
not familiar with the neighborhood. The mistake may be 
accounted for b} r a tradition, which has currency in Knox 
County, that there was once, near Low's Ferry, a camp-ground 
connected in some way with the name of Campbell, and prob- 
ably -owned or operated by members of that family. 

The Farragut house at Stony Point is described as having 
been unusually large for a log structure. Originally it was 
forty by twenty feet, with additional rooms built later which 
greatly added to its size. Through its walls were two loop- 
holes for purposes of defense against the Indians. This house 
is no longer in existence. The place of its location was sold by 
Major Farragut to Elisha Jarnagin, from whom it w T as pur- 
chased by Abraham Low; and thereby it gained the name of 
Low's Ferry. 

Admiral Farragut himself could remember many of the 
dangerous frontier experiences of his father's famil}- in Ten- 
nessee, as the following extract from his journal (in the biog- 
raphy by Loyall Farragut) will show: 

■ 'In those days, on the border, we were continually an- 
noyed b} r the Indians, which rendered the organization of the 
militia a necessity. My father was appointed a Major of cav- 
alry, and served for some time in that capacity, the condition 
of the country requiring its inhabitants to be constantly on the 
outlook. I remember that on one occasion, during my fath- 
er's absence, a party of Indians came to our house, which w 7 as 
somewhat isolated, when my mother, who was a brave and 
energetic woman, barred the door in the most effectual man- 
ner, and sent all of us trembling little ones up into the loft of 
the barn, while she guarded the entrance with an axe. The 
savages attempted to parley with her, bat she kept them at 
bay, until finally they departed, for some reason which is un- 
known, their intentions having been evidently hostile. My 
father arrived shortly after with his command, and immediate- 
ly pursued the Indians, whom, I believe, he succeeded in 
overtaking and punishing; at any rate, they were never seen 
again in that part of the country." 

When North Carolina ceded Tennessee to the United 
States to be set up as a separate government, the parent State 
reserved the ownership of unentered public lands lying with- 
in the borders of the new commonwealth. It may be that the 
remainder of what was due Major Farragut from North Caro- 

90 The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

lina for his military services in the War for Independence, was 
paid with the grant to him of the three hundred and eighty 
acres in Grassy Valley, heretofore mentioned. Numberless 
claims by veterans of the Revolution were settled in this man- 
ner, and many of the owners crossed the Alleghanies to take 
personal possession of their property. Largely from these war- 
like progenitors, with those who accompanied them or went 
about the same time, springs the race of Tennesseeans ; which 
has made itself felt in every succeeding conflict, — from the war 
of 1812, with its leading spirit, Andrew Jackson, a native 
North Carolinian, down to the war between the States, with 
General Forrest and Admiral Farragut, both of North Caro- 
lina parentage, fighting on opposite sides with unsurpassed 
effect; while later still, in the war with Spain, were many 
creditable participants who came of the same stock. 

Some time during the early part of 1807, Major Farragut 
removed with his family from Tennessee to the Gulf Coast, 
having received a commission as Sailing-Master in the United 
States navy on the 2d of March in that year. At the time of 
his appointment he was still a resident of Tennessee; for even 
later, in a deed executed by him (April 30, 1807), he refers to 
himself as of "Knox County, in the State of Tennessee." In 
that day of slow mail service, the news of his appointment 
probably had not reached him, or he may have tarried in his 
old home for a short while in order to dispose of his property 
before reporting for duty. After his arrival in the far South, 
Farragut purchased a plantation in what is now Jackson coun- 
ty, Mississippi. It was situated at a slight promontory called 
Point Plaquet, and sometimes known as Farragut's Point. 
This place is on the west side of Pascagoula River, and near it 
was a small harbor, together with tremendous stretches of 
marsh lands which were interspersed with bayous and ponds. 
The place was in a section of country which, in parlance of 
the old English borders, might be styled, "debatable land," 
for it was claimed by the Spaniards as a part of West Florida, 
and by the United States as included within the Louisiana 
Territory, recently purchased from France. After the Ameri- 
can settlers had captured the Spanish fortress at Baton Rouge, 
the Government at Washington seized the whole stretch of 
country in dispute. 

Major Gkorge Farragut 97 

Though still retaining possession of his plantation, Farra- 
gut removed his family to New Orleans in 1808. He seems to 
have alternated in- his place of residence between his planta- 
tion and the naval station at New Orleans; for, in 181 1, 
while still serving as sailing-master, he was called upon to act 
as magistrate for the county of Pascagoula. The government 
agent who made the appointment wrote to the authorities at 
Washington that he had prevailed upon Sailing-Master Farra- 
gut to accept the post of magistrate upon a special request 
from the people of Pascagoula, b}^ whom he was greatly belov- 
ed. As the Gulf Coast was settled so largely by Spaniards 
and French, it was to Farragut, no doubt, a most congenial 
locality, recalling the surroundings of his } r outh in far away 

At the naval station in New Orleans, Sailing-Master Far- 
ragut was for sometime in command of a gun-boat. His wife 
died in New Orleans on the 22d of June, 1808, being the vic- 
tim of a yellow fever epidemic. Before Mrs. Farragut's death 
an incident occurred which had the greatest influence in shap- 
ing the career of her distinguished son, David Glasgow Farra- 
gut, then a child. It seems that Sailing-Master David Porter, 
father of Commodore David Porter and grandfather of Ad- 
miral David Dixon Porter, was then stationed at New 7 Orleans; 
and, becoming ill, received much kindness from the family of 
his friend and associate, Sailing-Master Farragut, at whose 
house he died. Shortly after that, Commander Porter, after- 
wards Commodore, was ordered to New Orleans; and, learning 
of what had been done for his late father in the household of 
Mr. Farragut, offered to adopt one of that gentleman's two 
smallest sons — William, the eldest of three, already being a 
midshipman in the navy. The younger of the two boys, on 
hearing of Porter's offer, promptly asked that he might be the 
one to accompany that officer. Thus began the wonderful na- 
val career of David Glasgow Farragut, who received his "bap- 
tism of fire" under Captain Porter in the war of 181 2, when a 
midshipman only thirteen years old on board the Essex, and 
who died with a higher rank than had ever before existed in 
the navy of the United States. 

Of George Farragut, little more remains to be said. He 
retired from the navy, March 25, 18 14, on account of age, 

98 This Gulf States Historical Magazink 

then being in his fifty-ninth year, and prematurely old, no 
doubt, in consequence of his continued life of almost constant 
exposure. He is recorded simply as ''Dismissed" in at least 
one Naval Register (Hamersly's); and this should not be al- 
lowed to pass without a word of explanation, as dismissal in 
our day implies that an officer has been guilty of some miscon- 
duct which renders him unworthy of remaining in the service. 
Desiring information on a statement apparently so out of keep- 
ing with the previous honorable record of Mr. Farragut, the 
writer of this sketch addressed an inquiry to the Navy Depart- 
ment at Washington, asking for the facts of the case. To 
this came the reply that Sailing-Master Farragut left the ser- 
vice for the reason that owing to his old age he could not per- 
form his duties as the requirements of active service demand- 
ed, and in those days there was no retired list; there was noth- 
ing in connection with his dismissal other than this." 

After the retirement of Sailing- Master Farragut from the 
navy, he once more repaired to his plantation in Mississippi, 
and there spent the remainder of his life. The part, if any, 
which he bore in the operations to defend New Orleans against 
the British, in the war of 1812, does not appear. He was no 
longer regularly enlisted in the service when Jackson won his 
great victory on the 8th of January, 181 5. 

, It was on his plantation at Point Plaquet, June 4, 18 17, 
that George Farragut died, three years after his retirement 
from the navy, in the sixty-second year of his age, and after a 
residence of more than forty years in the republic for whose 
independence he had bravely contended when a young captain 
of North Carolina Light Horse in the army of the Revolution. 

of San Marcos, Texas. 

II. Secession. 

The news of the election of Lincoln in i860 created the 
greatest excitement among the people of Leon County, Texas, 
where the writer then resided. It was the theme of universal 
discussion. The result and effect on the institution of slavery 
were canvassed pro and con. Public sentiment declared contin- 
uance in the Union the death-knell to slavery, and that Texas 
ought to secede and resume her original sovereignty. 

A large majority of the people of Texas had determined 
that political union with the Free States was no longer to be 
endured, and that secession, peaceable if it could be had, forci- 
ble if it must, was the only course left the slave-holding states. 
Action, however, in this direction came about slowly in Texas, 
owing to the fact that in 1859 General Sam Houston, a Union 
man wanting the South to fight for her rights inside the Un- 
ion, was elected Governor, defeating Runnels, the regular 
Democratic nominee. 

Texas having been admitted into the Union under a Dem- 
ocratic administration and by Democratic votes, her citizens, 
almost unanimously, aligned themselves with the Democratic 
party of the country. This unanimity was not broken until 
1857, an d for that reason no party conventions had been held 
or nominations made in the State, from the time of annexation 
to the assembling of a Democratic convention at Waco, in 
1857. At this convention H. R. Runnels was nominated for 
Governor and F. R. Lubbock for Lieutenant-Governor. This 
action was deemed necessary because General Houston, then 
one of the United States Senators from Texas, had in 1854 
opposed the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and voted with the 
Republicans and Freesoilers against it. This bill being favor- 
able to the slave-holding interest of the South, every Senator 
from the slave-holding States voted for it, except Houston of 
Texas and Bell of Tennessee. Senator Houston's opposition 
to this bill, and his vote against it, displeased the leading 
Democrats of Texas, who felt that Texas should line up and 

100 ' The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

be in full accord with, her sister slave States; and hence the 
Waco convention and the nomination of Runnels and Lubbock. 

General Houston became the independent ' candidate for 
Governor, with Jesse Grimes for Lieutenant-Governor as his 
running mate. Runnels and Lubbock were elected. General 
Houston was again the independent candidate for Governor in 
1S59, and Edward Clark candidate for Lieutenant-Governor, 
and the} 7 defeated Runnels and Lubbock. The defeat of the 
Democratic nominees resulted partl} T from General Houston's 
personal popularity, especially among the old Texans, who 
would vote for him without any regard to his politics; but prin- 
cipally from the fact that a few leading Democrats and a few 
Democratic newspapers, notably the State Gazette at Austin, 
the exponent of the party in Texas, suggested the propriety 
of re-opening the African slave trade — -a measure obnoxious 
to the people of Texas. 

By the 15th of November, i860, it had been definitely as- 
certained in Texas that Lincoln had been elected President of 
the United States. The Lone Star Flag of Texas w r as imme- 
diately hoisted over the capitol at Austin, and without any 
consultation or concert was raised in nearly every town and 
village in the State. The opposition to "a Black Republican 
Administration' ' , was manifested by the raising of the Texas 
flag and the erection of liberty poles in almost every tow T n and 

The people at once became anxious to have the Legisla- 
ture called together and take action with the other Southern 
states that were already moving to meet the crisis. Governor 
Houston declined to call the Legislature. Finally a number 
of the leading citizens of the State, representing some twenty- 
eight counties, met at the office of George Flournoy, then At- 
torney-General of the State, on the 21st day of November 
i860, in the city of Austin, and issued a call for holding an 
election throughout the State, to elect delegates to a conven- 
tion to take into consideration the state of the country, and to 
determine whether Texas should secede from the Union, and 
cooperate with the other slave states. The election was fixed 
for the 8th of January 1861, and the convention was duly 
held, one hundred and eighty delegates — twice the number of 
the members of the House of Representatives — met in the 

Recollections of Judge Wm. D. Wood - 101 

Convention at Austin on January the 28th, and organized by 
the election of O. M. Roberts as President and R. Brownrigg 
Secretary. On December the 27th, i860, Gov. Houston issued 
his proclamation under the resolutions passed by the Legisla- 
ture in 185S, and approved by Gov. Runnels, ordering an elec- 
tion for seven delegates to meet in consultation with delegates 
that might be appointed by the slave states or a majority of 
them. No attention was paid by the people to this proclama- 
tion, and no such election was held. In the meantime Gov. 
Houston, under the resolutions passed by the legislature in 
1858, called the Legislature to meet in session on January the 
21, 1 86 1 . Very few of the members of this Legislature shared 
the Governor's Union sentiments. 

The Legislature met, recognized the Convention, and 
ratified the calling of the same, and from that time acted in 
entire harmony with it. On February the 1st, 1861, the Con- 
vention passed the final ordinance of secession, by a vote of 
167 yeas to 7 nays. The Convention provided that said ordi- 
nance should be submitted to a vote of the people for ratifica- 
tion or rejection, on February 22d, 1861, and return of the 
vote made to the Convention on March 2d. The Legislature 
passed an act approving fully the action of the - Convention, 
and requiring the Governor by proclamation to declare the re- 
sult of the vote of the people on the ordinance of secession. 
46,129 votes were cast for ratification, and 14,697 against 
it. On the 4th of March, 1861, the Convention counted the 
vote, and the President of the Convention declared Texas a 
free and independent sovereignty. Governor Houston, in obe- 
dience to the requirement of the Legislature, issued his procla- 
mation, declaring that the ordinance had been ratified by a 
large majority, but in no way indicated the legal results of 
this action of the people. 

Prior to the submission of the Ordinance of Secession to 
the people, the Convention, on the 4th of February, elected 
seven delegates to the Convention of the slave states, called to 
meet at Montgomery, Ala. The delegates elected were John 
H. Reagan, Louis T. Wigfall, John Hemphill, T. N. Waul, 
John Gregg, \V. T. Oldham and W. B. Ochiltree. On the 6th 
of March the Convention passed an ordinance, ratifying the 
provisional Constitution of the Confederate States, which had 

102 The Guef States Historical Magazine 

been adopted by the delegates of several Slave States assem- 
bled at Montgomety, and official notice of this was at once for- 
warded to the Texas delegates. On the 14th of March the 
Convention passed an ordinance, continuing in office all of the 
state and county officials, and all laws not in conflict with 
any ordinance of the Convention. It was also provided that 
all of the officials of the state should take the oath of office re- 
quired "by the state Constitution, substituting in the oath the 
Constitution of the Confederate States in place of the Consti- 
tution of the United States. Members of the Legislature then 
in session, and all of the state officials except Governor Hous- 
ton and E. W. Cave, the Secretary of State, took the oath. Gov- 
ernor Houston having declined to take the oath, Edward Clark 
the Lieutenant- Governor became Governor. 

Governor Houston was strenuously opposed to separate 
state action, and favored united action on the part of the slave 
states. It seems, however, that when Texas entered the 
Southern Confederacy, he was not satisfied and he yielded to 
the will of the people with great reluctance. After being de- 
posed from office, he still considered himself Governor and his 
office usurped. But he did not lose the patriotic impulses of 
his heart, nor would he embroil the people of his state in civil 
strife by giving aid and comfort to their enemies. On the 
day of his retirement from office, the 16th of March, 1861, he 
addressed a long letter to the people in which he used the fol- 
lowing language: "I love Texas too well to bring civil strife 
and bloodshed upon her. To avert this calamity, I shall make 
no endeavor to maintain my authority as Chief Executive of 
the state, except by the peaceful exercise of my functions. 
When I can no longer do that, I shall calmly withdraw from 
the scene, leaving the government in the hands of those who 
have usurped its authority, but still claiming that I am Chief 
Executive. ,, The most conclusive evidence of General Hous- 
ton's loyalty to and love of Texas, is the fact that about the 
time of his retirement from the office of Governor, it was ru- 
mored that Colored Wait, a Federal officer in command of U, 
S. troops at Indianola, awaiting transportation out of Texas, 
had or would receive orders from the authorities at Washing- 
ton, to use his force to reinstate Governor Houston iu office. 
This rumor coming to the ears of General Houston, on March 

Rkcoj^kctions of Judge Wm. D. Wood 103 

27th, 1S61, he addressed Colonel Wait a letter, in which he 
used this language: "I have received intelligence that you 
have or soon will have orders to concentrate United States 
troops under your command at Indianola jn this state, to 
sustain me in the exercise of my official functions. Allow me 
respectfully to decline such assistance, * * * and request 
3 r ou to remove such troops out of the state at the earliest day 

On March 23rd, 1861, the Convention ratified the Consti- 
tution of the Confederate States, and finally adjourned on the 
25th of March. The Legislature adjourned the 9th of Feb- 
ruary to meet on the 18th of March, 1861, and adjourned sine 
die April the 9th. The military jurisdiction of the Confed- 
eracy was extended over Texas. On the 16th of March Karl 
Van Dom was appointed colonel. He arrived at Indianola on 
the 26th and assumed command in Texas. On the 14th of 
August, 1 86 1, Van Dorn was called to Richmond for other 
service, and P. O. Hebert took command of Texas. By the 
20th of June 1861, all of the Federal troops had been removed 
from Texas, and the Confederate authorities had possession of 
every Federal fort, port and station in the state, with most 
of the Federal arms, supplies and munitions of war. All of 
this had been effected by a delicate tact and diplomacy with- 
out spilling one drop of blood. At that date there was not a 
hostile soldier in Texas. Every one of the 2700 Federal troops 
that were in the state on the day the state seceded were gone 
This was principally accomplished by the State authorities, 
acting through the Convention and the legislature, before 
any Confederate officer assumed command in the state. Texas 
had completely severed her union with the Free States of the 
Old Union, and there being no hostile foe within her borders, 
her citizens now had the opportunity to enter the armies of the 
Confederacy, to affix by the sword, if they couldj the seal of 
finality upon their right to be independent. 

III. Raising Troops in Texas for the Confederacy. 

That Texas furnished as many and as brave soldiers for 
the Confederacy, in proportion to her population, as any of 
her sister states, I think is beyond controversy. There was 
scarcely an important battle during the war in which Texans 

104 The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

did not participate. There are no data from which the exact 
number of the soldiers furnished by Texas for the Confed- 
eracy can be ascertained. In 1859 the vote of the state for 
Governor, was for Houston 36,257, for Runnels 27,500. Total 
63,757. Estimating the number of soldiers furnished by 
Texas at 90,000* it appears that Texas had about every man 
in the army capable of bearing arms. The raising of troops in 
Texas, was not done by call on or through the state authori- 
ties. Hence there are no state records existing as to the num- 
ber of men furnished. Many men were sent by the Confeder- 
ate military authorities, from east of the Mississippi river, au- 
thorized to enlist men in Texas; also many Texans were so 
authorized. The men so enlisted were reported direct to the 
authorities in Richmond, if reported at all. The Confederate 
authorities in 1861, made a general call upon Texas for twen- 
ty companies of infantry to go to Virginia. In response to 
this call, thirty-four companies went. These thirty- four com- 
panies were formed into a brigade, first commanded by Briga- 
dier General Louis T. Wigfall, and after he was elected Con- 
federate Senator from Texas, Brigadier- General John B. 
Hood was put in command. This brigade had various com- 
manders, but from the date General Hood took command, to 
the surrender at Appomattox, it was always known as Hood's 
brigade, and covered itself with immortal glory on a hundred 
battle fields. A regiment of cavalry was raised in Texas by 
Col. Nat. Terry, and went east of the Mississippi river, where it 
remained until the surrender, and though it had various com- 
manders, it was always known as Terry's Rangers; and during 
the long and bloody war won for itself the unfading laurels 
that belong to the bravest of the brave. Judge John Gregg 
raised a regiment of infantry that went east of the Mississippi. 
It was captured at Fort Donelson. It was exchanged, and 
fought it out till the surrender. It -is useless to attempt to 
enumerate. The Texas soldier proved himself to be the peer 
of any man in daring, courage, reliability, and in all of the ele- 
ments that constitute the true soldier. In the writer's own 
county, Leon, at the time of secession, there were not a thou- 

♦Governor Roberts in the Confederate military history of Texas, esti- 
mates the number of soldiers raised by Texas at 90, OX). He devoted 
much labor to this investigation, and his estimate is as near the truth as 
it is possible to come. 

Rkcotxkctions of Judge W,m. D. Wood 105 

sand voters, yet the county furnished for the Confederate armies 
at least eight hundred soldiers. One company of infantry was 
raised in the county in June 1861, of 126 men. This compan}' 
immediately went to Richmond, was mustered into service, 
and incorporated into one of the regiments of Hood's brigade. 
It was surrendered at Appomattox, showing at last roll call of 
officers and privates only ten men. The names of these de- 
serve to be perpetuated. They were J. B. Anderson, captain; 
J. A. Green, second lieutenant; privates J. T. Allison, J. P. 
Copeland, H. T. Driscoll, E. W. Jones, T. R. Pistole, J. E. 
Swindler, H. P. Traywick and P. H. West. 

Enlistment in Texas commenced in earnest in June 1861. ' 
Arms and all necessary military equipments were exceedingly 
scarce. No attempt in^Texas, was made to arm men who en- 
listed for service east of the Mississippi river. Outside of the 
arms and munitions that had been secured from the Federal 
troops in the state, which had been turned over to the Confed- 
erate states by the Convention, there were no arms, except 
double-barreled shot guns, hunting rifles, and pistols, that be- 
longed to private individuals. The state had made some appro- 
priations to buy arms, and ammunition had been procured, 
but not a tithe needful to meet the demand. The most of the 
companies raised for service west of the river equipped them- 
selves as best they could, with such arms as each man had, 
and such clothing as he had or could procure. The state fur- 
nished cloth for tents as far as it was able, from the peniten- 
tiary at Huntsville. The greater portion of the Texans pre- 
ferred the cavalry branch of the service. The spur is indis- 
pensable to the cavalry man, so spurs were in demand in those 
days, and the stock of these in the country was soon ex- 
hausted, and the cavalry man had to call on the blacksmith. 
At this time, the Texas soldier seemed to be impressed with 
the idea that hand to hand and man to man fights would fre- 
quently occur, and that in such case a bowie knife, or some 
other big knife, was an indispensable part of his fighting out- 
fit, and as the knife never failed to fire, the Texas soldier was 
strongly impressed in favor of the knife. To supply this de- 
mand for knives the merchant's stocks in the country were 
soon depleted, and then came a demand for all of the new and 
old files that could be found large enough to make a bowie 

106 The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

knife; and so it was that the demand for spurs and knives 
kept the blacksmiths busy day and night. Spurs play no 
part in a foot soldiers equipment, and they were soon dis- 
pensed with, as the most of the men who entered as cavalry, 
were soon dismounted, their horses sent home, and themselves 
turned into foot soldiers. They did not carry the big knives 
long, for they soon found them useless and burdensome. 
Another curious idea occurred in the early part of the war. 
Colonel Carter raised a regiment of cavalry, and proposed to 
arm them with iron spears, into which wooden handles, about 
twelve or fourteen feet long were fitted. The writer saw a num- 
ber of these weapons. They were certainly a strange anomaly 
in modern warfare. Whether the Colonel really armed his men 
with these lances, the writer does not know. These weapons 
of a by-gone age only emphasized the scarcity of arms and 
the straits of the. Confederacy to arm and equip her 
soldiers. A brigade of those poorly armed Texas cavalry, 
who were dismounted and made into infantry by order of 
General Holmes in 1862, was marched into Arkansas and 
camped between the Arkansas and White rivers, not very far 
from Duvall's Bluff. Many of these soldiers had no arms at 
all, some had nothing better than shot guns and squir- 
rel rifles, with very- little ammunition, and what they 
had were of poor quality, and ill suited to their guns. While 
so camped, the brigade was ordered post haste to meet a ru- 
mored detachment of the enemy, marching up White river. 
These Texas soldiers manifested the utmost eagerness to meet 
the enemy. The rumor proved to be false. No enemy ap- 
peared, and this was fortunate, for equipped as the Texans 
were it would have been murder for them to have met a well 
armed and disciplined foe. 

IV. Condition op the People of Texas During the 
Confederate W t ar. 

During the continuance of the Civil War, Texas fared 
much better than the other States of the Confederacy. The 
Union armies did not succeed in making any permanent lodge- 
ment in her territory, landings were effected and temporary 
occupation had at Galveston, Brownsville and one or two 
other points on the coast. During the four years of 

Recollections of Judge Wm. D. Wood 107 

the war Providence favored Texas with bountiful crops. 
Her slave population was peaceable, obedient, orderly, in- 
dustrious and faithful in their service. During the contin- 
uance of the war there was not a single insult offered to, or 
assault made on, a white woman by a negro within the boun- 
daries of the state of Texas. The old men, the boys and the 
slaves successfully tilled all of the land in cultivation at the 
commencement of the war, and in many instances put new land 
in cultivation. Plenty of corn and wheat was raised for home 
consumption, and considerable to spare for the arm}'. Hogs 
and cattle were plentiful, and they flourished and fattened on 
the range, insuring a bountiful supply of meat for home, and 
much to spare for the soldiers. Fair cotton crops were raised. 
Bread and meat for home consumption and to supply the 
wants of the army were of first consideration, and for this rea- 
son the production of cotton was considerably curtailed. The 
stocks of goods in the country at the opening of the war, con- 
sisting of prints, domestics, clothing, boots, shoes, tableware 
and hardware, &c, &c, soon became exhausted. The Gulf 
ports, through which these articles came into the State, were 
soon blockaded, cutting off the means of replendishing these 
articles. This, at first, caused great inconvenience. Necessity 
soon became a spur to action , and the people went to work 
with a will to supply these articles as far as they could. They 
commenced making spinning wheels, looms, reels and warping 
bars. The State arranged to import through Mexico thous- 
ands of pairs of cotton and wool cards, for carding cotton and 
wool by hand into rolls, so that these articles could be spun 
into thread. The people being supplied with the cards, the 
wheels, the looms, the reels and the warping bars, commenced 
at home to manufacture domestics, jeans and yarns; also 
blankets, and soon they had sufficient of these articles to supply 
their most urgent needs, with some surplus for the soldiers. 
The forest furnished material to dye the cloth, blankets 
and the yarn for the socks and gloves. This manufact- 
uring" was the work of the ladies and the house servants. 
The ladies not only spun and wove the cloth for their dresses, 
but they cut, fitted and made them, and were not ashamed to 
wear them. The ladies carded and spun wool out of which 
they knit thousands of socks and gloves, which with other 

108 The Guef States Historical Magazine 

clothing of their own manufacture they sent to their husbands, 
fathers, brothers and sweethearts in the army. 

Had it not been for the Confederate women, I do not 
know what would have become of the Confederate soldier. 
His government, though it exerted every effort, was not able 
to clothe and feed him properly. Had it not been for the sol- 
dier's wife, his mother and his sister, he indeed would not 
only have been ragged and tattered, but naked. Contributions 
were being constantly made by the Southern women in 
the way of blankets, clothing, socks, gloves and shoes. 
It was not the fault of the Southern women that the Con- 
federacy failed; they worked and prayed for its success day and 
night; with their kind words and sweetest smiles, they cheered 
the soldier on to duty, and they never lost faith, faltered or 
despaired of the success of the Confederacy until the da} 7 of 

Provision was made by the State authorities, for furnish- 
ing from the Penitentiary at Huntsville, soldiers' families and 
widows with domestics, woollen goods and yarns, free of 
charge. Much suffering was avoided by these contributions. 
These supplies were distributed to the needy through the 
commissioners court of each county. 

After a while Texas opened up a trade with Mexico. The 
Mexicans wanted cotton, and the Confederates wanted calico, 
domestics, hardware, sugar, coffee, &c, &c. The Mexicans 
came with their carts for the cotton, bringing goods that the 
people needed. They paid a good price for the cotton in sil- 
ver or gold doubloons. They asked an enormous price for 
their goods. A bolt of common calico was worth $ 15.00, cof- 
fee $1.00 per pound, and all other goods in proportion. These 
prices were in gold or silver. To one of the carts the Mexicans 
brought with them, when loaded, they worked from ten to six- 
teen mules. Each cart carried from ten to fifteen bales of cotton 
of 500 pounds weight. The Mexicans brought with them 
droves of mules which they worked to the carts by relays. 
In those days of the war and blockade the lady who was the 
possessor of a calico dress, was indeed favored and the envy of 
all of her neighbors; so it was that all those who could afford 
it, did not hesitate to pay the price, and become the proud 
possessor of a calico dress. Texans at that day and time were 

Recoeeections of Judge Wm. D. Wood ' 109 

proverbial lovers of coffee. The ladies had become so disgust- 
ed with parched sweet potato, rye, wheat, barley and okra, 
the miserable substitutes that the blockade had forced them to 
adopt for coffee, that they did riot hesitate to pay $1.00 per 
pound for a little of the genuine, with which, once more to re- 
gale their palates. Many of the people of Texas obtained 
permits from the Confederate authorities, carried cotton 
to Mexico, and brought back supplies of needed goods, much 
to the relief of the people. The Confederate Government, 
through its agents, carried cotton to Mexico, and in this way 
secured needed military supplies. The Rio Grande border of 
Mexico was a great and useful friend to the Confederacy and 
the people of Texas during the war. 

While Texas furnished her own bread, meat and home- 
made clothing, her people appreciated now and then the lux- 
uries that could be obtained from Mexico. So far as shoes were 
concerned Texas managed fairly well. Small tanneries sprang 
up all over the State, from which were turned out a fair qual- 
ity of leather. There were shoemakers and shoes were made, 
and the people were not left to go bare-footed. Hundreds of 
those home-made shoes were sent to the soldiers. 

The vast territory of Texas, its sparse and scattered pop- 
ulation, the natural pasturage the soil afforded for the raising 
of hogs, cattle, horses, sheep and goats, her shallow Gulf 
ports, her great distance from the active centre of military 
operations, her long extended frontier bounded by friendly 
Mexico, all conspired to the advantage of Texas, saved her 
from serious invasion, and her people from the suffering, want 
and terror experienced by the people of her sister Confederate 
States, during the four years of the great Confederate War. 

In the preparation of the foregoing article, the writer 
acknowledges his indebtedness to Oran M. Robers, Colonel in 
cammand of a Texas regiment during the war, .and subse- 
quently elected Governor of the State for two successive terms; 
who prepared papers on secession in Texas, and on the Con- 
federate military history of the State, for a w T ork of twelve 
volumes, entitled, "A Library of Confederate States His- 
tory," published at Atlanta, Georgia, in 1899, by the Atlanta 
Confederate Publishing Co. Especially is he indebted to Gov. 
Roberts for the exact dates of secession and its incidents in 

W. D. Wood. 
San Marcos, Texas, May, 1903. 


By J. F. Bouchei^E, Thomasville, Ga. 

The fact that a prince of the rc^al line of France, of the 
thrones of Sicily and Naples, and a nephew of Napoleon Bon- 
aparte, has resided in America, the refuge of those oppressed 
by kingly tyrants, is not generally known. 

A prince, whose wife was a fair daughter of the Old Do- 
minion, and a grand-niece of George Washington; whose perm- 
anent home was in the State of Florida, is a bit of history that 
should certainly interest American students, as it in a way 
links together Florida, the land of flowers, and Virginia, the 
land of chivalry. 

Napoleon Achille Murat was born in Paris, 1801, of Joa- 
chim Murat, king of Naples, and Caroline Murat, sister of 
Napoleon Bonaparte. In his youth he bore the title of the 
"Prince of two thrones." 

When King Joachim was dethroned in 18 15, Achille 
sought a refuge with his mother in the Castle of Frohsdorf , in 
Lower Austria, where during several years of tutelage, he re- 
ceived a finished and scholarly education. After passing 
through some vicissitudes of fortune he came to the United 
States, and sought immediate naturalization. However, it ma}' 
be noted here, that, for political reasons, he was exiled from 
France and Italy. He became very intimate with EaFayette, 
and was a companion to him on his second journey through 
the States. It was through the influence of EaFayette that he 
determined to settle in the United States. 

It is said that a nomination to Congress was tendered him 
by the Democrats of Richmond, as an inducement for him to 
remain in Virginia. He had otherwise promises of a political 
career. But in his rather extended journey through the 
States, he was most impressed with the climate and country of 
Florida, and determined to make his home there; whither he 
moved about the year 1826. He bought a large plantation 
near Tallahassee, investing heavily in slaves at the same time. 

It was here that he met his future bride, Catherine Dan- 
gerfield Willis, daughter of Colonel Byrd Willis and Mary 

An American Prince and Princess 111 

Lewis, niece of General Washington, of Willis Hall, near 
Fredericksburg, Va. Catherine is said to have been very beau- 
tiful, and possessed of most charming manners and a gracious 
disposition. When fifteen she married a Scotch gentleman 
named Grey. At sixteen she was left a widow and mother. 

Mr. Willis moved his family to Tallahassee in 1820. 
Tallahassee was then one of the most important social 
centers of the country. Mrs, Gre}' there entered a coterie of 
refinement and intellectuality, and was herself the center of 
much admiration and entertainment. She soon attracted the 
notice of Prince Murat. His suit was not at first received with 
favor. He was an excellent conversationalist and a man of 
great genius, but had allowed himself to fall into habits by no 
means fastidious. He had a shepherd dog, very shaggy, that 
accompanied him on all his rounds, even into the parlor on his 
social calls'. The Prince being an inveterate tobacco chewer, 
in the absence of a more appropriate receptacle would use the 
fuzzy hide of his dog as a cuspidor, bespattering the poor 
animal unmercifully. This did not enhance the love or agree 
with the refined taste of Mrs. Grey, but from the persistent 
earnestness of the Prince, and from the persuasion of her 
friends and parents, Mrs. Grey accepted his proposal, and in 
July, 1826, the nephew of Napolean Bonaparte and the grand- 
niece of George Washington were married. They soon moved 
to Lipona, Prince Murat' s plantation. Here for many years 
a continued round of gayety and enlivening society was passed. 

The Prince, though devoting a considerable part of his 
time to social duties, did not neglect his studies. He w T as elect- 
ed alderman of Tallahassee, and subsequently was appointed 
postmaster, performing well the duties of both offices-. His 
learning was extensive, and those who knew him say that he 
had a wonderful memory, and that his accurate knowledge of 
men and affairs extended into a wide field. 

He was the author of several books, among which was 
Letters on the Government and Political Parties of America, 
which was the means of giving the Europeans much accurate 
aud reliable knowledge of affairs in this country. Another one 
of his works, " Expositione des principes die gouvernme?it 
republican tel quV il a ete perfcdiomie en Ameiiqite" enjoy- 
ed a great reputation, passed through fifty editions, and was 

112 The Gui^k States Historical Magazine 

translated into English, Dutch, German and other languages. 
It is said still to be a leading book of the Democrats of West- 
ern Europe. His publications were forbidden in Austria and 
Italy on account of his republican principles and his reputed 
character as a pretender. 

The Prince was especially fond of outdoor life, experi- 
menting in farming and cattle-breeding. He soon became ac- 
quainted with the varieties of birds and fish of the country. 
He also discovered the cinchona or quinine plant in some of 
the native wild shrubs. Another of his experiments was the 
making of d> r e from native plants that he had discovered. 

Once during the absence of Madame Murat he determined 
to put his experiments to practical purposes, and ordered his 
servants to make ready the soap kettle and bring him all the 
available articles of clothing from the house. He had got fairly 
started in his work when his wife unexpectedly returned. On 
seeing Jier he rushed to her and exclaimed in all the glow of 
success: "O, Kate, I have dyed all your clothes a most beau- 
tiful pink. You will look so lovely in them!" To her great 
consternation he had dyed sheets, pillow "cases, table cloths, 
dresses, petticoats, and various other articles a bright red. 

Many amusing anecdotes are told of his queer ways. Like 
a great many Frenchmen he believed that all animals were 
edible. Rattlesnakes and frogs were among his favorite 
dishes; and he kept his slaves busy supplying his ta- 
ble with them. One day he invited William P. Du- 
val, the Governor of Florida, to dine with him. The Gover- 
nor accepted with some trepidation, for he had heard of the 
eccentricities of Murat. He rode fifteen miles on horseback for 
this dinner. After all preliminary etiquette was over he was 
ushered into the dining hall. The table was elegantly laid 
with rich silverware. On their taking seats Murat opened 
a large dish disclosing to view a large baked owl. In answer 
to the question to have a piece of the fowl the Governor re- 
plied that he would relish any part except the head. Murat 
proceeded with great flourish to carve the bird, but the noc- 
turnal animal resisted all efforts to detach limbs, and after fu- 
tile attempts to dissect him, Murat gave it up with the remark 
that, "he vas not quite ripe enough, bote in a few days he get 
ze.gout, en den hees leg come queek." Other dishes followed 

An American Prince and Princess 113 

in course; fried frog-stools, soup made of the fragments of 
earless hogs and cattle, etc. The Governor said on the last 
dish he made an excellent dinner, and believed that Murat 
could make a good dish out of anything except frog-stools, 
owls and "turkey-boozards." 

Murat also experimented on the digestive organs of his 
slaves by feeding them on cherry tree sawdust with the disas- 
trous result of rendering them unfit for service for several 


A trip was made to Belgium by the Prince and Princess, 

where the}' resided for tw r o years. Murat was given the com- 
mand of a regiment in the Belgian service. He is said to 
have borne a striking resemblance to his uncle, Napoleon, and 
was often stopped by old soldiers, who had served under his 
father and uncle, and covered with kisses. By order of the 
king of Belgium his regiment was disbanded for fear that his 
influence would be exerted to the restoration of- his family. 
As an example of his proficiency in the language, he addressed 
his troops in seven different tongues on taking leave of them. 

After leaving Belgium, the couple visited London and 
were entertained by the royal family, and became quite inti- 
mate w 7 ith many men of note; among whom w r ere Washington 
Irving and the famous John Randolph of Roanoke. Louis 
Napoleon was tjieir guest w r hile here, and promised to give his 
"cousin Kate a chateau and everything she wanted in return 
for her kindness to him." 

On their return to America they resided for some time in 
St. Augustine, and while here Louis Napoleon was on his way 
to visit them, but had to return before he got further than 
New York on account of the illness of his mother. 

After having settled down again Murat studied law, and 
on being admitted to the bar he moved to New Orleans. He 
was unsuccessful there, and soon left for France to look after 
his now T embarrassed interests. On his return to America he 
went back to his plantation in Florida. Soon after the Florida 
Indian war began. He served actively throughout the cam- 
paigns of this w T ar, being aid-de-camp to General Call. N He 
was subsequently commissioned colonel and appointed to the 
command of the frontier. 

His wife was constantly with him in his military dutie s 
and exhibited much bravery and devotion to him when he was 

114 . The Guef States Historical Magazine 

stricken seriously ill. After a lingering illness, presumably 
brought on by his Indian service, Prince Murat died, April 15, 
1847 — a little too soon to see his fond hopes realized in the 
restoration of the Bonaparte family. He was buried in the 
Episcopal cemetery in Tallahassee, where his grave is now 
marked by a simple, unpretentious marble shaft. 

Achille Murat's brother, Lucien Charles Murat, lived with 
his mother in Frohsdorf Castle, Austria, but being perse- 
cuted by the Austrian authorities, he resolved to leave the 
country. Shortly afterwards he took passage in a vessel for 
the United States. He was shipwrecked on the coast of 
Spain, and held as -a prisoner. Achille in his character as an 
American citizen, brought the influence of the United States 
government to his assistance, and his brother was soon liber- 
ated by the United States minister in Spain. I/ucien Charles 
Murat visited Boston, and from there went to his brother in 
Florida. He lived here from 1825 to 1827. After reverses 
and elevations in his fruitless efforts to recover the throne to 
which his brother had relinquished all claims, he died in 
France, leaving five children, of whom there are today many 

After the death of Achille Murat, his widow moved into 
a residence two miles from the city of Tallahassee. Here she 
lived in peace the rest of her days, doing many deeds of chari- 
ty and kindness, and shedding, happiness all around her. She 
was present at the assembling of the Bonapartists in Paris, 
and was one of the most honored guests of the occasion; in 
fact she occupied the place of the Princess Eugenie by the 
side of Louis Napoleon. The Emperor tried to fulfill his 
promise of giving her "a chateau and everything she 
wanted," but she preferred to spend the rest of her life in 
her native land. Notwithstanding, Louis Napoleon gave her 
an annuity of $40,000. She died on the 6th of August, 1867, 
and was interred by the side of her husband. 

Thus lived and died Prince and Princess Murat, a couple 
around whom were woven many rich and romantic incidents. 
She was a devoted and affectionate wife, refined and talented 
in attainments; who drew to herself friends that worshipped 
and adored her; a true lady of the Southland, who did not 
feel out of place by the side of the crowned monarchs of Eu- 

An American Prince and Princess 115 

rope. He was a husband, loyal and true; brave and gener- 
ous; eccentric it is true, but scholarly and learned; and devoted 
to his family and adopted country. 

In the University Library at Tallahassee there hangs an 
old oil portrait of Prince Murat, and beneath it a photograph 
of Madame Murat. Connected with the portrait is a very in- 
teresting story, but space precludes its recital. Also there is 
an old chair of Louis V style, with tarnished upholstering, 
said to have been brought from the palace of the king of 

The old plantation home still stands, but it is fast falling 
into decay. Soon all those who remember the time of the 
events related will have also passed away. 




By Mrs. Wm. C. Stubbs, New Orleans, La. 

The evolution of new counties from the original eight 
great shires seems to have been continuous in the early forma- 
tion of Virginia. Hence, in tracing the different lines of 
families, much help may be obtained by a thorough knowledge 
of the chain of creation of the counties, and their dates of 
birth and subdivisions. 


Edward Walton, of New Kent, was witness to a deed in 
York Co., 1672, from Elizabeth Booth, widow of Patrick Na- 
pier, to Robert Booth. (York Records.) New Kent was 
then a part of York Co. 

Richard Walton, merchant of London in 1667, had wife 
True, whose mother, Mrs. Elizabeth Friend, was the sister of 
Edward Lockey (d. 1667) of York Co.,Va., and of John Lockey, 
grocer, London. (The Lockeys had nephews Isaac Collier 
and Edward Lockey, in Va., to whom Edward Lockey, above, 
left his estate; and also nieces, Judith, Mary and Ann Lockey. 
(Judith became wife of Henry Cary, and Mary of John Mihill.) 

John Walton, in York Co., with a son Richard in 1673-4, 
when Christopher Colley made his will, leaving a ''cow-calf" 
to the son Richard. Cattle were so valuable at that period 
that a cow was worth as much as a small tract of land. 


Edward Walton (died 1720) married Elizabeth 

(d. 1726) in St. Peter's parish. Issue: Mary (born 1698), 
William (b. 1700); Thomas (b. 1703); Elizabeth (b. 1707); 
John (b. 1709). 

, The Wantons of Virginia 117 

Robert Walton, married Frances , and had issue: 

Robert (b. 17 17); Rebecca (b. 1720); Joseph (b. 1721); George 
(b. 172^.); Frances (b. 1726). 

A Mary Walton died 1726, and a Frances Walton died 

John Walton (died 172 1?), wife's name not given. Issue: 
Alice (b. 1 721). 

George Walton was among the first Justices in Brunswick 
Co.; and his Associate Justices, in 1732, were William Maclin, 
John Irb}', Henry Fox, Henry Embry, John Wall, Richard 
Burch, Nathaniel Edwards, William Wynn, and Charles King. 
The first clerk was Drury Stith; and the attorneys, Clement 
Read and James Power. 

Catherine Walton, of Brunswick Co., Va., married (1737) 
Nathan Harris (b. 1716), grandson of the Rev. Henry Harris, 
the immigrant, who came in 1691 from Wales to the James 
River, Va., — ancestors of a large and most influential Southern 
family of that name in Georgia and elsewhere. Their children 
were Walter (born Brunswick Co., 1739), Nathan, Isaac, 
David (killed in the Revolution), Elias, Rowland, Herbert, 
Gideon, Patsy, Jane, Elizabeth, Bowler, Anne and Howell. Of 
these Walter Harris married Rebecca Earner, daughter of 
Thomas and Elizabeth Eanier. Rebecca Lanier's mother was 
Elizabeth Washington, daughter of Richard, and granddaugh- 
ter of John Washington, of Surry Co., Va. The Eaniers are 
the well known family to which the beloved poet Sydney Ea- 
nier belonged, and they also have prominent descendants in the 
South with- other surnames. 


1749 George Walton, 135 acres on the North side of Me- 
herrin River; and in 1753, 850 acres on Mountain Creek. In 
J 75°\ 4544 acres, and in 1761, 11 20 acres on Stith's creek. 

1753 Joseph Walton, 5000 acres on Elk Creek. 

1765, George Walton, 1000 acres, and again same year 
3000 acres on Sandy Creek. — Charlotte Co. La?id Books. 


Elizabeth (or Mary) daughter of Col. Eemuel Mason 
(b. 1628, d. 1702, Justice of Eower Norfolk Co.), married 

118 The; Gui,^ States Historicai, Magazine 

Walton. Col. Mason was the most influential man of his 
count}', and Col. of Militia, and Burgess 1655-92. He married 
Ann, daughter of Henry Seawell, and an heiress, and had is- 
sue: Thomas, Lemuel, and Col. George (d. 17 10), all Jus- 
tices of Norfolk; and daughters who married, besides Walton, 
into the Newton, Sayer, Boush, Cocke and into other Thor- 
oughgood families. 


Will of Thomas Walton, Chowan Co., 8th May 17 19. Men- 
tioned "wife, Ami Walton, of King and Queen Co., Va.", and 
three sons and two daughters— N. C. Historical and Genealogi- 
cal Register, vol. i, p. 83. Timothy Walton, Justice in Cho- 
wan Co., 1757. William Walton, also of Chowan Co. Chris- 
tian Walton married Abraham Hill, of Chowan Co., — ances- 
tors of the Georgia family of that name around Atlanta. It 
seems they first went from Virginia to North Carolina. 


John Walton settled in Richmond Co., Ga., 1770-74; and 
George, John and Robert entered lands 1784. 

George, Thomas, George (2d time), in Wilkes Co., 1783, 
and John, William and Newell Walton 1781-83. (George was 
Colonel and Newell Lieutenant, in the Revolution). 

George, Jesse, Thomas, Robert, Newell and William in 
Washington Co., 1790- 1800. 

Jesse, William, Thomas, Simon and Walker Walton, in 
Franklin Co., 1790- 1800. 

., George Walton, uncle of ' 'the signer", lived in Wilkes 
Co., and was a member of its first grand jury in court of Oyer 
and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery which met 25 Aug. 
1779, at Heard's Fort (now Washington) to hang the Tories. 
Stephen Heard, foreman, and afterwards governor of Georgia. 
George Walton, "the signer," was Colonel in the Revolu- 
tion, and Chief Justice in 1784, when he said to the notable 
grand jury assembled in Wilkes Co., that "fourteen or fifteen 
years before (i. e. 1769), he had ridden over that part of 
Georgia when it was a wilderness, and nothing to be seen but 
the savage. But the Indian line soon being moved out (1773) 

The Wantons of Virginia 119 

it began to settle, and though the first settlers had been inter- 
rupted by a seven or eight years' war, in which they had 
greatly distinguished themselves, they had also increased in 
numbers, strength and cultivation to an astonishing degree." 
Judge Walton had probably been a trader or trader's agent, as 
lie was "a poor youth, and had doubtless worked his way up", 
says Miss Eliza Bowen (1S89) in her History of Wilkes County, 
Georgia. Gov. Walton was born 1740 in Frederick Co., Va., 
and died 1804, in Augusta, Ga. He was Governor 1779-80, 
and 1789-90. Madam -Le Vert, of Mobile, authoress and one 
of the prominent Southern women of the last century, was his 





The Athens Republican. \v. 

July 12, 26; September 13, 27, 1867. 

The Watchman. 
July 9, 1842. 

Bristol Gazette, w. 
March 24, 1884. 

Carthage Gazette, w. 



August 20, 1816; Vol. i, No. 1; Vol. iii, No. 39. 
Also July 1, 1817. 

Western Express, w. 
November 21, 1803. 


The Chattanooga Daily Rebel, d. 

December 17, 1802. 
Chattanooga Republican, w. 

April 13, 1890. 

"Justice." w. 

December 24, 1887, 

The Tradesman. 

August 1, 15; September 15; October 1; December 15, 1881. 
August 1, 15; September 1, 15; October 1, 1882. 


United States Herald. 
August 11, 1810. 

Clinton Gazette, w. 
March 30, 1888. 


♦Compiled by Miss Mary Robinson, assistant librarian, American Anti- 
quarian Society, for the Alabama Department of Archives and History, 
and presented here by the courtesy of the Director, Thomas M. Owen. 

Tennessee Newspaper Fiees 121 


The Dixie Farmer. 
May 28, 1868. 

Tennessee Patriot, w. 
October l§ y 1339. 

Standard of the Union. 
November 3, 1837. 




American Economist and East Tennessee Statesman, w. 
April 30, 1825. 


The Union Flag. (Extra.) 
February 18, 1870. 


The Enquirer, w. 
March 12, 1828. 
May 7, 1828, June 25, 1828. 
July 16, August 6, 20, September 24, October 8, 22, 29, 1828. 

Knoxville Daily Tribune, d. 
November 25, 1888. 

Knoxville Gazette. 
December 7, 1793. 
July 31, 1794. 

April 24, July 17, October 23, November 20, December 4, 1795. 
May 2, 1796. 

Knoxville Register, w. 
September 7, 21, 1816. 
May 4, 1819. 

February 11, 18, 25, March 4, 1825. 
August 1, 1832. 

November 17, 1859. 

/ j 

The Knoxville Tribune, d. & w. 
August 16, 1898. 

The Southern Citizen, w. 
June 3, 1858. 

122 The Gur,F States Historical Magazine 

Western Centinel. w. 
March 11, 1809. 
June 30, July 14, September 8, 1810. 

Wilson's Knoxville Gazette. 
June 22, 1808. 

K?wxville College. 
The Aurora, m, 
' April, 1890. 


The Republican Farmer, 
November 10, 1881. 


The Hast Tennesseean. 
October 26, 1855. 

The Chickasaw. 

May 1, 1878. (Amateur copy) 12 mo. 

The Daily Memphis Avalanche, d. 
September 1, 1882. 
July 28, 1887. 

The Memphis Daily Appeal, d. 
June 21, 1862. 

Memphis Price Current, w. 
March 2, 1861. 

The Tidal Wave. 

April, 1878 (Amateur copy) 12mo. 

Voice of T-ruth. 

April 6, 13, 1878. 


Mountain Echo. w. 
. January 5, 1816. 

The Clarion, w. 

February 16, March 8, 1808. 

The Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, w. 
February 16, April 6, 1813. 

The Daily American, d. 
October 5, 1876. 

Tennessee Newspaper Fiees 123 

Daily Nashville Union. 
May 27, 1862. 

The Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette. 
August 10, September 21, 1810. 

The Examiner. 
May 4, 1814. 

Impartial Review and Cumberland Repository, w. 
January 18, 25, February 8, August 16, 1800. 

The Nashville Clarion. 

February 28, March 7, 1821. 

The Nashville Daily Union, d. 
July 26, 1862. 

Nashville Examiner, w. 

September 29, October 20, November 3, 10, 24, 1813. 
May 25, 1814. 

Nashville Republican, w. 
November 6, 1824. 

The Nashville Republican and State Gazette. 
October 27, 1830. 

The Nashville Whig. 
March 8, 1814. 

National Banner. 

January 13, 1826. 

July 18, 25, Aug. 1, 22, 29; Sept. 5, 17, Oct/31, 1829. 

The National Banner and Nashville Whig. w. 

Aug. 11, 18; Sept. 22, 29; Nov. 10, 24; Dec. 8-, 29, 1827. 
Jan. 5, 19; Feb. 2, 16, 23; March 8, 22; April 19, 26, 1828. 
May 3, 10, 23; June 7; July 11; Aug. 9, 16,30, 1828. 
Sept. 6, 20; Oct. 4, 18, 25, 1828. 
March 25, 1831. 

The Review, w. 

Nov. 10, 24; Dec. 1, 15, 29, 1809. 

Jan. 11, 18; Feb. 2, 23; March 30; April 6, 27; June 1, 8, 29; July 6. 

27, 1810. ' 
Aug. 10, 31; Sept. 14, 21; Oct. 5, 12, 26; Nov.16; Dec. 7, 14, 1810. 

Southern Lumberman, s. m. 

August 15; September 15; October 2. 1882. 

The Tennessee Baptist, w. 

August 9, 1851; March 10, 1855. 

124 Thk Gulf States Historical Magazine: 

The Tennessee Gazette, w. 
August 26, 1801. 

Tennessee Gazttte, and Mero District Advertiser. 
June IS; July 20, 180-1. 

Weekly Union and American, w. 
May 21, I860. 

Nashville, Tenn., and Louisville, Ky. 

Nashville and Louisville Christian Advocate, w. 
March 29, 1850. 
November 30, 1854. 


Paris Republic. 
June 9, 1854. 


Tennessee Beacon and Farmers Advocate, w. 
June 23, 1532. 


The Helping Hand. m. 
December 1885, 

February, July, September, October 1886. 

January, October, December 1887. 

March, May, June, 1888. 

I. Hon. Wm. R. King to Col. Jno. W. Womack. 

The following letter was furnished by Gen. Marcus D. Wright, of 
Washington, D. C. 

Washington City, March 10, 1849. 
My Dear Sir 

Congress has adjourned without making any provision for 
the government of California or New Mexico. The fanaticism 
of the House of Representatives defeated every measure pro- 
posed by the Senate to extend to our people there the protec- 
tion of law. Nothing would suit them which had not the 
Wilmot Proviso attached; and to that we of the south could 
never assent, be the consequences what they may, as such a 
restriction would degrade us below the other States of the 
Union, sacrifice our constitutional rights, and pave the way to 
our destruction. Short of this we were willing to make every 
sacrifice compatible with our honor, to extend the constitution 
and laws over our citizens on the Pacific, perfectly satisfied to 
leave it so, theirs to decide, when authorized to form a consti- 
tution and State government whether slavery should exist or 
be prohibited. The reckless and most unjust course of these 
unprincipaled fanatics leaves them in a most unfortunate sit- 
uation, but much as it is to be regretted, the fault is theirs not 
ours. They will be justly held responsible before the world 
for whatever of crime and bloodshed may take place in that re- 
gion. I am decidedly of the opinion that had the whole South, 
irrespective of party or of party ties, presented an undivided 
front in opposition to these aggressions upon our rights, the 
slavery question which now assumes so threatening an aspect 
would have been settled by a reasonable compromise, but un- 
fortunately our divisions encourages them to persevere in their 
mad career, and when it is to terminate God only knows. 
Gov. Chapman committed a great political blunder in disre- 
garding the claims of North Alabama to have one of the Sena- 
tors from that section, and I much fear that the divisions 
which it has produced in our ranks, will eventuate in placing the 

12G The Guef States Historical Magazine 

political power of our State in the hands of the Whigs. This 
must be prevented if possible, at almost any individual sacri- 
fice. If I were to judge from the temper which seems gener- 
ally to prevail north of the mountains, Chapman cannot be 
re-nominated, and if he were, that his defeat would be almost 
certain. The proposed convention should carefully examine 
the whole ground, and adopt such a course as seems most like- 
ly to produce harmony. The North must be conciliated, for 
there is the strength of the Democracy, without whose united 
action the Whigs will certainly carry- the State. Should the 
North determine to adopt you as their candidate for Governor, 
you would, I doubt not, be elected without difficulty. But 
you know as well as I do that their support is essential to suc- 
cess. As regards the Senatorial elections, I am induced to be- 
lieve from all that I can learn that there will be no serious 
opposition to me in North Alabama. Col. Clemens is not dis- 
posed to run against me, and with that frankness which char- 
acterises him he has so stated. If he is a candidate it will be 
against Fitspatrick. Col. Terry is my friend, and with the 
exception of Pope Walker, I am not aware that there is any 
aspirant for Senatorial honors in that quarter disposed to enter 
the lists against me — possibly Houston or Hubbard * may have 
such intention but I scarcely think it. Fitspatrick has not 
strengthened himself by his absurd letter. But he is supposed 
to have great popularity in our State, and it is possible that he 
may be preferred to me. If on my return home I find that any 
respectable portion of the Democratic party give him a prefer- 
ence, I shall make no effort to defeat their wishes, but cheer- 
fully retire^from the contest, and spend the residue of my days 
in private life. As to the intimations in some of our Newspa- 
pers that I should be taken up as the candidate for Governor, 
1 can assure you in all sincerity that under no state of circum- 
stances will I suffer my name to be used for that office. If the 
people wish me to be their Senator, and manifest it by electing 
me, I will serve with pleasure, but if they think another will 
serve them with more ability, and equal fidelity, I shall give 
place without a murmer, or even a feeling of regret. 

I have written you my dear Sir with that unreservedness 
which belongs to my nature, in communicating with a friend, 
and which will I trust ever characterise our intercourse. I 

Documents 127 

expect- to be in Alabama in a few weeks, and should be happy 

to hear from you. . 

Faithfully and truly, 

I am your Fr'd. & Obt. Servt. 

Wieeiam R. King. 


II. The Period of Reconstruction. 

The subjoined correspondence was furnished by Du'ane Mowry, 
Esq., of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in a letter bearing date Sept. 2, 1903. 

The letters here offered were discovered by Mr. Mowry 
among the private papers and documents of the late Ex-Sena- 
tor James R. Doolittle, for twelve years, from 1857 to 1869, a 
United States Senator from the State of Wisconsin. Senator 
Doolittle opposed vigorously the ultra measures of the "Re- 
construction Committee" to which Mr. Simmons refers. The 
letter, however, appears to have been directed to Mr. McCul- 
loch, then Secretary of the Treasury, who passed it over to the 

Secretary McCueeoch's Lettp:r. 

Treasury Department, April 9, 1866. 
Dear Sir: 

Enclosed I hand you a letter just received from J. F. Sim- 
mons, of Mississippi, with whom I have had some corres- 

I do not know whether or not the Reconstruction Com- 
mittee are sending for witnesses at the expense of the Govern- 
ment. If they are, it will be no more than just to the people 
of Mississippi, who are inclined to accept their situation and 
be faithful to the Government, that men like Mr. Simmons 
should be heard in their behalf. 

I am, very truly yours, 

H. McCueeoch. 
Hon. J. £. Dooeittee, 
U. S. Senate. 

128 The Gui<f Stages Historical Magazine 

Mr. J. F. Summons's Letter. 

Sardis, Panola Co., Miss., March 31, 1866. 

You will pardon me for again troubling you, when I in- 
form you that it seems to me to be very important that some 
one from Mississippi should go before the "Reconstruction 
Committee," & our friends feel anxious that the Committee 
should be in the possession of the facts in relation to the sub- 
ject, as they really exist among us. For instance, a perfect 
quiet prevails, there is no feeling of hostility to the Gov't., 
and a settled purpose to uphold it. There is no disposition to 
evade the payment of taxes, and none whatever to pay the 
"Confederate debt." On the contrary, the state has even 
repudiated the payment of its own debt created for war pur- 

In case of a foreign war, I believe many would join the 
U. S. Army, while others would keep out of either because 
they are tired of war, & I do not believe really that any 
would fight against the U. S. I have talked with manyofmy 
old comrades in arms and I am satisfied that Mississippi is in 
as quiet and peacable a condition and prepared to be as loyal 
to the Union as any state in it. Far more so, I am satisfied 
than prior to the war. 

The freedmen are being treated kindly & fairly, & our 
courts hear & redress their grievances as readily as they do 
those of white persons. 

Northern men are buying & renting lands among us and 
they are all well received, & in time I have no doubt will be 
regarded as of us. 

The policy of the President is thoroughly endorsed and ev- 
ery disposition manifested to fulfill all the requirements of the 
laws of the U.S. 

These & various other matters we would like very much 
to be before the Committee, for we are anxious that the work 
of "Reconstruction" should be completed. Delay might pos- 
sibly be regarded as a repulse, & while we are all in a prop- 
er frame of mind, my candid opinion is that the Government 
would be strengthened & its interests promoted by our im- 
mediate admission, and thus encouraging the cultivation of 
fraternal feelings & relations between us & you. 



While it would be very inconvenient, yet I am willing, if 
the Committee desire it, to appear before them at such time as 
will not conflict with my Courts. 

Very Respy., 

J. E. Simmons, 

(late Major C. S. A.) 
Hon. Hugh McCuu,och, 

Sec'} 7 . -Try., Washington. 

P. S. The Committee will, I presume, send necessary 
transportation and defray expenses, for the war has reduced 
us all so that we have no ''travelling money" left. If I had I 
would willingly contribute it to the object in view. 



As is well knowu to students of the early Spanish ex- 
plorations in the Gulf States, in April, 1500, a colony of seve- 
ral hundred souls was established in the Indian town of Nani- 
pacna. This, though short lived, was the first European 
colony in the Gulf States. From a close study of Davila Pa- 
dilla's narrative of the De Euna expedition, the writer has 
come to the conclusion that this Indian town was located on 
the east side of the Alabama river, in the upper part of Wilcox 
county, though possibly in the lower part of Dallas county, 
Alabama. The narrative states that Nanipacna was the largest 
Indian town that the Spaniards had discovered, having some 
eighty houses; and from some ruined buildings they judged 
that it had been greater. The Indians told the Spaniards that 
"the town had once been famous for the number of its people 
and the spsendid edifices according to the manner of the coun- 
try, but that the Spaniards who had arrived there in former 
times had left it as it now was." This town was surely situated 
a long ways out of the line of De Soto's march, and the latter 
part of the Indian's report that it had formerly been wasted 
by the Spaniards, if they referred to De Soto's army, was a 
falsehood, concocted by the Indians, no doubt, on the spot, for 
the red man frequently has no scruples muttering a falsehood, 
if he thinks it is to his interest to do so. 

' But to Nanipacna. This surely was a Choctaw town, in 
correct Choctaw orthography being Nanih pakna, meaning 
"hill top. ' ' This shows that this town, which was appropriated 
by the Spaniards as the site of their colony, was situated upon 
a high hill, or upon some table-laud. Now if on some high 
hill, on the east side of the Alabama river in Wilcox county, 
there can be found a large village site, this might possibly be 
the site of Nanipacna The evidence would be conclusive, if 
upon such a site any European relics have been discovered, 
or shall hereafter be discovered. For, on the abandonment of 
the place, the marrator, in enumerating some of the articles 
and effects left there, mentions especially "abandoned mer- 

Minor Tones 131 

cliandise of value, as iron ware." Thus au iroii relic would be 
a not unexpected "find'' on the site of this village. 

The writer has written this article in the hope that it may 
attract the attention of some arcaeologist in Wilcox county, 
who may thereby be induced to make an effort to discover the 
location of this ancient Indian town, where was established the 
first European colony in the Gulf States. 

Henry S. H albert. 

Meridian. Miss. 


In the letter from Hon. John C. Calhoun to Charles H. 
Allen, published on pages 439-441 of the May number of this 
Magazine> Mr. Calhoun refers to the Indian massacre in 1760 
of the people of the IyOng Cane settlement in South Carolina, 
and mentions the fact that his father had visited Charles Town 
shortly afterwards and had given the Gazette an account of 
the affair. From Mr. A. S. Salley, Jr., of the Charleston 
Historical Society, we have received the following copies of 
this account and of a previous account, which had been 
brought from Ninety-Six by Mr. Aaron Price: 

"Yesterday sen' night the whole of the Long Ca?ie Settlers, 
to the Number of 150 Souls, moved off with most of their Ef- 
fects in Waggons; to go toward Augusta in Georgia, and in a 
few Hours after their setting off, were surprised and attacked 
by about 100 Cherokees on Horseback, while they were getting 
their Waggons out of a boggy Place. They had amongst them 
forty Gunners, who might have made a very good Defence, but 
unfortunately their Guns were in the Waggons; the few that 
recovered theirs, fought the Indians Half an Hour, and were at 
last obliged to fly: In the action they lost 7 Waggons and 40 
of their People killed or taken (including Women and Children) 
the Rest got safe to Augusta; whence an Express arrived here 
with the same Account, on Tuesday Morning." — The Soutk 
Carolina Gazette, Saturday, February 9, 1760. 

"Mr. Patrick Calhoun, one of the unfortunate Settlers at 
IyOng- Canes, who were attacked by the Cherokees on the 1st 
Instant, as they were removing their Wives, Children and best 
Effects, to Azigusta, in Georgia, for Safety, is just come to 

132 The Guxf States Historicae Magazine 

Town, and informs us, 'That the whole of those Settlers might 
be about 250 Souls, 55 or 60 of them fighting Men; that their 
Loss in that Affair amounted to about 50 Persons, chiefly Women 
and Children, with 13 loaded Waggons and Carts; that he had 
since been at the Place where the Action happened, in order to 
bury the Dead, and found only 20 of their Bodies, most inhu- 
manely butchered; that the Indians had burnt the Woods all 
around, but had left the Waggons and Carts there empty and 
unhurt; and that he believes that all the fighting men would 
return to and fortify the Long- Cane Settlement, w r ere part of 
the Rangers so stationed as to give them some Assistance and 
Protection.'— "The South Carolina, Gazette, Saturday, February 
23, 1760. 


Errata: — In the July number of this Magazine, p. 48, line 2, in (7) 
"1722" should be ''1772;" on p. 49, ]'me 7 from bottom, a period should 
follow "David Crawford," and the next sentence begin, "William Craw- 

Dr. J. W. Garner, author of "Reconstruction in Mississippi," 
published by the Macmillan Company in 1901, has been appointed In- 
structor in History and Public Law in the University of Pennsylvania. 
Last year he was Lecturer in History in Columbia University. 

Senator Thomas H. Williams. — Replying to your query (July, 
1903, p. 67,) for a sketch of Senator Thomas H. Williams, I refer you to 
the following descendants: E. H. Williams, Girsham, Chickasaw coun- 
ty, Mississippi, and Miss Nina Harwood, 1426 Euterpe street, New Or- 
leans, La. Pioneer. 

Birmingham, Ala. 

Yancey and Cudworth data Wanted. — The father of Messrs. 
William Lowndes Yance} 7 and of Benjamin C. Yancey was Benjamin 
Cudworth Yancey, son of Major James Yancey, of Laurens District, S. 

C, and \ufe, who was Miss Cudworth. Information is desired 

concerning the Yancey and Cudworth families, the former from Virginia 
and the latter from Massachusetts. 

President Juarez oe Mexico. — Students interested in the career 
f this distinguished Mexican will find a valuable authority in Executive 
Document No. 31 of the Thirty-ninth Congress, first session, 1866, (8 vo. 
pp.20,) It contains a number of original documents and correspond- 
ence of great importance. See article of Clarencee Ousley in this Maga- 
zine, November 1902, Vol. 1, p. 179. 

Henderson Data Wanted — Samuel Henderson (1700-I783) fiist 
of Hanover county, Virginia, later of Granville county, North Carolina, 
was the father of numerous children; among them Judge Richard Hen- 
derson, the colonizer, Pleasant, Nathaniel, etc. The maiden name of 
Nathaniel's second wife, who was "the widow Morgan," is much de- 

The Oldest Female College. —In Some Trtrtks of History 
(1903), briefly reviewed in the last issue of this Magazine (July, 1903, 
p. 71), the author, Mr. T. K. Oglesby, has the statement that the Wes- 
leyan Female College is the first college founded in the world empowered 
to grant diplomas and confer degrees on women. Outside of the claim 
put forth by the institution itself proof of the statement is desired. 


Revolutionary Monuments in Tennessee. — A monument to 
Revolutionary soldiers buried in Tennessee is being built by the D. A. R. 
of this state at Nashville. This movement was inaugurated by Mrs. 
James S. Pilcher during her State Regency, and "Old Glory" Chapter at 
Franklin, Tenn., was the first to respond to her call with a contribution. 
A movement is also on foot to erect a monument to General James Rob- 
inson founder of the city of Nashville. 

Eighth Annuae Reunion United v Sons oe Confederate Vet- 
erans. — The Eighth Annual reunion of the general confederation, U. S. 
C. V., was held at New Orleans, La., May 19-21, 1903. The thirteenth 
annual reunion of the United Confederate Veterans was held at the same 
time. The occasion was highly stimulating to the patriotic, historic and 
benevolent purposes of these organizations. The attendance was large 
and satisfactory. Wm, McL. Fayssoux, of New Orleans, was elected 
commander-in-chief of the U. S. C. V. The Minutes of the Reunion 
have recently been issued in pamphlet form (8vo. pp.112, illustrated.') 
See this Magazine, Vol. 1, 1902-3, pp. 163-4. 

Proceedings and Memoriae oe a Conference of Confederate 
Roster Commissioners at Ateanta, Georgia, Juey 20-21, 1900, (8 vo. 
pp. 16.) — This pamphlet gives a full outline of the proceedings of the 
Confederate Roster Commissioners who met in Conference in the 
State Library, Atlanta, together with a list of the commissioners from 
the several Southern States, the "Communications from the War Depart- 
ment' ' in reference to the proposed compilation of Rosters, and the ' 'Mem- 
orial" prepared by the Commissioners to be submitted to the War Depart- 
ment. There were present in the Conference Gov. Allen D. Candler, 
Compiler of State Records, Atlanta, Ga.; Hon. B. F. Dixon, State Audi- 
tor, Raleigh, N. C; Hon. M. P. Tribble, Confederate Roster Commis- 
sioner, Columbia, S. C; Gen. Leon Jastremski, Private Secretary to the 
Governor, Baton Rouge, La.; Hon. Dunbar Rowland, of Jackson, Mis- 
sissippi and. Thomas M. Owen, Esq., Director of the Department of Ar- 
chives and History, Montgomery, Ala. The "Memorial" was signed by the 
above Commissioners in the Conference, and a mailed copy was signed 
by the following: Col. S. H, Nowlin, Compiler of Military Records, 
Little Rock, Ark.; Hon. John A. Huliu, Adjutant-General of Texas, Aus- 
tin; Hon. H. H. Hannah, Adjutant-General of Tennessee, Nashville; 
Governor A. H. Montague, Richmond, Va. : Governor A. M. Dockery, 
Jefferson City, Mo. The work of preparing rosters of Confederate sol- 
diers will be pushed vigorously and thoroughly, and every effort is being 
made to have the roster complete and historically true. 


The West Virginia Historical Magazine for July 1903 has biog- 
raphies of James Rumsey and family, Colonel Moses Shepherd, and 
Judge Lewis Summers. It repeats the claim of James Rumsey as the 
first inventor of the steamboat. Colonel Moses shepherd was the grand- 
son of the founder of Shepherdstown, West Virginia. 

The Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association, July 
1903, contains "The Mejia Expedition", by F. H. Turner; the third install- 
ment of J. II. Kuykendall's "Reminiscences of Early Texans"; "Mrs. Mary 
Jane Briscoe", by Mrs Adele B. Looscan; "Letters from Sam Houston," 
"Book Reviews and Notices", "Notes and Fragments", and "Affairs of 
the Association". Every issue of this Quarterly has original matter of 
great historical value. 

Le Canal Transisthmique Etude D" Histoire Diplomatique Ameri- 
~aine. Par Charles-Henry Huberich, de la Faculte de droit de 1' 
Universite du Texas. Paris, 1903, (8vo. pp. 52.) An excellent 
discussion of the various treaties regarding the Nicaragua and Panama 
Canal routes. Professor Huberich has lately been elected a member of 
the Societe des Etudes Legislatifs, of Paris, France. 

The Ame>ica?i Monthly Magazine, July, 1903, has an interesting 
article, The Romance of the Revolution by Alice B. Bartram. Its Revo- 
lutionary Records mentions as "Real Daughters" of the American Revo- 
lution, Miss Sabrina Martin of Orwell, Vermont, of Hand's Cove Chap- 
ter; Mrs. Eliza Melviu Shrader of Iowa City, Iowa, of Pilgrim Chapter; 
Mrs. F B. Moreman Thomas of Auburn, Ala., and Miss Mary Anderson, 
of Philadelphia, both of Light Horse Harry Lee Chapter, of Auburn, Ala. 

The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, July 
I903, continues from the April number the "Papers of the Second 
Council of Safety of the Revoluntary Party in South Carolina," Novem- 
ber 1775, March 1776. "The Letters of Henry Laurens" to public men of 
that period, also his letters to his son John, are valuable sources of his- 
torical information. Other articles in the Magazine are "Letters of Rev. 
Samuel Thomas 1702 to 1710;" "South Carolina Gleanings in England." 
"William Smith and Some of his Descendants," by A.S.Salley, Jr. ; Histor- 
ical notes on the Rhett Genealogy, and a brief notice of the death in Cal- 
ifornia of Judge Robert Y. Hayne, the grandson of Robert Y. Hayne, 
the distinguished United States Senator and Governor of South Carolina. 

Mrs. James W. Rogers. The Abbey Press, New York, London and 
Montreal, Publishers. 8 vo. pp. 207. Illustrated. 

A touching story of heroic sacrifice on the part of a boy to protect 
and support a little waif in Mobile, Ala. ; a love and war episode in New 
Orleans; a dastardly officer thwarted; a faithful old old negro's search for 
his young master, a Confederate prisoner in Ohio; form the outline of 
the chapters. The book has some good matter, and one will hardly lay 
it aside unread after beginning to read it, but the improbable climaxes 
are defects. 

136 The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

A GENTLEMAN OF THE SOUTH. By William Garrott Brown. The 
Macmillaii Company, New York, Publishers, 1903. (8 vo. pp. '232; 
illustrated. ) 

This novel purports to be "a memory of the Black Belt from the 
manuscript memoirs of the late Colonel Stanton Elmore." It was pub- 
lished in May 1903, and twice reprinted in June. Its story is based on 
the unhappiness resulting from the duel of fathers and culminating in 
the duel of their two sons. The families settled neighboring plantations 
in- the Black Belt; and for years were close friends. Estrangement, duels, 
love, and disappointment, together with the blending of Indian magna- 
nimity in Pushmataha, the great Choctaw chief, and the greed of gain 
in some of his tribe after his death, make a readable novel. The book is 
in bold type and of good mechanical finish. 

Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, Publishers, 1903. (8 vo. pp. 
404. Illustrated. ) 

The book opens with a boy and a dog witnessing the burial of friends 
in the Kentucky mountains. The boy learns that he is to be taken by a 
despised neighbor, and to forestall this apprenticeship, he starts with the 
dog over the mountains. A dog fight wins him friends and a home. 
Beared in a retired mountain region he shows a noble spirit, and gains 
from a schoolmaster knowledge of the greater world. His parents died 
before he was old enough to recollect them, and he is discovered to be 
the namesake and kinsman of a bluegrass Kentucky gentleman who 
takes him to his home and educates him. The Civil War coming on the 
boy joined the Federal army, much to the chagrin of his bluegrass kins- 
man. Neighbors parted for the struggle, some joining the Federals and 
some joining the Confederates. A fine description is given of the dash- 
ing Confederate, John Morgan, and his military movements, of the 
breaking of friendly and kindred ties, of the wreck and ruin to Confeder- 
ate homes, and of reconcilement and marriages after the war. 

don, Scribner's Sons, New York, 1904, (8 vo. pp. 474.) 

In this work General Gordon reviews the whole period of the war, 
portraying the spirit of the people from the start to the close, limning 
the characters of officers and privates, and explaining the plans and pro- 
gress of nearly all the great battles in which he was engaged'. He tells 
the story of Vicksburg and Helena as ' links to the chain of events, pro- 
nouncing Vicksburg the culmination of Confederate disaster. He de- 
picts the fierce animosity of the East Tennessee and Kentucky combat- 
ants with the family feuds and resultant suffering. While the whole 
book is full of history, probably the most valuable chapters are those 
describing the battles of Gettysburg and Cedar Creek, and these because 
they give the ''fatal halts" which, as General Gordon believes, brought 
Confederate defeat. The free discussion of Confederate and Federal 
commanders, of the glorious spirit of American manhood and woman- 
hood, of the "war by the brave against the brave," is a lesson in mag- 
nanimity and virtue which will tend largely to eradicate sectional preju- 
dices and to invite a just appreciation of the issues involved in the war 
between the North and the South. 

Confederate States Commissioner of Indian Affairs 


Gulf States Historical 


Vol. II, No. 3. MontqomEry, Ai,a., November, 1903. Whole No. 9 


By SuTTON S. SCOTT, Auburn, Ala., Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 
the Confederate Government. 


The Confederate Bureau of Indian Affairs was established 
by act of the Provisional Congress, approved March 15, 1861.* 
Hon. David Hubbard, of Alabama, was appointed Commis- 
sioner, f It was mainly through the influence of the Secretary 
of War, General EeRoy Pope Walker, of whose Department 
the Bureau was constituted a part, that this appointment was 
made. No better man for the position could have been found 
in the Confederate States than Major Hubbard. He was a na- 
tive of Tennessee; born about 1795; passed the years of his 
early manhood in North. Alabama; had seen much of the 
Cherokee Indians, perhaps other Alabama tribes, before their 
removal to the West, and was well acquainted with the lead- 
ing men, at least, of the former nation. On coming to Ala- 
bama, he followed for some time at Huntsville his trade, that 
of carpentering, while studying law. He was elected to the 
legislature in 1827, and repeatedly thereafter. In fact, with 
the exception of two terms in Congress — -the sessions of 1S39- 
40 and 1849-50, from the district subsequently represented by 
George S. Houston, he was in one branch or the other of the 
General Assembly of Alabama for the larger part of the time 
between his first election and the breaking out of the War. 

Official War Records, Series IV, vol. iii, p. 944. 
\ Official War Records, Series IV, Vol. i, p. 1176. 

138 The Gur,F States Historical Magazine 

Major Hubbard was a rough and stroug man — broad-minded 
and big-hearted — and an intelligent friend of the Indians. 

Of course, when the Bureau of Indian Affairs was estab- 
lished, there was but little or no work for it to do; the chief 
pre-requisite in that behalf was wanting; there were no Con- 
federate Indians. It was organized at a date thus early, how- 
ever, as one of the steps preliminary to the making of treaties 
with some of the red men of the. West, especially with the five 
civilized nations occupying the territory between Kansas and 
Texas — the Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Creeks and 
Seminoles. In pursuance of a resolution of the Confederate 
Congress, adopted March 5, 1861, President Davis appointed 
Albert Pike a Commissioner of the Government to all the In- 
dian tribes west of Arkansas and south of Kansas.* 

According to Series one, volume four, of the Official War 
Records, where the treaties are fully set out, Pike, during the 
months of July, August, September and October, 1861, con- 
cluded treaties with all five of the civilized nations, the Re- 
serve Indians, and several other small tribes living on the bor- 
ders of the Indian Territory. The President, by a message 
dated December 12, 1 86 i,f submitted these treaties to Con- 
gress; and all of them were duly ratified before the close of 
the year. J 

It should be mentioned that Major Hubbard, the Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs, was ordered by the Secretary of 
War, May 14, 1861, to proceed to the Indian country, and as- 
sist in the work of treating with these Indians. He endeav- 
ored to comply with this order, but was prostrated by a serious 
attack of pneumonia soon after entering Arkansas. He wrote, 
however, a characteristic letter to John Ross, Chief of the 
Cherokees, while negotiations were going on with that nation. § 

After turning over his treaty-making work to the Con- 
federate authorities, Pike was appointed a brigadier general, 
and assigned to the command of the Indian country. Before 
leaving Richmond he labored assiduously to gather up, and 
have sent out, the necessary supplies for his command. He 
told me before he left the capital, that he had secured about 

* Official War Records, Series IV, Vol. i, p. 785. 
t Official War Records, Series IV, Vol. i, p. 785. 
%/dem, p. 813. 
^Official War Records, Series I, Vol. xiii, p. 497. 

Confederate Indian Affairs 1.39 

everything he needed in the way of arms, ammunition and 
clothing for his troops, or such assurances from the proper au- 
thorities that these supplies would be sent to him immediately, 
as were perfect!)' reliable and satisfactory; and he seemed very 
proud of his success. 

The order assigning him to duty was from the Adjutant 
and Inspector General's office at Richmond, dated November 
22, 1S61, and reads as follows: "The Indian country west of 
Arkansas and north of Texas is constituted the department of 
Indian Territory; and Brigadier General Albert Pike, Provis- 
ional Arm}% is assigned to the command of the same. The 
troops of this department will consist of the several Indian 
regiments raised or to be raised within the limits of the de- 
partment. By command of the Secretary of War."* 

General Pike, after he assumed command of the Indian 
department, was confronted with an order of the War Depart- 
ment assigning General Van Dorn to the command of the 
Trans-Mississippi district, including the Indian country, dated 
January 10, 1862.7 This order did not directly and unequiv- 
ocally abrogate the order of the previous September to Gen- 
eral Pike making the Indian Territory a separate and inde- 
pendent department — that was the intention, no doubt, and 
the meaning of it. A conflict of jurisdiction between the two 
commanders was the result — a conflict, w T hich was seriously 
embittered by the seizure on the part of General Van Dorn of 
many of the supplies for the Indian troops so laboriously col- 
lected by General Pike while at Richmond. J The jurisdic- 
tional conflict thus started, became worse after General Thom- 
as C. Hindman had been assigned, not by the War Depart- 
ment, but by General Beauregard, to the command of the 
Trans-Mississippi district. § Under it General Hindman was 
guilty of some violent acts and General Pike of some foolish 
ones, both together producing wide-spread disorders in the In- 
dian country, which finally culminated in, and were intensified 
by, the arrest of General Pike on orders proceeding from Gen- 
eral Hindman. 1 1 

*Official War Records, Series I, Vol. viii, p. 690. 

j I'd em, p. 734. 

JLetter to President, in Official War Records, Series I, Vol. xiii, p. 860. 

\Idem, p. 28. 

\\Idem, p. 980-1. 

140 The Guee States Historical Magazine 

The contention was purely a military matter, between 
military officers of the government; and it is only alluded to 
here because of its effect upon the operations of the Indian 
bureau and the general welfare of the great body of the Indians 
committed to its charge. 

The illegal seizures of supplies, arms, money and clothing 
intended for the Indians, of course produced dissatisfaction 
among them, which was somewhat aggravated by delay in 
sending out the annuities promised them under treat}'. These 
troubles, and others connected with the management of the 
Indians, appeared to the government so important and urgent, 
that it w T as deemed advisable to send an. officer from Richmond 
charged with the duty of paying over the money due the sev- 
eral nations, and, at the same time, to make known to them 
officially the determination of the government to comply with 
all its treat}' stipulations in their behalf and its wish to protect 
them in all their rights and privileges.^ 

As I was the only officer of the Indian bureau at the seat 
of the Government — Hon. David Hubbard having resigned the 
Commissionship of Indian Affairs — the weighty and responsi- 
ble duties referred to, were, of course, placed upon me. The 
facilities for carrying out the wishes of the Government were 
hurriedly provided, and with full instructions from the Secre- 
tary of War, I, as Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs, al- 
most as soon as the design became fixed — September 13, 1862 — 
was on my way to the Trans- Mississippi department. The 
difficulty of securing transportation, after having crossed the 
Mississippi river at Vicksburg, made the latter part of the 
journey somewhat slow and tedious. I, however, reached 
Little Rock, the headquarters of General Holmes, the Com- 
mandant of the Trans- Mississippi department, early in Octo- 
ber. He seemed impressed with the importance of the action 
of the government for removing the dissatisfaction and trou- 
bles among the Indians, and did what he 'could to help me on 
my way. 

I saw enough of General Holmes, during the few days of 
my stay at Little Rock, to convince me that he was a great 
and good man; but, at the same time, I was not without some 
fear of his being, as a general, hardly fitted, because of bodily 

* Official War Records, Series IV, Vol. ii, pp. 352-3. 


infirmities, on the one hand, and exceeding kindness of heart, 
on the other, for the prompt and vigorous discharge of the 
stern and complicated duties of his responsible post. But what 
General Holmes may perhaps have lacked in vigor and 
promptness, was full}' supplied — indeed more than supplied — 
by one of his lieutenants, General Thomas C. Hindmau, whom 
I also met at Little Rock. I simply add my impression, that, 
while General Hindman did many indefensible things when 
commanding in the West, he did them with an eye single to 
what he conceived to be the best interests of the Confederacy. 

I entered the Indian county by way of Fort Smith, about 
October 15, 1862, and proceeded at once to Doaksville, the 
capital of the Choctaw nation.* Subsequently I met the 
Chickasaws, Creeks and Seminoles at their respective agencies, 
and the remnant of the Cherokees under the leadership of 
Stand watie at Fort Gibson. At each meeting I had before 
me in council all the leading men of the nation thus visited, 
with a large part of the rank and file. My talks to them — 
after having paid to them their annuities — with regard to the 
duties they owed themselves and the Confederacy, and the 
hopes and wishes of the latter to protect them in the enjoy- 
ment of their liberties, were well received. In truth, scarcely 
any talk was necessary to bring about a favorable state of 
mind on their part. The mere fact of the government having 
sent an officer all the way from Richmond to confer with them, 
was sufficient of itself to satisf3 r them of its good will and fath- 
erly care.f In spite of the loss of promised arms and clothing 
by unlawful military seizure, in spite of bickering and strife 
among their arrny officers, I left them, in every instance, as 
far as I could learn, resolved to stand by the Confederacy "at 
every hazard and to the last extremity." 

In visiting, for the transaction of rny official business, the 
several nations of Indians, I used an ambulance to carry me 
from place to place, genarally with no company except the 
driver. It was frequently necessary for me to camp out at 
night. I always went with considerable sums of money on 
my person to pay annuities, etc. In order to make these pay- 
ments, I had to notify the headmen of every nation several 

* Official War Records, Series I, Vol. xiii, p. 890. 
^Official War Records, Series IV, Vol ii. pp. 352-4. 

142 The Guef States Historical Magazine 

days in advance, when and where to expect me; so that no in- 
considerable number of the Indians, to whom payments were 
to be made, knew ever) 7 night exactly where I was resting-. 
Yet, in all my journeyings over the Territory, occupying 
weeks and covering hundreds of miles, often at night known 
to be in an isolated and defenceless camp, I was never inter- 

These facts display an honest)* and good faith on the part 
of the sons of the forest and prairie rarely to be met with 
among people more highly civilized and enlightened. 

I did not visit the Reserve, — that part of the. Territory 
lying between the 98th and 100th parallels of longitude and 
the Red and Canadian rivers, — upon which many little bands 
of wild prairie Indians, Comanches, Wichitas, Toncawes, 
Caddos, etc., had been settled, and were being fed at the ex- 
pense of the government. When preparing to start from Fort 
Washita in the Chickasaw county to visit the Reserve, I was 
met by the disastrous news of the agency there having been 
attacked by a number of marauding Indians, who, after burn- 
ing the agency-building, killed the agent, Leeper, and three 
or four of the government's white employees under him. I 
deemed it advisable to ascertain the truth of this report, and 
with an escort of troops provided by General Pike I proceeded 
as far as Arbuckle, where the news was fully confirmed, ex- 
cept the killing of L,eeper. He had been concealed by an old 
Indian woman, and made his escape after the departure of the 
marauders. I also learned that it was unnecessary for me to 
proceed farther, as all the Indians of the Reserve had run 
away. I made the best arrangements I could for the preserva- 
tion of the government property left; for getting the Indians 
to return; and for feeding them when they did so. I looked 
upon the Reserve as one of the important defences of North- 
ern Texas against the incursions of wild Indians from the 
plains, and that it should, by all means, be re-established and 
kept up.* 

I left Fort Washita, on my return to the East, in the 
early part of November, 1862. At that place I saw General 
Pike for the last time. He had resigned his command, but 

* Official War Record, Series I, Vol. xiii, pp. 919-20, and also Series IV, 
nl ii. no. 354-6. 

Vol. ii, pp. 354-6 

Confederate Indian Affairs 143 

had received no notification of its acceptance. At the very 
time we were making our adieus to each other, soldiers were 
out, under orders from General Hindmau, for his arrest.* 

Had it been told me then that such was the case, although 
I had some knowledge of the strained condition of affairs mili- 
tary in the Indian country, I would have been inexpressibly 
shocked. Pike from momentary impulse, or from mistaken 
necessity, was led to say and do, more than once, improper 
and unsoldier-like things, but, he was perfectly true and loyal 
to the Confederacy. He made many sacrifices for the South, — 
let us hope that the vSouth will fully weigh and consider his 
actions and his sacrifices, and do his memory justice. 

I passed through the Indian country, after leaving Fort 
Washita, arriving at Fort Smith November 27, and, at Rich- 
mond, between the first and middle of Decembar, 1862. — My 
report was made to the Secretary of war January 12, 1863.7 
About a month and a half afterwards — February 26 — I 
was appointed by President Davis Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs; which office I held until the end of the Confederacy. 
It may be well to remark that I had been acting as Commis- 
sioner since the resignation of Hon. David Hubbard some 
months before. 


I left Richmond for my second visit to the Indian coun- 
try, May 24, 1863. Because of his sickness, when I reached 
Little Rock, in July, I was unable to see General Holmes, 
who. at the time, was in command of the district of Arkansas, 
including the Indian Territory. He had been relieved of the 
command of the Trans-Mississippi department, the previous 
March; General E. Kirby Smith having been assigned to that 
responsible position. J 

Under General Holmes, General William Steele was in 
command of the Confederate Indian forces. After visiting 
General Steele at his headquarters near Fort Gibson in the 
Creek country, I proceeded to different points in the Territory, 
and paid the Indians their annuities, and made arrangements 
for feeding the Reserve, and other destitute Indians. I re- 

* Official War Record, Series I, Mol. xiii, p. 980. 
•[Official War Record, Series IV, Vol. ii, pp. 3o2-7. 
\Official War Record, Series I, Vol. xxii, part ii, p. 798. 

144 The Guef States Historical Magazine 

oeived a letter, dated August 7, from General Steele giving a 
gloomy account of his little army.* I had seen enough with 
my own e}-es to satisfy me of his pressing needs, and had 
written to General Holmes urging the importance of giving 
General Steele, if possible, immediate relief. f Soon after I 
laid all the facts with regard to the wretched state of the Indian 
troops, especially in the way of arms and ammunition, before 
General Smith, the department commander at Marshall, Texas. 
He promised to do what he could in the matter, and he did it. X 

In accordance with suggestions made to me b}' the Secre- 
tasy of War before I left Richmond, I had frequent consulta- 
tions with General Smith at Shreveport, during my stay in 
the Trans- Mississippi department; and he aiwa}^s appeared to 
me to be the right man in the right place. He was easily 
approached on all matters of business, listening courteously to 
suggestions, weighed them fairly and deliberately, and then 
did what he thought best for the good of the service. In my 
intercourse with him, which was exceedingly pleasant, he 
always reminded me of the idea I had formed of General 
Greene of revolutionary times. 

The Indian country was in such a ferment, there was so 
much depression at home and abroad within its limits; that I 
felt it my duty to remain in it as long as possible, and do my 
part — an inconsiderable one, it is true — by talking to the 
leaders, and the Indians generally, and by such other means 
as were available, to remove distrusts, allay discontents, and 
thus prevent approaches to demoralization. I consequently 
was in the country, or on its immediate border in Texas, about 
four months. § 

I left Shreveport, General Smith's headquarters, en route 
for Richmond, on horseback, about the middle of October. I 
crossed the Mississippi river in a canoe, swimming my horse 
by its side; and, with many windings and turnings, chiefly 
through swamps in the vicinity of the great stream, to evade 
straggling parties of Federal soldiers from Vicksburg and Port 
Hudson, I made my w r ay slowly and painfully across the deso- 

* Official War Record, Series I, Vol. xxii, Part ii p. 957. 
ffdem, p. 1097. 

\Official War Record, Series I, vol. xxii, Part ii, pp. 1095-6. 
\Idem, pp. 1030-1. 

Confederate Indian Affairs 145 

lated counti}'. I readied the railroad in the latter part of Oc- 
tober, or first of November, thoroughly worn-out by my long, 
disagreeable, and, in part, perilous ride. I do not recollect 
now where 1 struck the railroad. I am inclined to think 
(although the place way have been farther east) that it was at 
Jackson, the beautiful capital of the state, which upon its 
evacuation a few months before by General Joseph E. John- 
ston, was made to feel the red hand of the Federal gen- 
eral, who, it is said, believed war to be hell, and who, cer- 
tainly did his part towards making it so. 

Here I found some east-bound trains, or rather frag- 
ments of trains, their engines puffing and blowing, evidently 
about read} 7 to start, all of which was very gratifying to me; 
but I found, at the same time, which was not at all gratifying, 
that in them, or rather on them, — for the} 7 were made up 
mainly of platform cars, — almost every square inch of space 
was occupied by soldiers. I was too weak and jaded to en- 
dure such a crush as was here offered me, even with a seat, 
and a seat was evidently out of the question. I had about 
made up my mind to wait for another train; but with much 
reluctance, as I had no means of knowing how long I might 
be delayed by the transportation of troops and the scarcity of 
cars, when an officer was stopped immediately in my front by 
some obstruction perhaps in his way, and civilly addressed me. 
His cordial manner led me to tell him who I was, and also of 
my long and fatiguing trip from the Indian country, and my 
anxiety to get to the Confederate capital. It was a fortunate 
meeting, and a fortunate talk for me, as he took me at once to 
a box car, and introduced me and my situation to General 
Johnston. The General courteously invited me to take a seat, 
and consider myself at home; "that is," continued he, with a 
smile, "ifyoucan stretch your imagination so far as to con- 
sider such a place as this — a home." 

I had seen the renowned Confederate chieftain before, 
but this was the first time I had ever been brought in personal 
contact with him. He was busy giving orders and receiving 
messages; and, as I sat alone in the corner of the car, I had a 
fine opportunity to study the man. It w r as only the soldier 
part of him that w r as turned to me at the time; and I fancied 
from his manner, and from the few words that reached me, 

146 The Guee States Historical Magazine 

as he curtly gave his orders, or emphatically responded to 
what was said to him, that I could see in him a grim, stern, 
unbending resolution to meet every fate with dignity; a sereni- 
ty not to be moved by any disaster; and a wise, cool, and de- 
liberate collectedness, which made him equal to, and ready for, 
all emergencies — traits, indeed, which his whole history has 
shown were truly and unmistakably his. 

I have no idea how long I remained seated alone in the 
car, watching what was going on around me. It may have 
been only a few minutes — it may have been an hour or two. 
I was so deeply interested in my study of the man, that I took 
no note of time or its passage. When all was quiet in the 
car— the business having been dispatched, and the trains 
started — General Johnston took a chair near me, and com- 
menced a conversation upon ordinal topics, apparently as 
free and easy, as if there was no trouble, no worry, no anxiety 
for him in the world. The stream of his talk flowed even- 
ly, smoothly, unbrokenly on; frequently brightened by sug- 
gestions crisply and tersely put, which made his remarks ex- 
tremely interesting. Of course, allusion was made by me to 
the important occurrences of recent date in the Mississippi de- 
partment, (he would never have spoken of them at all with- 
out it), and among them, of course, the fall of Vicksburg. 
He referred to them in a general way; and although I knew 
enough of the secret facts with regard to some of these occur- 
rences, especially the last, to satisfy me that his feelings could 
scarcely be amiable in reviewing them — that, in short, he was 
bound to feel mortified and indignant, as the commander of 
the department, at the manner, in which his plans had been 
interfered with, and the unjust criticisms to which his con- 
duct had been subjected, — not one word of bitter comment 
upon either escaped his lips. While speaking of his order to 
General Pemberton to evacuate Vicksburg before its invest- 
ment, and his failure to comply, I interrupted General John- 
ston for the first time: 

"General," I remarked, "we all know now that your or- 
der to General Pemberton was a wise one — was the only step 
possible to save his army. But we would not have known it 
had he obeyed you. The people of the Confederacy gener- 

Confederate Indian Affairs 147 

ally — many of them in high official positions,* as well as the 
masses— ^were supremely anxious,— I might even say, without 
the least exaggeration, frantically anxious, — for Vicksburg to 
be held, and firmly and confidently believed it could be held. 
Didn't you know then, when you gave the order to General 
Pemberton, that the evacuation of Vicksburg under that or- 
der would ruin— pardon me, General, I use a strong word, 
but I could not use a softer, and do justice to the subject;— 
didn't you know that it would ruin you in the estimation of 
the government, as well as a large part of your fellow-citizens 
of the Confederate states?" 

Without a moment's hesitation he replied: "Yes, I knew 
it." The words dropped from his lips one by one. He looked 
the hero that he really was, as he rose from his chair, and 
slowly, deliberately repeated: "Yes, I knew it; and I knew 
more. I was sure, that, under the circumstances, the chances 
were decidedly against my ever being able to successfully vin- 
dicate my action. "But," continued he, with a ring in his 
voice, which betra} 7 ed the depth and intensity of his feelings, 
"I was satisfied that the Confederacy could do without Gen- 
eral Johnston, while I did not believe it could do without the 
veteran army under General Pemberton, whose loss was a cer- 
tainty, if that army was once cooped-up in Vicksburg." 

I entered Richmond about the middle of November. The 
Secretary of War, in his report to Congress, dated November 
26, 1863, alludes to the fact of my having just returned from 
the Indian country, and speaks of my report on Indian affairs 
as being herewith submitted. In the volume of Official War 
Records, "which contains this report of the Secretary, it is stat- 
ed, in a foot-note, that my report "was not found." This is 
the case with one made soon after to the Secretary, of w T hich 
he acknowledges the receipt in his report to Congress, dated 
April 3, 1864. I regret the loss of these two official papers, as 

*To show that the government was just as wild as the people of the 
Confederacy on the subject of holding Vicksburg. parts of two telegrams 
from Mr. Seddon, Secretary of War, to General Johnston, during the 
seige, are given. It will be perceived that the language is decidedly 
"strenuous." The first telegram, dated June 16, says: "Vicksburg 
must not be lost without a desperate struggle. The interest and honor 
of the Confederacy forbid it." The second telegram, dated June 21, 
says: "I leave you free to follow the most desperate course the occasion 
ruay demand. Rely upon it the eyes and hopes of the whole Confederacy 
are upon you." . 

148 Thk Gui<f States Historical Magazine 

they would have been of service to me in preparing this 


In the early part of the year 1864, I was ordered by the 
Secret ary of War to prepare for another visit to the Indian 
country. As it seemed probable from the condition of Con- 
federate affairs, both in the East and the West, that I might 
be detained for some time in the Trans-Mississippi department, 
if indeed, I should be able to get back during the year, detail- 
ed instructions, in writing, were furnished me. j Having many 
preparations to make, it was several weeks after receipt of in- 
structions before I was ready to proceed on my journey; and 
when I did set out, owing to breaks in the railroads, I made 
but slow progress to Meridian. The progress from that point 
was much slower, as the travel was on horseback across the 
State of Mississippi, Louisiana, and a part of Northern Texas. 
So slow was it, that General Samuel B. Maxey, who had suc- 
ceeded General Steele in command of the Indian country, in a 
communication, dated February 26, to General Smith about 

*The references in the two reports of the Secretary of War are given 
below. The one dated November 26, reads as follows: "It is gratifying 
to be able to state that our relations with the Indians, under the protec- 
tion of this government, continues to be of satisfactory character. 
Though there have been some instances of disturbances among individ- 
uals, as were to be expected under the machinations of our enemies, and 
the withdrawal of our troops from the coterminous territory, under mili- 
tary operations in adjoining states, yet Mr. Scott, our Indian Agent, 
[Coinmiss.oner], who has just returned from a visit to, and a sojourn 
among them of some mouths, gives assurance that they continue un- 
shaken in their loyalty to the government, and in their devotion to our 
cause and sacred rights. His report accompanying this will furnish de- 
tails of interest."— Official War Records, Series IV, Vol. ii, p. 1017. ' 

The one dated April 8, reads thus: "Attention is invited to the ac- 
companying report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Credit is due 
to that officer for the danger and privations he has endured in twice vis- 
iting the distant abodes of the Indian tribes. His presence and influence 
among them have proved salutary in affording encouragement and main- 
taining fidelity. They should not suffer from the changes, which have 
been made in our financial system, the necessity and wisdom of which 
they cannot be expected to have foreseen or now to understand. The 
recommendation, therefore, by the Commissioner, of timely legislation to 
authorize substitution of the new currency for the old, without loss to 
them, is approved and seconded. The great body of the Indians, not- 
withstanding their losses, are attached to the Confederacy, and confident 
in its fortunes, and with reasonable consideration, for their peculiar wants 
and feelings, may easily he retained in amity and fidelity." — Official 
War Records, Series IV, Vol. iii, p. 342. 

f<9# icial Wai Records. Series Vol, 1. xxxiv, Part ii, pp. 828-9. 


the bad state of Indian affairs, said: "To make matters worse, 
the annuity is due, and has for some time been expected with 
Commissioner Scott; but neither the Commissioner, nor the 
money has come."* And this is not all: — the progress was so 
slow, that it induced General Smith to inform the War De- 
partment of the probability of my death en route — of my hav- 
ing been, no doubt, killed amid the wilds of the great Mississ- 
ippi swamps by marauding soldiers of the enemy. 

I reached the Mississippi river in the vicinity of Bruins- 
burg, in July. General John IT. Forney, who had been or- 
dered to report for service to General Smith was there to cross 
also. Information, no doubt, of our intended crossing had 
been communicated b}~ Yankee sympathizers on the bank to 
Federal gunboats on the river, and the latter were keeping a 
sharp lookout for us, as was evident from their frequent pass- 
ing up and down the river in our immediate vicinity. I was 
told that men from one of the boats had made a raid upon the 
place where General Forney was resting, and came very near 
capturing him. 

After waiting some days on the man who was engaged to 
put me over the river, but who refused to make the venture 
while gunboats were about, I was gratified to have him tell 
me one night that the coast seemed clear — no gunboats having 
been seen or heard of for several hours — and that he would at- 
tempt the crossing soon after daylight next morning. I was 
at the designated spot on the river bank promptly at the hour 
suggested. The canoe was there, and. the man in it with pad- 
dle uplifted. He was a big, brawny fellow, with long arms 
bare and muscled like those of Hercules. It was fortunate 
he chanced to be such a man. The point of land selected by 
him, from which we were to start on our adventurous voyage, 
was over a mile above a Yankee trading boat lashed to the 
bank on the other side. It was the purpose of the man to land 
his canoe just above the prow of the trading boat, as a road 
was there skirting the swamp and running off into the open 
country. Many anxious glances were cast by him up and 
down the river, which was here straight for several miles each 
way, when, kneeling down in the forward end of the canoe — 
the usual place and posture of a canoeman, at least when car- 

*fdem t p. 996. 

150 The Guee States Historicae Magazine 

tying over a horse — he, by a long and deliberate stroke of the 
paddle, drew the light boat slowly from the bank. I was seat- 
ed, of course, in the stern. My horse, from which I had not 
removed the saddle, following the pull of the bridle-reins, 
which I held in my left hand, took to the water readily, and, 
with my right hand under his lower jaw to support his head, 
or rather his mouth and nostrils above the stream, began to 
swim by my side without a struggle. Under the long, steady, 
and vigorous strokes of the athletic boatman, w T e soon reached 
the middle of the broad river — still well up above the trading 
boat, though we had drifted considerably below our starting 
point. The horse sometime before had concluded to rest, and 
had therefore turned on his side, and was floating instead of 
swimming, This action of the animal had put double work 
on the paddler; but he did it well, and it was soon evident, 
that he would be able, despite the increased strain on his mus- 
cles, to make the contemplated landing. When we were per- 
haps less than a quarter of a mile from the Louisiana bank, a 
gun-boat rounded a wooded point on the river five or six miles 
above; and judging from the thick smoke, which was soon 
boiling out of her chimneys, and hanging above her like an 
ominous cloud, was doing her best toward an acceleration of 
speed. Then came the tug of war. The canoeman met the 
heavy demand upon his strength bravely. His strokes were 
not only long, but rapid; and his paddle swept through the 
water with dash and vigor. His posture at the head of the 
canoe was eminently suggestive. It seemed fit that he should 
pray, and make his prayers keep time to the rapid sweeps of 
his paddle. As for inyself I was hardly in a praying mood: I 
was too busy anathematizing my horse for not helping us out 
by swimming. The boat fired one shot from its bow-gun; but 
it fell short, plunging into the river more than a hundred 
yards above. Before another shot was fired, the canoe 
was directly between the pursuing vessel and the trading boat 
at the bank. No firing from the former could then be done 
without probable damage to the latter and its occupants who, 
although Northern men and women, were in a state of the 
wildest excitement, running about the deck of the little steam- 
er, frantically waving their handkerchiefs and shouting words 
of encouragement to us, and, in short, manifesting a decidedly 

Confederate Indian Affairs 151 

boisterous anadety for us to escape. The sturdy cauoeman 
made the bank under the bow of the trading boat a few hun- 
dred yards ahead of the .gun-boat. By the help of one of the 
hands of the former, he had the canoe out of the water and 
over the levee almost as soon as it touched the shore. I was 
not less alert in my movements. Not a moment was lost in 
mounting my horse; and, astride of a wet saddle, I was soon 
listening to his rapid and rythmic hoof-beats — 'making for me 
delicious music, as they announced, a fast increase of the dis- 
tance between the rider and the river. 

I arrived in the Indian country, after making a short and 
hurried stay at Shreveport for consultation with General 
Smith, about the middle of July. There was much difficult}'- 
in getting through the parts of the Territor}- held by the Con- 
federate army, because of the unusually inclement weather, 
and the wretched condition of the roads. I met the Treasur- 
ers of the Creeks, Seminoles and Chickasaws at Fort Washita, 
August 8, and paid them their annuities.* I also met, in 
council at the same time and place, many of the leading 
men of these nations, and promised to have them furnished 
with much needed supplies, which promise was redeemed to 
the best of my ability. The Choctaw and Cherokee treasurers 
were subsequently met at Fort Towson, and were duly paid. 

The Confederate Indian outlook was far from being a 
bright one. The greater portion of the Territory was in the 
hands of the enemy, and the southern part of the Choctaw, 
with a large part of the Chickasaw country, in the neighbor- 
hood of Red river, where grain could be most easily reached, 
and pasturage was good, appeared crowded with refugee families 
from all the Confederate nations save the last. The best ar- 
rangement possible was made for supplying their most pressing 
needs. f The Indians, had, by no means, lost hope, and dis- 
played eminent loyalty to the cause of the Confederacy. This 
of course, was known to be true, and was expected of the 
Choctaws. Chickasaws, and the remnant of the Cherokees, 
who had followed the fortunes of the brave and high-spirited 
Standwatie; but even the Creeks and Seminoles, about whose 

* Official War Records, Series I, Vol. xli, Part ii, p. 1078. 
t Official War Recoids, Series I, Vol. xli, Part ii, p. 1079, and Series I, 
Vol. xli, Part iv, p. 1086. 

152 Ti-ii5 GuivF States Historical Magazine 

faithfulness some doubts had been eutertained, were hardly be- 
hind the others in devotion to the Southern cause. On the 
8th or 9th of August, I met all the principal men of these two 
nations, and many of their warriors in council at Fort Wash- 
ita; and no men could have spoken more unselfishly and pa- 
triotically, and, as it seemed tome, with greater sincerity, than 
did both of their principal chiefs. I was so profoundly im- 
pressed with their words, that I took them back with me to 
Richmond, for the consideration of the President andSecretaty 
of War.* 

^Samuel Chekote, Chief of the Creeks, among other things, in his ad- 
dress to the Commissioner, said: "In reply to your encouraging remarks 
today I must say it affords me more than ordinary p easure to have an 
opportunity of seeing you, hearing you talk, and speaking to you face to 
face. I feel encouraged by your presence, esteeming j-our long and per- 
ilous journey to the Indian country to be prompted by no other motives 
than the welfare of the Indian people. And the assurances you have 
given us today, as on former occasions, of the good feelings and faith of 
the President and Government towards us, is an additional source of 
great encouragement. These manifest tokens of friendship. I assure you 
in behalf of the Creek people, are duly appreciated, and shall ever esteem 
it our high prerogative to cherish such feelings." 

After alluding briefly to the sufferings of his people during the last 
year, because of their having been driven from their homes, he contin- 
ued: "These misfortunes and calamities I deem necessary incidents in 
the path of war. I am assured that many of my white brethren are suf- 
fering likewise. I, therefore, make no complaint, but assure you in be- 
half of my people, that the cause of the South is our cause, her hopes are 
our hopes, and whatever her misfortunes may be it shall be our pleasure 
to bear them patiently with her even unto death. If she falls we fall, 
and if she prospers, we only desire it to be our privilege to enjoy her 
prosperity. Being thus actuated we are enrolling every able-bodied man 
in the service for the war. Although many of those already enlisted are 
without arms we shall persevere with the hope of getting them hereafter. 
I take this occasion to express my approbation of the officers over us in 
this department. I believe them to be men of patriotic and generous 
principles, willing to sacrifice personal ease and sectional feelings for the 
welfare of the Indians and our common cause. Our numerous wants are, 
in a measure, being supplied. We believe that all is being done that can 
be done conveniently. We can see and appreciate the exigency of the 
times, and are willing to endure all that cannot be remedied." 

Hemha Micco or John Jumper, Chief of the Seminoles, thus wrote the 
Commissioner: "In the fall of 1862 I first met you at Fort Arbuckle. 
You asked me if I had any requests to make the President of the Con- 
federate States. I told you I had none. We were then by our firesides, 
living in comparative quiet; but war came to our country, and drove us 
from these pleasant homes; we are now wanderers and strangers, yet the 
Confederate States have not deserted us; we have been provided for; our 
women and children are fed; our soldiers get all they should expect; the 
government is engaged in a great war; she cannot do any more for us 
now than she is doing. Perhaps when the war is over we will be per- 
fectly satisfied with her bounty; all claims will be adjusted. In view of 
all these things, I again say to you, that I have no request to make of the 

Confederate Indian Affairs 153 

I spent some time at General Maxey's headquarters. He 
was exerting himself heroically to discharge all the complex 
duties of his position. Like a skillful soldier, he was ever 
striving to add to the limited means at his disposal, and, if un- 
successful, to make them supply the place of instrumentali- 
ties ampler and more satisfactory. He had to face not only 
the troubles arising from a want of supplies, etc., but those 
growing out of opposition to his holding the Indian command 
— the sort of opposition that impaired the usefulness of Gen- 
eral Steele and finally led him to ask relief from duty in the 
Indian country. General Smith, in special orders, 214, De- 
cember 11, 1863,* said emphatically and deservedly: "In 
relieving General Steele the Lieutenant-General commanding 
deems it a proper occasion to express his satisfaction with the 
manner in which that officer has conducted the affairs of the 
Indian Territor}?- amid all the embarrassments that surrounded 
him; and, in assigning him to other duty, does so with una- 
bated confidence in his ability and patriotism." 

The opposition that discouraged Steele had a contrary 
effect upon Maxey. The latter defied it. At last, however, 
it w T as transferred to Richmond; and he was thereupon re- 
moved, by special orders of the Adjutant and Inspector Gen- 
eral's office, No. 171, and dated July 28, 1864. General Smith 
showed how greatly he regretted this removal by delaying the 
publication of the order, and asking the War Department to 
revoke it—at the same time referring the department to the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs for information as to General 
Maxey's "civil administration of his district."! The opposi- 

President. He will, without asking, do all for us that we should expect. 
I wish you, however, to assure the President that the Seminoles are yet 
true and loyal. Their treaty stipulations are sacred. The destiny of 
your Government shall be ours; if she falls we will go with her; if she 
triumphs no rejoicing will be more sincere than ours. Permit me to ex- 
press to you the gratification we feel because of your visit. We thank 
you for the very friendly and satisfactory address of this morning. We 
feel strengthened and encouraged. We will remember your words when 
you are far away; we will profit by them. We wish you to visit us often; 
we think you are a good friend to us; we have confidence in you. May 
you have a pleasant and safe return to Richmond, and may you come 
again shortly to our wild Western land. May the blessing of Almighty 
God rest upou you and our common cause." — Official War Recotds, Se- 
ries I, Vol. xH,"Part iv, pp. 1089-90. 

^Official War Record, Series I. Vol. xxii, Part ii, p. 1094. 

^Official War Record, Series I, Vol. xli, Part iii. p. 971. 


154 The Guef States Historical Magazine 

tion, however, was too strong, and the revoking order re- 
quested by General Smith was not granted.* 

General Maxe3 T was a bright and bold man; of splendid 
administrative capacity; rare will-power, and great e&ergy. 
He was peculiarly well equipped for the Indian command. 
His successor, General D. H. Cooper, was also a good man 
for the position. He was popular with the Indians; had lived 
among them for many years; understood their ways and char- 
acter; and both as Colonel and Brigadier-General of Indian 
troops, had managed them well, and had fought them on more 
than one occasion against the enemy with marked ability and 

I had done, during this visit, towards furthering the washes 
and intentions of the government in behalf of the Indians, all 
that seemed to be possible. f So I now turned my back 
reluctantly and sadly upon the little Territory that had stood 
so gallantry by, and suffered so resolutely with, the Confed- 
acy, and set out on my painful journey to Richmond about the 
middle of October, 1864. It was near the last of November 
before I reached the city. That w T as my last visit to the 
Trans-Mississippi department. The sorrowful march of events 
toward the ending of the Confederacy was so heavy and rapid, 
as to render another visit unnecessary, not to say impossible. 

*Idem, 971. 

t Official War Record, Series I, Vol. xli, Part iv. p. 1088. 


By WalTKR L. Fleming, West Virginia University. 

In 1869-70 the Radical leaders began to observe signs in 
the Southern States that indicated the growing strength of 
the Democratic party. The Fifteenth Amendment was added 
to the Constitution by the forced ratifications of Virginia, 
Texas, Mississippi and Georgia. President Grant sent in a 
message to Congress announcing the ratification as "the most 
important event that has occurred since the nation came into 
life." Congress responded to the hint in the message b}^ 
passing the first of the Enforcement Acts. For two years 
this measure had been impending, and the excuse now for 
making it a law w T as that the Ku Klux organizations would 
prevent the blacks from voting in the fall of 1870. This act 
was approved on May 31, 1870; a supplementary Enforce- 
ment Act was passed on February 28, 1871; and on April 20, 
1871, the last of the series, the notorious "Ku Klux" Act, 
was passed into law.* 

The effect of these Enforcement Acts w T as to take over 
to the Central Government all the powers of the State govern- 
ments relating to suffrage and elections. f 

The acts were said to be for the purpose of enforcing the 
XlVth and XVth Amendments. 

The laws were ostensibly but not really aimed at the Ku 
Klux movement. The Ku Klux organizations had disbanded 
before 1870. The South was more peaceful than it had been 
in 1868 and 1869, but was more Democratic. The real pur- 
pose w 7 as to prevent the newly reconstructed Southern States 
from being carried by the Democrats in the elections of 1870 
and 1872. It was especially important that those States be 
held in the Republican ranks until after the presidential elec- 
tion in 1872. To justify this "Force" legislation, and to ob- 

* Text of the Acts in McPherson, Reconstruction, 516-550; McPher- 
8on, Hand-book of Politics (1872), 3-8, 85-87. 

tSee Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution % 257, 258, for dis- 
cussion of the Force laws. 

156 The Gui/f Statf,s Historical Magazine 

tain material for use in the next year's campaign, Congress 
appointed a committee to investigate the condition of affairs 
in the Southern States. This committee was organized on 
April 20, 1 87 1, the date of the approval of the Ku Klux Act.* 

The members of the sub-committee that took testimony 
in Alabama were: Senators Pratt and Rice, and Messrs. 
Blair, Beck and Buckle} 7 , of the House. Blair and Beck, the 
Democratic members, were never present together. So the 
sub-committee consisted of three Republicans and one Demo- 
crat. C. W. Buckley was a carpet-bag Representative from 
Alabama, a former Bureau reverend, who worked hard to con- 
vict the white people of the State. 

The sub-committee held sessions in Huntsville, October 
6-14; Montgomery, October 17-20; Demopolis, October 23-28; 
Livingston, October 30 to November 3; and in Columbus, 
Miss., for West Alabama, November 11. All these places 
were in Black counties. Sessions were held only at easily ac- 
cessible places, and where scalawag, carpet-bag and negro 
witnesses could easily be secured. Testimony was also taken 
by the committee in Washington from June to August, 1871. 

It is generally believed that the examination of witnesses 
bythe Ku Klux Committee of Congress was a very one-sided 
affair, and that the testimony is practically without value for 
the historian, on account of the immense proportion of hear- 
say reports and manufactured tales embraced in it. Of course 
there is much that is worthless because untrue, and much that 
may be true but cannot be regarded because of the character 
of the witnesses whose statements are unsupported. But, 
nevertheless, the 2,008 pages of testimony taken in Alabama 
are a mine of information concerning the social, religious, edu- 
cational, political, legal, administrative, agricultural and finan- 
cial conditions in Alabama from 1865 to 1871. The report 
itself, of 632 pages, contains much that is not in the testi- 
mony, especially as regards railroad and cotton frauds, tax- 
ation and the public debt, and much of this information can 
be secured nowhere else. 

The minority members of the sub-committee which took 
testimony in Alabama, General Frank P. Blair and later Mr. 

*See Report of the Committee, 1, 2, which is Senate Report No. 41, 
Part 1, 42d Cong., 2d Sess., or House Report No. 22, Part 1, 42d Cong., 
2d Sess. 


Beck, of New York, had summoned before the committee at 
Washington, and before the sub-committee in Alabama, the 
most prominent men of the State — men who, on account of 
their positions, were intimately acquainted with the condition 
of affairs in the State. General Blair took care that the ex- 
amination covered everything that had occurred since the war. 
The Republican members often protested against the evidence 
that Blair proposed to introduce, and ruled it out. He took 
exceptions, and sometimes the committee at Washington ad- 
mitted it; sometimes he smuggled it in any way, by means of 
cross questioning, or else he incorporated it into the minority 
report. On the other hand, the Republican members of the 
sub-committee seem to have felt that the object of the investi- 
gation was only to get a lot of campaign stories for the use of 
the Radical party in the coming elections. Tkey summoned 
a sorry class of witnesses, a large proportion of whom were 
ignorant negroes who could only tell what they had heard or 
had feared. The best of the Radicals were not summoned 
unless by the Democrats. In several instances the Democrats 
caused to be summoned the prominent scalawags and carpet- 
baggers, who usually gave testimony damaging to the Radical 

An examination of the testimony shows that sixty-four 
Democrats and Conservatives were called before the commit- 
tee and sub-committee. Of these, fifty-seven were Southern 
men, five were Northern men residing in the State, and two 
were negroes. The Democrats testified at great length, often 
twenty to fifty pages. Blair and Beck tried to bring out 
everything concerning the character of carpet-bag rule.* 

Thirty- four scalawags, fifteen carpet-baggers and forty- 
one negro Radicals came before the committee and sub-com- 
mittee. Some of these were summoned by Blair or Beck, and 
a number of them disappointed the Republican members of 

* Some of the Conservatives who testified were: General Cullen A. 
Battle, R. H. Abercrombie, General James H. Clanton, P. M. Dox, Gov- 
ernor Robert B. Lindsay, Reuben Chapman, Thomas Cobbs, Daniel 
Coleman, Jefferson M. Falkner, William H. Forney, William M. Lowe, 
William Richardson, Francis S. Lyon, William S. Mudd. General Ed- 
mund W. Pettus, Turner Reavis, James L. Pugh, P. T. Sayre, R. W. 
Walker— all prominent men of the highest character. 

158 Thk Gui,f States Historical Magazine 

the committee by giving good Democratic testimony.* The 
Radicals could only repeat, with variations, the story of the 
Eutaw riot, the Patona affair, the Huntsville parade, etc. Of 
the prominent carpet-baggers and scalawags whose testimony 
was anti-Democratic, most were men of unsavory character. f 

The testimony of the higher Federal officials was mostly 
in favor of the Democratic contention. J 

The negro testimony, however worthless it ma} r appear at 
first sight, becomes as clear as da}- to one who, knowing the 
negro mind, remembers the influences then operating upon it. 
From this class of testimony one gets valuable hints and sug- 
gestions. The character of the white scalawag and carpet-bag 
testimony is more complex, but if one has the history of .the 
witness, the testimony usually becomes clear. In many in- 
stances the testimony gives a short history of the witness. 

The material collected by the Ku Klux Committee and 
oilier committees that investigated affairs in the South after 
the war, can be used with profit only by one who will go to 
the biographical books and learn the social and political his- 
tory of each person who testified. When the personal his- 
tory of the important witness is known, many things become 
plain. Unless this is known, one cannot safely accept or re- 
ject any specific testimony. To one who works in Alabama 
reconstruction, Brewer's Alabama, Garrett 3 's Retrmdscenccs , the 
Memorial Record, old newspaper files and the memories of old 
citizens are indispensable. 

There is in the first volume of the Alabama Testimony a 
delightfully partisan index of seventy-five pages. In it the 
summary of Democratic testimony shows up almost as Radi- 
cal as the worst on the other side. It is meant only to bring 
out the violence in the testimony. According to it, one would 

* Some of those who gave, willingly or unwillingly, Democratic testi- 
mony: W. T. Blackford (s.), Judge Busteed (c), General Cranford, 
Nich. Davis (s ), D. \V. Day (c), Samuel A. Hale (c), (brother of 
John P. Hale, of New Hampshire), J. H. Speed (s.), United States 
Senator Willard Warner (c), N. D. Whitfield (s). 

(c. ) — Carpet-bagger. (s. ) — Scalawag. 

f Charles Hays (s.), W. B. Jones (s.), S. P. Rice (s.), John A. Minnis 
(s.), Parson Lakin (s.), B. W. Norris (s.), L. E. Parsons (s.), E. W. 
Peck (s.), and D. R. Smith (c). The three last were the most respect- 
able of the lot, but were disappointed politicians. 

% Day, Busteed, VanValkenburg, General Cranford, etc. 


think all those killed or mistreated were Radicals. The same 
man frequently figures in three situations, as shot, outraged 
and killed. General Clanton's testimony of thirty pages 
gets a summary of four inches, which tells nothing; that of 
Wager, a Bureau agent, gets as much as twelve pages, which 
tell something; and that of Minnis, a scalawag, twice as much. 
There is very little to be found in the testimony that relates 
•directly to the Ku Klux Klan and similar organizations. Had 
the sessions of the sub-committee been held in the white coun- 
ties of North and Southwest Alabama, where the Klans had 
flourished, probably they might have found out something 
about the organization. But the minority members were de- 
termined to expose the actual condition of affairs in the State 
from -i 865 to 1 87 1. No matter how much the Radicals might 
discover concerning unlawful organizations, the Democrats 
stood ready with an immense deal of facts concerning Radical 
misgovernment to show cause why such organizations should 
arise. Consequently the three volumes of testimony relating 
to Alabama are by no means pro-Radical except in the atti- 
tude of the majorhw of the examiners.* 

Below is given a table of alleged Ku Klux outrages, com- 
piled from the testimony taken. The Ku Klux report classi- 
fies all violence under the four heads: Killing, Shooting, 
Outrage, Whipping. The same case frequently figures in two 
or more classes. Practically every case of violence, whether 
political or not, is brought into the testimony. The period 
covered is from 1865 to 1S71. Radical outrages as well as 
1 Democratic are listed in the report as Ku Klux outrages. In 
a number of cases Radical outrages are made to appear as 
Democratic. Many of the cases are simply hearsay. It is 
not likely that many instances of outrage escaped notice; for 
every case of actual outrage was proven by many witnesses. 
Every violent death of man, woman or child, white or black, 
Democratic or Radical, occurring between 1865 and 187 1 ap- 
pears in the list as a. Ku Klux outrage. Evidently careful 
search had been made, and the witnesses had informed them- 
selves about every actual deed of violence. There were sixty. 

* Senate Report, No. 48, Parts 8, 9 and 10, or House Report, No. 22, 
Parts 8, 9 and 10, contains the Alabama Testimony. 


The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

four counties in the state and in only twenty-nine of them 
were there alleged instances of Ku Klux outrage: 



Aii tau ga 

Blount, k ___. 


Chambers, k. 
Cherokee, k_. 
Choctaw, x___ 


Colbert, k 

Dallas, x 

Fayette, k _,. 

Greene, x 

Hale, x 


Lauderdale _. 
Lawrence, k__ 

op boLa 

? ? 







2:|_piciceus, x 

4 jSumter, x 
19 St. Clair. _ 

Limestone, k_. 

Macon, x 

Madison, x 

Marshall, k 

Marengo, x 

Montgomery, x. 
Morgan, k __ _. 

j Perry, x 


Tallapoosa, k. 
Tuscaloosa, k. 
Walker, k___. 

W O 

-- 1 
1 1 
5 19 


~ b> O 


11 3 


- 1 

2 6 

4 38 

X — Black Counties and K —White Counties where Ku Klux Klans 


By UXrich Bonneu, Phiujps, Ph. D., Instructor in History in the 
University of Wisconsin. 

Milledgeville was a fairly t} T pical unprogressive village in 
Middle Georgia; a town in the midst of a region where town 
life was overshadowed by the prominence of the plantation 
system. The merchants and the innkeepers and perchance the 
lawyers, twirled their thumbs or whittled soft pine through- 
out the spring and summer, until with the arrival of autumn - 
the neighboring planters began to drop in and market their 
cotton, and the politicians began to arrive from all directions 
to spend a month or two and make the laws of the land. 

Milledgeville owed its existence to a State enactment of 
1803, which ordered its survey as a town and gave it its cum- 
brous name, -when its site was still a wilderness but recently 
surrendered by the Indians. It owed such commercial im- 
portance as it came to have to its location at the head of navi- 
gation upon the Oconee river. It was a collecting point for 
cotton bound for the sea, and a distributing point for manu- 
factures from Europe and the North. But the Savannah and 
the Ocmulgee were greater streams, with better navigation, 
and the merchants of Augusta and later of Macon* were more 
enterprising. The commerce of Milledgeville, when once de- 
veloped, remained purely local and almost stationary. 

The town owed its political importance to an act of the 
Legislature in 1804, which selected it as the seat of the State 
government before a dozen cabins had been built within its 
limits. But in 1868 the capital was removed to Atlanta, and 
Milledgeville lost its political prop. The building of railroads, 
which put an end to the river traffic, had already destroyed 
the commercial advantage which its location on the river bank 
had secured in the early period. The town accordingly stag- 
nated through Reconstruction and the following decades. 
Within very recent years Milledgeville has unexpectedly 

* Macon was founded in 1822, forty miles west of Milledgeville, and 
quickly asserted a successful claim to a share of the commerce of the in- 
tervening territory. 

162 This Guv Status Historical Magazine 

taken a firm hold upon itself and has done surprising things — 
surprising, at least, for Milledgeville. 

EH Whitney's invention of the cotton gin, in 1793, 
moulded the subsequent history of Middle Georgia. The early 
settlers had lived as small farmers, raising corn and wheat and 
a little tobacco. But from 1800 the production of cotton 
grew so rapidly in importance that within a decade it over- 
shadowed all other forms of industry. The tide of immigra- 
tion was changed in character. Virginia and North Carolina 
planters left their tobacco lands for the more inviting cotton 
belt. They brought their slaves with them, and slave traders 
brought still others from the older States and the sea coast and 
sold them in the cotton region. By 18 10 the number of blacks 
in the vicinity of Milledgeville was about equal to that of the 
whites. As late as 1821 the Indian country was only a da}-'s 
march to the west. Society in this region near the frontier 
was in the main primitive and rough; but a sprinkling of 
great planters gave here and there some atmosphere of dis- 
tinction and culture. 

Except for the great export staple there would have been 
little use for merchants or towns. But cotton had to be mar- 
keted, and Milledgeville was one of the centers: From the 
treaty of peace with England in 181 5 to the great panic of 
1837 there were liush times in the cotton belt. Planters and 
farmers and slaves fared well, and commercial towns grew 
with some rapidity; but the plantation advantages attracted 
the chief attention. Merchants and lawyers were fond of in- 
vesting their earnings in lands and slaves; for the profits in 
cotton were heavy, and, moreover, it was deemed more honor- 
able to be a planter than to follow any other calling. The 
towns could barely hold their own against the attractions of 
the country. Some of the townsmen who turned planters 
continued to live in town; but the ideal site for a home was 
thought to be in the midst of a grove upon the crest of a hill 
an hour or two's drive outside the town. 

The town, however, was on Saturdays and court days 
and throughout the autumn the scene of much activity. Its 
streets and shops and court house were places for the dissemi- 
nation of news and the forming of public opinion. The in- 
teraction between town and country sentiment and institutions 

Historical Ngtks of Miiaedgeviiae, Ga. . 163 

was very close. And any insight into town conditions is to 
be valued as giving a glimpse of the life of the old South, now 
so difficult for the student to reconstruct with faithfulness. 

Milledgeville was incorporated by a legislative act of 1S10. 
The town records, to be found in the town clerk's office in a 
state of neglect, extend from 1816, with a few breaks, to the 
present. They afford an excellent view of the range of the 
official action of the town authorities, and here and there they 
throw unexpected light upon the customs and circumstances 
of the people. Among these records the town census of 182S 
is a treasure, for it not only gives the number of inhabitants 
but also indicates the occupations of the people, and shows 
the number of slaves held by each family. 

The total population in 1828 is given at 1,599. Total 
whites, 831, of which 197 were males below 18 years of age; 
2S8 were males above 18 years, and 346 were females. Of 
male slaves under 18 years old there were 176; above 18 years, 
159; total male slaves, 335; female slaves, 413; total slaves, 
74S; free persons of color, 20; of which 8 were males and 12 

Of 167 white families, 41 had no slaves; 12 had 1 each, 
17 had 2 each, 25 had 3 each, 9 had 4 each, 13 had -5 each, 10 
had 6 each, 11 had 7 each, 6 had 8 each, 5 had 9 each, 6 had 
10 each, 3 had 11 each, 2 had 12 each, 2 had 13 each, 1 had 
14, 1 had 15, 1 had 17, 1 had 18, 1 had 19, 1 had 21. 

Among the whites, 12 were attorneys, 6 physicians, 21 
merchants, 16 shopkeepers, 9 innkeepers, 21 printers, 26 
house carpenters, 2 joiners, 5 blacksmiths, 6 boot and shoe 
makers, 4 silversmiths and 8 tailors. 

The fact that the town was the State capital accounts for 
the large number of innkeepers and printers. The white 
households of the innkeepers were large, and the}^ were, as a 
class, the largest slaveholders in the town. They had slave- 
holdings of 5, 5, 6, 12, 12, 14, 17, 19 and 21, respectively. 
The printers, a few merchants and several attorneys also had 
relatively large numbers of slaves. But, of course, the great 
mass of the slaves was upon the plantations and beyond the 
reach of this census taker's inquiries. Eighty per cent, of the 
white families in the town had slaves for domestic service. 
John Marlow is listed with 3 white men and 7 slaves, all of 

164 The Guee Spates Historical Magazine 

whom were carpenters. James Camak had 6 slaves, among 
whom one or two are apparently listed as printers. William 
Y. Hansell had 10 slaves, among whom one was a carpenter, 
one a blacksmith and one a cobbler. All free negroes are 
listed under the names of their white guardians. Their occu- 
pations are not stated. 

The census taker, who was also the town marshal, j)os- 
sessed an inquisitive turn of mind. Though it was not set 
down in his instructions, he made jottings of fifteen prosti- 
tutes, all of whom appear to have been white women. Of 
course there was, in addition, a considerable number of occa- 
sional prostitutes among the negroes and mulattoes; but the 
police regulations over the slaves were too strict to permit any 
of them to be openly professionals. The large number of the 
women of the town was due to the residence 'of the host of 
legislators and other politicians in the town during the annual 
sessions of the General Assembly. 

The minutes of the corporation of Milledgeville extend 
through nearly the whole lifetime of the town. They contain 
a record of the enactment and the enforcement of town ordi- 
nances, and the conduct of the town's finances and general 
administration. Here and there they give glimpses of the 
course of public opinion. The following notes are illustra- 

Item, July 30, 1822. An ordinance. (1.) No slave may 
live off the lot inhabited by his owner or employer. (2.) 
No slave may hire his own time from his master or contract to 
labor for any other person. (3.) No person of color may 
keep spirituous liquors for sale, and none may keep any horse, 
cow or hog for his own use. (4.) No free person of color 
may live in Milledgeville except with a guardian living in the 
town and a certificate of character and a bond for good be- 
havior. Not exceeding four washerwomen at one time shall 
be exempt from the provisions of this ordinance, and they 
only when specially licensed. 

Item, August -22, 1822. An ordinance. Articles (1) and 
(2) of the above ordinance of July 30 are suspended until De- 
cember 15 in the case of slaves provided with certificates of 
character and covered by bonds for good behavior. 

Historical Notks of Mm<icnGEviJyi«i5, Ga. 165 

Itevi, February i, 1823. An ordinance for a patrol. Or- 
dered that the marshal divide the whole list of citizens sub- 
ject to patrol duty into thirty squads, and that each squad do 
patrol duty for one night in each month. Exemption from 
patrol duty may be purchased at §6 per year. 

Item, March 22, 1823. Fines of $1 each, are imposed up- 
on fifteen citizens for failure to perform patrol duty. 

Item, January 7, 1824. Treasurer's report. Amount re- 
ceived in 1823 in fines for failure to do patrol duty, $40.50. 

Item, January 12, 1824. An ordinance repealing the above 
ordinance of February 1, 1823. 

Item, January 31, 1831. An ordinance providing a new 
system of patrol. Ordered that the marshal and three sar- 
geants w T ith salaries of $100 a year shall command the patrol 
in succession. Five citizens are to serve each night. The 
patrol is to continue from 9 p. m. to 3 a. m. Persons failing 
to patrol or furnish substitutes are subject to fine from $1 
to $5. 

Item, February 2, 1825. An ordinance for organizing a 
town guard to replace the former patrol S3 r stem. Citizens are 
permitted to volunteer and receive payment for services. The 
duty of the guard is to apprehend every slave between ten 
and sixty years of age found off his master's premises without 
a pass after the ringing of the market bell at night. Slaves 
apprehended are te be kept in the guard house till morning, 
and their owners notified. Each slave is to be released after 
twenty-five lashes on the bare back and the payment of $1 b3 r 
the owner. 

Item, June 14, 1825. An ordinance amending the above 
ordinance by exempting slaves from whipping for the first 

Item, April 22, 1831. Ordered that the Secretary serve a 
citation on Edward Cary and that the Marshal be directed to 
bring before this board a negro slave named Nathan belonging 
to the said Cary, on Monday next, to answer the charge of 
assault and battery, on one of the patrol of the town and show 
cause why punishment should not be inflicted. 

Ite?n, April 24, 1831. In response to the above citation, 
Edward Cary appeared without the negro. He alleged that 
Richard Mayhorn had violated the ordinance of the town by 

]66 The Golf States Historical Magazine 

transcending his authority as a Patrol. The evidence of 
witnesses was introduced to substantiate Cary's statement. 
The Board ordered that Richard Mayhorn be discharged from 
the service of the corporation. 

If on, July 13, 1 831. A patrol reported riotous conduct 
on the part of a negro named Hubbard, and charged Hubbard 
with cursing, assaulting and bruising Billy Woodliff, (a slave 
of Seaborn Jones ?) at the door of Billy's shop. Billy Wood- 
liff, being sworn, related how Hubbard abused and bruised 
him with a rock. Robert Mercer and Mr. Winter also testi- 
fied. The fact was brought to light that Hubbard's attack 
upon Bilfy had been brought about by Billy having taken 
Hubbard's wife away from him. "The testimony being con- 
cluded, Mr. Wiggins addressed the Board in a speech contain- 
ing some lengthy, strengthy and depthy argument. Whereupon 
the Board Ordered that the negro man Hubbard receive from 
the Marshal Ten lashes moderately laid on, and be dis- 

Item, February 12, 1830. Whereas, the Board has re- 
ceived information that Elijah H. Burritt has violated the 
statute of the last Georgia legislature by the introduction of 
certain insurrectionary pamphlets, resolved that the town 
marshall be directed to enter his name as prosecutor in the 
case, and that this Board will pay all expenses necessary to 
bring the offender to punishment. 

Item, September 13, 1831. Ordered that the marshall 
and deputies use increased vigilence with regard to our black 
population, and particularly that they do not fail to visit every 
place at which there is an assembly of negroes, and in the 
event of religious meetings to treat them as the law directs 
for unlawful meetings, unless there is present at least one 
white person accepted by the church to which the society be- 

The rise of the abolition agitation in the North in 1829 
and 1 83 1, and the Nat Turner insurrection in Virginia, ac- 
count, of course, for the policy of the Board as indicated in 
the two items last noted above. 

Item, October 5, 1831. The negro man Nathan belonging 
to W. B. Hepburn, was brought before the board and exam- 
ined relative to a suspected insurrection among the blacks. 

Historical Notes of Mieledgevieek, Ga. IGT 

Whereupon, after due consideration of all the circumstances, 
it was ordered that, as nothing criminal has been proved 
against hira, he be immediately discharged. The yellow man 
Richard Rogers, a Preacher, was examined and likewise dis- 
charged. So also Aleck Reynolds, the Blacksmith, and Case- 
well, a blacksmith belonging to Peyton Pitts. The Board or- 
dered that, whereas, there has been considerable danger in the 
late excitement and alarm of an intention at insurrection, by 
firing guns "by persons carrying arms that were intoxicated," 
and by boys unable to bear arms, it be ordained that the mar- 
shall and patrols take away arms from intoxicated persons 
and boys and enforce the ordinance against firing arms in the 

The examination of these negroes suspected of conspiracy 
in 1 83 1 and the trials of Nathan and Hubbard, noted above 
under dates of April 22 and 24 and July 13, 1831, appear to 
be the only instances recorded of negroes having been tried by 
the Milledgeville authorities for crimes or misdemeanors prior 
to the outbreak of the Civil War. 

Item, January 5, 1839. "On motion of Alderman Cook, 
Resolved, That the Marshal be and', he is hereby required to 
pay over to the Council immediately after the passage of this 
Resolution, all monies received by him for superintending the 
Balls given by the colored people during the Christmas holi- 
days, and that he be instructed not to receive in future any 
compensation for such services." 

Item, December 19, 1839. Resolved, That the Board 
deem it improper to grant negroes the privilege of having balls 
at any other time than during the Christmas holidays, and 
then in the day time, and that 110 consent shall be granted ex- 
cept upon the application of the owners or guardians of the 

Item, January 21, 1841. Resolved, Upon petition, that 
the band of musicians composed of colored persons be allowed 
to practise in the old theatre not later than 10 o'clock, unti 
further ordered by the board, provided they obtain the 
services of some suitable white person to accompany them. 

Item, July 15, 1841. 'An ordinance. It shall be the duty 
of the marshal and deputy to report any white person disturb- 
ing the peace. (Elsewhere the marshal and deputy are directed 

16S This Gui,f States Historical Magazine 

to patrol and prevent negro disturbances and to report and 
bring to trial all white persons breaking the peace. The repe- 
tition of this ordinance in July 1841 indicates that an element 
among the whites had become especially troublesome about 
that time.) 

Item, September 18, 1854. The Board resolves that the 
petition before them asking the privilege for the negroes of 
the city of erecting a church for their separate use upon the 
lands of the cit3 7 , cannot be entertained unless it be signed by 
a majority of the citizens of Milledgeville. 

Iiem % January 10, 1840. The Board resolves to order the 
engraving of bills of the denominations of $3, $2, $1, $.50 
and $.25 to the total amount of $14,440. 

Item, April 2, 184.0. The Change Bills have arrived from 
Washington to the amount of $7,357.50. The cost of en- 
graving is $200. 

Item, April 4, 1840. The Board resolves that these 
change bills be signed up and put into circulation as rapidly 
as possible, in exchange for bank notes. Ordered that no 
notes shall be issued unless a fund for their redemption is on 
hand equal to at least one-third of the amount proposed to be 

In this period of financial depression in the cotton belt, 
bills of credit were issued by numerous town corporations. 
In the Southern Recorder, January 16, 1842 (a newspaper 
printed at Milledgeville), a table of the rate of exchange is 
given. The notes of the Augusta City Council are quoted at 
par, while those of Columbus, Macon and Milledgeville are 
quoted at 15 per cent, discount. For Savannah scrip, 1840, 
see Thomas Gamble, Jr., History of the City Government of 
Savannah, Ga.^from 1790 to 1901, pages 173-4. 

Item, February 23, 1841. "The Street Committee re- 
ported that they had hired for the present year the following 
named hands, from the persons whose names are thereunto 
annexed, viz. : 

Antoinette, of T. F. Greene, trustee ..$ 100 00 

Isaac, of C. J. McDonald 150 00 

Monday &Sam, of M. J.Kenan 250 00 

Prince, Andrew & Prince, of Sarah Davis, 375 00 

Henry & Bill, of Emmon Bails 120 00 

Andrew, of I. S. Wright 120 00 

Joe, of James Smith 120 00 

$1,355 00 


"Ordered that notes be executed by the Mayor to the 
owners of said hands for the several amounts above stated.'.' 

Item, January 2, 1840. Rations of negroes hired by the 
town of Milled geville: Each week, one peck of meal, six 
pounds of bacon and one pint of molasses, in season. 

Mention is made here and there, also, of potatoes, rice 
and beef, seemingly for the negro hands. Corn was worth 
about 50 cents per bushel, bacon 13 cents per pound. The 
town fed, clothed and sheltered the negroes it hired. One 
pair pantaloons cost §3.00, one round jacket, $3.00; one 
shirt, $1.00; one pair shoes, $1.25 to $1.50. The support of 
the hands and four mules in 1S40 cost £897.93. \j\fimites, 
December 3, iSj.o.'] 

The digest of taxes for 1859 gives a total of 335 taxpay- 
ers, of which eight were free negroes. One of these had 
property assessed at $440, and two others at $75 each. The 
remainder paid poll tax alone. The real estate was valued at 
$317,000 and the slaves at $318,600. Taxes were levied as 
follows: On white males between 18 and 45 years of age, a 
poll tax of $2.00; on white males between 16 and 18 and be- 
tween 45 and 60, a poll tax of $1.00; on free male persons of 
color, between 16 and 60, a poll tax of $.10; on free female 
persons of color between 15 and 50, a poll tax of $5.00; on 
slaves between 10 and 60 years of age, 46 cents for every $100 
of the returned valuation; on real estate and personal prop- 
erty, 40 cents on $100; on merchandise, 50 cents on $100; on 
money at interest, 30 cents on $100; on peddlers, 10 per cent. 
of their sales; on liquor shops, $50 each; on billiard tables, 
$25 each; on bagatelle tables, $20 each; on ten-pin alleys, $25 
each; on bakers, $10 each; on forges, $10 each; on printing 
offices, $40 each; on bank agencies, $100 each. 

The cash book of the Town Treasurer has an entry under 
date of November 26, 1864: 

"By amount on hand, captured by the Yankees, $1,- 

Numerous entries show the depreciation of Confederate 
money; for instance, under date of March 3, 1863: 

"By amount paid for 8 candles, $8.00. By amount paid 
for pair of shoes, $35.00. 

The Record of the Police Court of Milled geville, 1854 to 
1870, contains the records of some 480 misdemeanor cases 

170 The Gulf States Histojucae Magazine ; 

tried in the mayor's court. Of these none appear to have 
been against slaves or free persons of color before 1862. 

Item, February 15, 1862. "The State vs. Wm., a slave 
of i)oct. G. I). Case. Disorderly & Disobedient Conduct. 
After hearing the testimony in the above case [it] is ordered 
and adjudged that Doct. G. D. Case pay the cost and that the 
boy William receive Ten leashes by the hand of the Marshal, 
and then be discharged." 

Item, December 8, 1862. The State vs. Hamilton, a 
slave. Retailing spirituous liquors. Pleaded guilty. Sen- 
tenced to thirty-nine lashes. 

Item, May 14, 1864. The State vs. Viney, a slave. Us- 
ing opprobrious and impudent language to a white person. 
Sentenced to thirty-nine lashes. 

Item, July 26, 1865. "The State vs. Jarratt (Freedman)" 
Petit larceny. Sentences to ten days imprisonment in the 
guard house, to be fed on. bread and water. 

Item, August 17, 1865. "The State vs. Charles Harris 
(Freedman)." Malicious mischief. Sentenced to a fine of 
$25 or in default to be kept in jail until the meeting of the 
superior court. The sentence was commuted to the wearing 
of ball and chain and working on the streets for fifteen days. 

Item, August 2S, 1865. The State vs. Anderson Mc- 
Comb, a freedman. Fighting. Sentenced to fine of $5 or 
five days work on streets. 

Ite??i, August 28, 1865. Three cases of vagrancy against 
freedmen. Sentenced each to five days work on the streets. 

Ite?n, September 15; 1869. The State vs. Joseph Young, 
colored. Drunkenness. Sentenced to $5 fine or six daj^s in 

From 1865 to 1869 the court followed the custom of 
sentencing white persons to fine or imprisonment in jail, while 
it sentenced negroes to fine or labor in the chain gang on the 
streets. After 1869 that distinction apparently ceased to be 

For a complete view of the life of the community, the 
town records must be supplemented with the county archives, 
the state documents, the newspaper files, travelers' accounts, 
and private correspondence. 

The Ordinary's office in the court house at Milledgeville 
contains a valuable record on wills, inventories, appraisals 


Historical Notks of Mh.lsdgkvii^E, Ga, 171 

and sales of estates. From these we may gather that Jesse. 
Sanford at his death in 1827 possessed 25 domestic servants 
besides 228 field hands distributed upon his six plantations, 
and that his personal property embraced mahogany furniture, 
silver plate and cut glass decanters. But we ma} 7 learn on the 
other hand, that in dozens of cases a featherbed or two was 
inventoried as the most valuable item in the estate, aside from 
the lands, houses and slaves. For one great nabob there were 
scores or even hundreds of very plain farmers, shopkeepers and 
the like. 

The state archives contain a record of the routine affairs 
which were attended to in the capitol and the executive man- 
sion. The newspaper files, of which there are unusuairy good 
sets in Milledgeville, tell of the course of party politics, of the 
great speeches, the price of cotton, and the state of the crops. 
Their editorials and news items are supplemented b} 7 a great 
number of anonymous letters which give all sorts of views 
upon current questions. But as the years passed, there came 
to be one subject upon which unfavorable views were not 
printed. In the early period criticisms and expressions of dis- 
approval of slavery were fairly common; but after the rise of 
the abolition agitation opinions of that sort were no longer 
published. This silence was eloquent — and sinister. 

The purpose of this rambling article has been partly to 
give a glimpse of conditions as shown by the indisputable 
sources, but mainly to indicate that the materials exist for a 
complete political, social and economic history of any given 
communit} 7 an °l of the South as a whole. The material can 
be discovered only by diligent search, and it can be wrought 
into history only by intelligent and persevering interpretative 
study. The difficulty of the work has heretofore prevented 
its accomplishment upon any large scale, but the rewards 
awaiting the patriotic historian who sets forth the clear and 
convincing truth about the South will be great enough to blot 
out the memory of his tedious labor.* 

*There has just appeared from the press of McGowan & Cooke, of 
Chattanooga, a volume of Memoirs of the Fort and Fannin Families, 
edited by Kate Haynes Fort. This book contains an excellent biogra- 
phy of Dr. Tomlinson Fort, long a prominent citizen of Milledgeville, 
and gives a good account of family life in the community. As an accu- 
rate and attractive history of a typical well-to-do family, it is a valuable 
contribution to the social history of the South. 

FORE i860. 

By Wm. O. ScrogGS, Alabama Polytechnic Institute. 

The purpose of this article is to give a brief sketch of the 
filibustering movements directed against Texas, Cuba and 
Nicaragua, and to give some of the details , of the part played 
by the State of Alabama in these undertakings. 


As long as Mexico remained a Spanish province, that im- 
mense tract of land which lies between the Sabine River and 
the Rio Grande, and which now forms the State of Texas, 
was but sparsely inhabited. Hardly had Mexico wrested her 
independence from Spain, however, before enterprising Ameri- 
cans began to cross the borders and settle in the Texan terri- 
tory, which they found was blessed with most fertile soil and 
delightful climate. Within a few years the American popula- 
tion had' reached its thousands, and Texas as regards its in- 
habitants was no longer to be looked upon as a Spanish- 
American country. The Americans managed their affairs 
very much as they pleased, maintaining slavery in spite of 
the Texan Constitution which forbade it. 

In 1834, when Santa Anna overthrew the Mexican con- 
stitution, made himself a virtual dictator, and attempted to 
bring all the Mexican states into subjection, the Americans 
were not slow to offer resistance; and General Cos was dis- 
patched to bring the unruly States to obedience. Thus began 
the revolution. 

Although there were about twenty thousand Americans 
in Texas at this time, it is hardly probable that these, with the 
scanty resources at their command, would have rebelled with- 
out assurance of support from their brethren across the border. 
In the United States there was much sympathy manifested 
for the Texans — a sympathy that was greatest in the South 
but by no means confined to that section. New York, Ken- 
tucky, Ohio, all furnished men and money. The city of Cin- 
cinnati is said to have boasted that it furnished the cannon 

FORE i860. 

By Wm. O. Scroggs, Alabama Polytechnic Institute. 

The purpose of this article is to give a brief sketch of the 
filibustering movements directed against Texas, Cuba and 
Nicaragua, and to give some of the details . of the part played 
by the State of Alabama in these undertakings. 


As long as Mexico remained a Spanish province, that im- 
mense tract of land which lies between the Sabine River and 
the Rio Grande, and which now forms the State of Texas, 
was but sparsely inhabited. Hardly had Mexico wrested her 
independence from Spain, however, before enterprising Ameri- 
cans began to cross the borders and settle in the Texan terri- 
tory, which they found was blessed with most fertile soil and 
delightful climate. Within a few years the American popula- 
tion had' reached its thousands, and Texas as regards its in- 
habitants was no longer to be looked upon as a Spanish- 
American country. The Americans managed their affairs 
very much as they pleased, maintaining slavery in spite of 
the Texan Constitution which forbade it. 

In 1834, when Santa Anna overthrew the Mexican con- 
stitution, made himself a virtual dictator, and attempted to 
bring all the Mexican states into subjection, the Americans 
were not slow to offer resistance; and General Cos was dis- 
patched to bring the unruly States to obedience. Thus began 
the revolution. 

Although there were about twenty thousand Americans 
in Texas at this time, it is hardly probable that these, with the 
scanty resources at their command, would have rebelled with- 
out assurance of support from their brethren across the border. 
In the United States there was much sympathy manifested 
for the Texans — a sympathy that was greatest in the South 
but by no means confined to that section. New York, Ken- 
tucky, Ohio, all furnished men and money. The city of Cin- 
cinnati is said to have boasted that it furnished the cannon 

^Kennedy: Texas, Vol. II., pp. 165-166. 

fDuring his stay in Texana Shackelford was joined by Dr. Bernard, 
who has already been mentioned , and to whom we are indebted for mueh 
information concerning the '"Red Rovers." Scarff's Texas, Vol. I., 
pp. 608-636. 

;{: Williams: Sam Houston and the War of Independence in Texas, 
p. 164. 

174 The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

dollars per year. The "Red Hovers" were supplied with rifles 

at Shackelford's own expense.* 

From the foregoing it will be observed that no fewer than 
one hundred and fifty Alabamians were under arms in Texas 
during- the revolution. Of Shackelford and his "Red Rovers" 
we have a fairly full account. They left Courtland on Decem- 
ber 12, 1835, and reached New Orleans on New Year's day. 
Frow New Orleans they set sail on the ship Brutus and landed 
at Matagorda January 19, where for two weeks they suffered 
great hardships, living on the game they were able to kill or 
capture, and part of the time subsisting on wolves. When 
the command reached Texana Shackelford sent word to the 
authorities of his compai^'s arrival, stating that the}^ had 
come at their own expense, and if their services were needed 
they would remain in the field as long as there was an enemy 
in the country. On the other hand, if there was no need of 
their sendees they would return as they had come, without 
imposing'any expense on the Texans. The offer of the "Red 
Rovers" was eagerly accepted. On February 12, 1836, Shack- 
elford was ordered to report to Fannin at Goliad, and reached 
this place ten days later. f All of the Alabama companies 
were under Fannin. It is stated that he did not have a dpzen 
Texans in his ranks. J 

The details of the massacre of Goliad, March 27, 1836, 
are too well known to require any detailed account here. On 
March 19 Fannin's forces were surrounded on an -open plain 
by a superior number of Mexicans under General Urrea, and 
after a brave defense, during which they sustained very- 
heavy losses and exhausted their ammunition, they were com- 
pelled to surrender. The Mexicans marched them to Goliad 
and confined them there in the old church. When the news 
of Fannin's capture reached Santa Anna he at once des- 
patched a courier to the commandant at Goliad with orders 
that the prisoners be immediately shot. The prisoners were 
divided into three detachments, and under various pretexts 


were marched out some distance from the church. The men 
were entirely unaware of the purpose of their removal from 
the church until the Mexicans began to fire upon them. A 
number of those who escaped the first voile} 7 plunged into the 
river and reached the opposite bank unscathed. As far as is 
known, only seven of Shackelford's men escaped; namely: I. 
D. Hamilton, D. Cooper, I y . M. Brooks, William Simpson, G. 
W. Brooks, W. H. Francis, and Joseph Fenner. The first 
five of these made their escape by swimming the river after 
the first volley was fired, and the last two named were detailed 
with the advance guard, which was not surrounded by the 
Mexicans, and consequently escaped capture.* A survivor 
estimates that in all not more than twenty-five or thirt} 7 escap- 
ed the massacre. Those who did escape made their way wdth 
great suffering to the Texan settlements on the Brazos, f As 
Captain Shackelford was a physician his life was spared that 
he might attend the Mexican wounded. A few weeks after 
the massacre he was sent to the Mexican hospital at Bexar, 
and there made his escape. After obtaining an honorable dis- 
charge from the Texan army, he made his way to his home in 
Alabama, and on arriving found that his friends, supposing that 
he had perished in the massacre, had conducted his funeral 
service with military honors. J 

More than a hundred Alabamians gave their lives to the 
cause of independent Texas. On the battlefield of San Ja- 
cinto, April 21, 1836, their death was fully avenged. It was 
then that the cry of "Remember the Alamo !" "Remember 
Goliad!" so thrilled the hearts and strengthened the arms of 
the Texans that the completeness of their victory won for 
them their independence. 


In 1849, Narcisso Lopez, a veteran of the South American 
revolutions and sometime major-general in the Spanish army, 
became implicated in an insurrectionary movement in Cuba, 
and was compelled to flee from that island and take refuge in 

*Captain Shackelford's own account. ScarfF's Texas, Vol. I., p. 256. 
Saunders: Early Settlers in Alabama, p. 212. 

fDuval: Early Times hi Texas, p. 58. 

JKennedv: Texas, Vol. II., p. 210. Saunders: Early Settlers in Ala- 
bama, pp. 211-212. 

176 The Gui,e States Historical Magazine 

the United States. There was at that time in the United 
States a strong sentiment in favor of the annexation of Cuba, 
and Lopez was quick to avail himself of this to his own ad- 
vantage. Cuba was compared to a ripe fruit rea&y to drop 
from the decadent Spanish tree into the lap of the young 
America. Lopez laid his plans before many prominent states- 
men., among them being Senator Calhoun of South Carolina 
and Governor Quitman of Mississippi, both of whom gave full 
assurance of their interest and sympathy in the undertaking.* 
He dwelt at great length on the grievances of the Cubans. 
Natives, he declared, were debarred, from holding office. 
Though slavery was prohibited by law the authorities accepted 
bribes from the slave traders and permitted the importation 
of negroes in great numbers, while by threats of emancipation 
the inhabitants were kept in a state of terror. Cuba was not 
represented in the Cortes, yet an arbitrary and burdensome 
system of taxation was imposed. f The citizens were only 
wanting an opportunity to rise and rid themselves of Span- 
ish rule, and it was thought that the result of such a move- 
ment would be ultimate annexation to the United States. 
The same causes that had prompted Southern leaders to 
favor the annexation of Texas now urged them to exert every 
effort to secure Cuba. Texas had been gained for them, it 
is true; but the Mexican war had at the same time brought 
in the free state of California, and possibly Utah and New 
Mexico. The equilibrium of the Union was still insecure' 
more slave territory was necessary. Therefore when Lopez 
appeared with his plans for acquiring Cuba the pro-slavery 
leaders made his cause their own. 

The first attempt upon Cuba was made in 1849 from the 
port of New York. It ended disastrously, the plans of Lopez 
having been frustrated by President Taylor. By spring of the 
next year Lopez had succeeded in raising a second company of 
soldiers of fortune, about one hundred strong, and on May 7th 
set sail from New Orleans on the steamer Creole. On the 19th 
a landing was made at Cardenas, but as the natives made no 
demonstrations in favor of the invaders, and Spanish troops 

*Claiborne: Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman x Vol.11., 
pp. 53-7. 

tClaiborne: Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, Vol. II., 
pp. 53-54. 


were in the vicinity, Lopez re- embarked and set out to hunt 
for a more favorable landing place. A short time after put- 
ting to sea the Creole was sighted and given chase by a Spanish 
warship, wliich drove the adventurers into the harbor of Key 
West. International courtesy demanded that Lopez be made 
to undergo at least the form of a trial for alleged breach of 
the neutrality laws, and proceedings were accordingly insti- 
tuted against him in the Federal courts. After his acquittal 
Lopez returned to New Orleans and soon was ready for a third 
expedition. Among those who enlisted in this last enterprise 
were the following eight Alabamians, whose names have been 
saved for history : A. R. Weir, E. H. McDonald, R. L. 
Dowmnan, Daniel DeWolf, Chas. A. Downner, W. L. Wilkin- 
son, J. T. Pruitt and Cornelius Cook. The two last named 
were from Lowndes county. Dowmnan had been a resident 
of Cahawba, Alabama, and after enlisting in the expedition, 
was made colonel of the first regiment. He lost his life in one 
of the first engagements with the Spaniards.* 

While the Pampero was steaming toward the Indies, the 
citizens of Montgomer} 7 had become intensely interested in the 
undertaking of Lopez, and called a mass meeting, the purpose 
of which was to take some action in regard to Cuba. Speeches 
were made at this meeting by Generals Taylor and Clanton, 
the reports of which show that there was a general belief that 
the whole island was on the verge of revolution and needing 
only an earnest of sympathy from abroad. It was thought 
that there was a whole army of patriots already in the field. 
How far wrong these ideas were we shall soon perceive. In 
the course of his speech General Clanton demonstrated his 
sympathy for the Cubans by offering his personal service in 
their aid, and at the conclusion of his remarks introduced the 
following resolutions : f 

'' Whereas, We have just reason to believe that the gal- 
lant patriots of Cuba are now struggling successfully to free 
themselves from an unjust and oppressive bondage, we think 
it due to them, as the bold champions of the inalienable rights 
of freemen, and to ourselves, as the happy recipients of the 
varied blessings of civil and religious liberty, to adopt this 

* Alabama Weekly Journal, Sept. 3, 1851, Claiborne: Qititman, Vol. II., 
p. 84. 

flbid, August 6, 185 1. 

178 The Gulf Spates Historical, Magazine 

method of expressing our cordial approbation of their revolu- 
tionary movements, and the fervent hope that a righteous 
Providence will crown their generous and manly efforts with 
complete success. Therefore, 

"Resolved, That, as worshippers at the shrine of liberty, 
it is our privilege to feel and declare publicly that sympathy 
which we hold to be due to the emotions of every patriot heart 
and to the achievements of every patriot hand ; that we have 
read with pleasure the accounts of the past victories of the 
Cuban defenders, and contemplate with thrilling emotion the 
rational prospect of their future glory and triumphant vindica- 
tion of their rights and independence. 

"Resolved, That, should they continue to prove, them- 
selves worthy of the high boon for which they contend, we 
trust that, so soon as it may comport with the spirit of our 
national treaties and with our national honor, the government . 
of the United States will acknowledge their independence." 

Judge B. S. Bibb introduced the following additional reso- 
lution, which w T as accepted by the mover of the series before 
the meeting : 

"Resolved, That a committee of twenty be appointed by 
the chairman to solicit subscriptions and to forward any means 
of aid to the Cubans that may be offered." 

The resolutions were unanimously adopted, and a commit- 
tee of twenty of the foremost citizens of Montgomery — among 
whom we find the name of Hon. Wm. L. Yancey — was ap- 
pointed under the last clause. An opportunity was now 
offered for those present to show their sympathy in a more 
substantial manner, and a number subscribed funds to the 
cause, and several young men put down their names as volun- 

Interest in the movement steadily increased ; the twenty 
members of the committee made good progress with their 
work, and b}^ the third week in August sixty volunteers from 
the city and vicinity had enlisted and were ready to depart for 
the Indies. James H. Clautou, who had displayed so much 
zeal and enthusiasm, was commander of the company. On 
arriving in New Orleans the latter part of the month, this 
company was united with several others already in the city to 
form a regiment, of which Clanton became lieutenant-colonel. 
R. B. Cook succeeded Clanton as captain of the Montgomery 

*Alabama Weekly Journal, August 6 and September 3, 1851. 


company. When the Montgomery compare left home the 
members expected to sail for Cuba by the first of September, 
but on reaching New Orleans they had no means of going far- 
ther, and were compelled, along with the other companies in 
the city, to depend on the generosity of the citizens for their 
subsistence.* The following extracts from a letter written 
August 31 by a member of the Montgomery company, will 
give an insight into the state of affairs in New Orleans : 

" We arrived all safe in this city and found hundreds, 
like ourselves, on their way to Cuba. All we want is means. 
We have men enough in this city to take Cuba in ten days, if 
we had the means of transportation. Our conipanj 7 has been 
very fortunate since our arrival here. Captain Clanton has been 
promoted lieutenant-colonel, and Lieutenant McGibbony has 
been appointed major of Col. Wheat's regiment. R. B. Cook 
will command our company. 

' - New Orleans has given until she has nothing to give. If 
the country would do as well as the city, we would soon have 
the means of leaving the States. There are over two thousand 
men in the city, almost without a dollar, all living at the ex- 
pense of the citizens. I see no hope of leaving unless the 
country helps us. 

"The Montgomery boys have been very quiet since their 
arrival here, though other companies have had some quar- 

Tidings soon came from Cuba that Lopez and all his fol- 
lowers had been captured, and a number, including the princi- 
pal officers, had been shot without trial. Such news was so 
disconcerting to the expansionists that they gave up all plans 
for an immediate invasion of the island. 

It now remains for us to trace the fate of the Alabamians 
under Lopez. On August 12, 1851, the Pampero came to 
anchor off the shore about fifty miles from Havana. The 
point at which the landing was made was separated from the 
small insurgent army by more than half the length of the 
island, and it is evident that if Lopez had any idea of co-opera- 
ting with the only Cubans then in revolt he would cer- 
tainly have chosen some other landing place. Few or no 
natives joined the invaders. A detachment of the command 
under William L. Crittenden became separated from the main 
body under Lopez, and never succeeded in rejoining it. Crit- 

*A1abama Weekly Journal, September 3, 1851. 

180 The Guef States Historical Magazine 

tenden's men fought their way to the coast and put to sea in 
open boats. They were soon overtaken and made prisoners by 
a Spanish war vessel, and the entire command, to the number 
of fifty, were taken to Havana and shot.* None of the Ala- 
bamians mentioned were with Crittenden. 

Lopez advanced into the interior and was soon hemmed in 
by Spanish troops on every road. He was successful in a 
number of skirmishes, but was finally cut off from his supplies 
and his followers were scattered. At length, with a few faith- 
ful companions, he was forced into the mountains and was cap- 
tured through the treachery of a guide. The rest of his com- 
mand, about a hundred, were hunted down and made prison- 
ers. Among the prisoners were the Alabamians already men- 
tioned — with the exception of Colonel Downman, who w T as 
killed in battle. The entire party were taken to Havana and 
imprisoned. Strange as it may seem, the Spanish government, 
instead of repeating what had been done in the case of Crit- 
tenden and his followers, in this instance displayed marked 
leniency toward the prisoners. Upon Lopez alone was the 
penalty of death inflicted, the other prisoners being sent to 
Spain to serve a ten years' imprisonment. After seven 
months' incarceration, however, they w T ere released by order of 
"Her Catholic Majesty." 

While inmates of the Havana prison, two of the volun- 
teers from Alabama sent letters home which w r ere afterwards 
published in their home papers. Under the date of September 
i, J. T. Pruitt wrote home as follows : f 

" I fear ere this, the melancholy intelligence of my being 
a prisoner in Havana has reached you through the press . 

I was in New Orleans about the time the expedition was 
gotten up. Great excitement prevailed. Mr. Sigur, editor 
of the Delta, published numerous letters from the island, giv- 
ing an account of the progress of a revolution going on in 
Cuba. These letters led me to believe that the entire popula- 
tion were under arms struggling for liberty. It is useless for 
me to tell you how false these letters were. Through per- 
suasion of Colonel Downman I was induced to join the expe- 
dition. I have not time to go into details. Suffice it to say, 

*Rhodes: United States History, Vol. I., p. 210. Claiborne: Quitman 1 
Vol. II., p. 90. Roche: Story of the Filibusters, p. 27. 

fLetter was published first in the Hayneville Watchman and copied in 
the Alabama Weekly Journal, October I, 185 1. 


we landed expecting to meet with thousands of friends. But ; 
Alas! how deeply deceived! Instead of finding the people in 
arms fighting for freedom, we found one and all in arms ready- 
to meet us, not as friends but as foes. We landed; had sev- 
eral engagements, in one of which I received a bayonet wound 
in the right arm, and were finally beaten and dispersed to the 
mountains, where, after suffering a great deal from hunger, 
we were compelled ro give up. 

11 There are now 124 of us in prison here. We have been 
treated very kindly so far, and hope, when the Spanish gov- 
ernment sees fully the base means used by General Lopez and 
his tools in New Orleans to get us to engage in the expedition, 
she will be disposed to look upon our crime with some degree 
of allowance, and spare our lives. If, however, such should 
not be the case, I shall submit to my fate in a manner becoming 
-a man .... General Lopez is to be garroted to-day, 
and there are a few of his tools in New Orleans who had better 
never meet with those in prison here, or they will suffer equally 
as bad a fate." 

At the same time Cornelius Cook, a friend of Pruitt's, 
also sent a letter to his home : * 

Havana City prison, 

September, 1851. 
" My dear Father, Mother, and All : 

" This will inform you that I am in a rather bad condi- 
tion. On the second of August I was humbugged into an 
expedition for the liberation of Cuba, under the impression 
that the revolution had commenced and all the citizens were 
underarms. This has proven to be false. I doubt whether there 
are two hundred men on the island in favor of a revolution. 
At all events we were marching and fighting over the island 
for three weeks and were joined by only six patriots. Four 
days ago we surrendered under a proclamation that quarter 
would be given us. At present we are treated as well as could 
be expected. What our future will be I cannot form any idea, 
but it is hoped that we will get off with our lives. We may 
be imprisoned for life. 

"... Give my love to all my friends and tell the 
boys never to join an expedition against Cuba . . 

Your Son, 

Cornelius Cook. 

After the death of Lopez no more filibustering occurred 
in Cuba until the outbreak of the revolution of 1868. Al- 
though a secret society, called the Order of the Lone Star, 

*Copied in the Alabama Weekly Journal October n, 1851, from the 
Lowndes County Chronicle. 

182 The GuivF States Historical Magazine 

organized for the purpose of annexing Cuba to the United 
vStates, had an existence in many of the seaboard states of the 
South for a number of years preceding the Confederate war, 
no further efforts of this kind toward acquiring possession of 
the island were made. , 


• The last invasion of Latin America with which we shall 
deal began in 1855, and was maintained with varying success 
until 1S60. Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Honduras were the 
countries most directly effected, especially the first named of 
these republics. In May, 1855, William Walker, a Southerner 
by birth, but at that time a resident of California, set sail from 
San Francisco with fifty-six followers to take part in one of 
the periodic civil wars then waging in that country. He 
joined fortunes with the Democratic part} r , and in October of 
the same year brought hostilities to a temporary close by cap- 
turing the city of Granada, the stronghold of his enemies, 
the Legitimists. As soon as peace was established Walker 
was made commander-in-chief of the forces of the Republic, 
which organization he proceeded to reduce to a peace footing 
by gradually disbanding the native troops and retaining his 
American followers.* With the military power at b his com- 
mand and the new President, Don Patricio Rivas, practically 
his tool, Walker was master of the State. However, his 
policy soon caused defection among the natives, and the neigh- 
boring states, fearing that the fate of Nicaragua might soon be 
theirs also, formed a coalition for the purpose of expelling the 
invaders from Central America. f For two years Walker held 
his ground. During a part of this time he received constant 
reinforcements from the cities of New York, New Orleans and 
San Francisco, and with these might probably have maintained 
himself indefinitely if his quarrel with the Transit Company 
had not resulted in the withdrawal from service of the line of 
steamers on which his recruits were conveyed. This act of the 
Company was the direct cause of Walker's downfall ; it be- 
came impossible for him to fill his ranks, which were being 
rapidly thinned by disease and desertion. 

*\Valker: War in Nicaragua, pp. 133-134. 

fBancoft: History of Central America, Vol. III., p. 350. 

Alabama and Territorial Expansion 183 

Walker was elected President of Nicaragua in June, 1856, 
and on September 22 issued a decree revoking the laws of the. 
Federal Constituent Assembly and of the Federal Congress. 
His direct object in promulgating this act was to strengthen 
himself b} 7 re-establishing slaver}' in the country, and thus 
bringing to his side the aid of the Southern States.* He did 
not contemplate annexation to the United States, but was 
seeking to establish a union of the Central American republics 
and Mexico with himself at its head — a sort of military empire, 
with the institution of slavery as one' of its main features, j 
The abolition of the anti-slavery laws was to the Southern 
leaders a signal that the noted filibuster was a champion of 
Southern institutions, and they stood by him loyally through- 
out his career. 

After Walker had been saved from capture by the allied 
forces of the Central American States and had been permitted 
to withdraw through the intervention of Commander Davis, 
of the United States Navy, he returned to the States and made 
his headquarters in New Orleans, where he was soon busy 
equipping a second expedition. In November, 1857, he sailed 
from New Orleans with a band of volunteers, consisting 
largely of men from the Southern States. His clearance pa- 
pers gave Mobile as the destination, but the . real objective 
point was Nicaragua. On the 25 a landing was made at Punta 
Arenas, and two weeks later Commodore Paulding, of the 
American Navy, landed an armed force on Nicaraguan soil 
and compelled the invaders to go aboard a man-of-war and 
return to the United States. On his arrival in Washington 
Walker was released by order of President Buchanan. In the 
South there was great resentment felt toward Paulding, and 
indignation meetings were held in many of the cities. 

From Washington Walker went to Mobile, and at all im- 
portant points along the route was greeted as a conquering hero. 
On the 1 8th of January, 1858, he arrived in Montgomery and the 
State legislature tendered him the use of the hall of the House 
of Representatives that he might make an address on the Nica- 
raguan enterprise. That night the large hall was crowded, and 

* War in Nicaragua, pp. 255-266. 

fDoubleday: Filibuster War in Nicaragua, pp. 165-168. 

184 Thk Guivtf States Historical Magazink 

the interest of the vast audience was intense. 'Walker spoke for 
an hour, giving a narration of the principal events in the his- 
tory of his undertaking, and devoting himself more particu- 
larly to those recent occurrences which accounted for his pres- 
ence in America at that time. He avowed his purpose of re- 
turning to Nicaragua ; paid his compliments to Paulding and 
also to the administration for winking at this officer's unwar- 
ranted interference in the affairs of a foreign nation. A num- 
ber of legislators made short addresses, and William E. Yancey 
also addressed the meeting, stating that he regarded the cause 
of Walker as the cause of the South. Resolutions censuring 
Paulding and expressing confidence in Walker's motives were 
read and adopted.* From Montgomery Walker proceeded to 
Mobile, where he was received with every possible attention. 
At a public meeting of the citizens it was resolved to employ 
counsel to bring charges against Paulding. f In Mobile Walker 
began without delay his preparations for returning to Nica- 
ragua. To avoid possible legal complications it was deemed 
advisable to designate the men he enlisted as " emigrants " — 
not armed invaders, but a company of peaceful settlers. The 
Southern Emigration Society, the purpose of which was 
to "colonize" Nicaragua, was organized with branches 
throughout the South, chiefly in Alabama, Georgia, Mississ- 
ippi and South Carolina. Under the direction of this Society 
the following circular was scattered broadcast through the 
Southern States : J 

"Mobile, Ala., Oct. 8, 185S. 
"Sir — You are advised that on the iothday of November 
next, a vessel will leave this port for San Juan del Norte. She 
will take any passengers that may offer for Nicaragua. 

"If you, or any person in your neighborhood, desire to 
emigrate to Central America, please advise me of it as soon as 
possible, in order that passage may be secured for }^ou and 
your companions. It will be well for you to arrive here three 
or four days previous to the day of departure. 

" Your obedient servant, 

"Juuus Hesskci, 
"Sec'y and Treas. So. Emigration Society." 

^Montgomery Advertise}' and Gazette, January 19, 1858. 
tDuBose: Life and Times of Yancey, p. 349. 
^Montgomery Advertiser and Gazette, October, 1S5S. 

Alabama and Territorial Expansion 185 

Early in November the rumor began to spread among the 
people of Mobile that the elements of another Nicaraguan ex- 
pedition were concentrating in that city. Groups of athletic, 
good-looking young men were to be seen sauntering along the 
streets or standing at the corners, many with gay colored Mex- 
ican shawls or fancy blankets around their shoulders.* These 
were Walker's emigrants. One hundred and fifty strong, they 
left Mobile in the schooner Siisati, Captain Maury, during the 
first week of December. Col. Anderson, one of Walker's vet- 
erans, was in command of the expedition, which we are told 
consisted "mostly of the class found about the wharves of 
Southern cities, with here and there a Northern bank cashier 
who had suddenly changed his vocation, "f The emigrants 
came to grief before reaching their destination. The Susan 
stranded on a coral reef off the coast of Honduras and the men 
were rescued by the British sloop-of-war Basilisk and brought 
back to America. J When the Basilisk reached the port of 
Mobile her officers and some of the filibusters were banqueted 
by the citizens and received the freedom of the city as a token 
of esteem. 

In August, 1S60, the city of Mobile was again the scene 
of filibustering operations. § About a hundred men under the 
command of 'Walker sailed from this port early in the month 
and on the 15th landed in Honduras, near the town of Trujillo, 
which was captured in short order. But Walker's career in 
this country was destined to be a short one. The British war 
vessel Icarus, acting in co-operation with the Honduran forces, 
compelled him to surrender September 3 at the Indian village 
of Lemas. The surrender was made to the British naval offi- 
cer, who turned Walker over to the mercy of the Hondurenos. 
On Septemper 1 1 he was tried by court-martial and condemned 
to be shot the next morning. || 

With the death of Walker filibustering in America came 
to a close. The following year the nation was in the throes of 
a great war which gave lovers of adventure ample opportunity 
to seek fame and glory without leaving their own country, 
and which eventually wiped out many of the conditions ren- 
dering fiiibusterisrn possible. 

*Ibid, November 15, 1858. 

fDoubleday: Filibuster War hi Nicaragua, p. 201. 

ilbid, pp. 205-217. Roche: Story 0/ the Filibusters, p. 167. 

§It was also in Mobile that Walker published a very complete history 
of his expeditions — The War in Nicaragua — written during the two 
years of his enforced leisure. 

|| Roche: Story of the Filibusters, pp. 173-178. 

(Florida, Alabama, Louisiana.) 
By Anne Bozeman Lyon, of Mobile, Ala. 
From the dark pages of Spanish history glows the figure 

of Ximenes, Severely, but withal so purel3 r , do his intent 
eyes meet the most critical gaze that the memory of him is 
radiant with genius. Notwithstanding that his long life, 
from the moment of his elevation to the position of Isabella's 
confessor, was an endless triumph, in his own esteem he was 
never other than a Franciscan monk. Under his costly cardi- 
nal's robes he constantly wore the coarse frock. His daily 
fare was that of an eremite; his chief relaxation the elucida- 
tion of perplexing questions; but always pervading every 
thought was a divine humility. 

During his novitiate among the Observantines, or direct- 
ing affairs of state as Regent of Spain, Francisco Ximenes de 
Cisneros would alone compel the regard of the world to his 
order, were it not that their martyrdom in America has made 
the Franciscans a glorious acquisition to Christianity. 

Juan Ponce de Leon, in 1512, with a fleet of three cara- 
vels, came to drink from the fathomless spring, the fountain 
of eternal youth. But in place of rejuvenescence this friend 
of Columbus found only a lonely grave in the land on that 
long ago Easter day. 

Unknowingly de Leon brought to Florida a better life 
than an}- bubbling-up from the earth, or rippling in orange 
groves. Through anticipation he had prevision of the power 
of the Church in the new colony; for after he had completed 
preparations to return to Florida in 1521, he quaintly stated 
to Charles V. his wish that ' 'Christ's name be praised in the 
island." And it was praised; but how? Above the roar of 
flames, the moans of dying men, and the clashing of savage 
weapons through human skulls. From the Atlantic to the 
Pacific the aching, bleeding feet of suffering monks marked 
a veritable Via Crucis. From mission to mission the cross 

Thf, Bari^y Missions of the; South . 18*. 

was borne by hands that even in death failed to relinquish the 
precious symbol of their faith. j 

The site of the first Florida Mission, presumably Domin- 
ican, is veiled in obscurity, and the names of the priests are 
unknown. The second is indissolubly associated with the 
great missionary, Anthony de Montesiuos. Although its ex- 
istence was pitiably brief, the learned Dominican doubtless 
preached as eloquent sermons as those in which he denounced 
the enslavement of the Indians in Santo Domingo. 

Father Montesiuos accompanied Lucas Vasquez de Ayl- 
lon in his expedition to Florida. Two other Dominicans were 
with them, Father Anthony de Cervantes and Brother Pe- 
dro de Estrada. 

Ayllon hardly fared better in his enterprise than de Leon 
had done. After the establishment of his people at Guandape 
a terrible fever laid hold on Ayllon, and he died in the arms 
of the good Fathers on St. Luke's day, 1526. 

A disastrous outlook it was even to the indomitable Mon- 
tesiuos, when it was determined to abandon the country. He 
lamented bitterly when Francis Gomez sailed for Santo Do- 
mingo with the body of Commander Ayllon. There is brief 
mention that the caravel containing the remains foundered. 
But Father Montesinos escaped death on the return voyage, 
as he afterward went to Venezuela. In the list preserved in 
his covenant at Salamanca, "Obiit martyr" is written oppo- 
site his, name. A meagre epitaph is this for one so truly 
great, yet it holds a tragedy in its terseness. 

Nine years had passed since Ximenes' lifeless body, arrayed 
in the splendor of sacerdotal robes, was placed in a chair of 
state, and his hands and feet kissed by weeping multitudes. 
Many changes had marked the passage of events in Spain, but 
the Franciscans were as fervent in their religion as when the 
mighty cardinal dwelt a simple monk among them. To labor 
for the propagation of the Word was ever with them a holy 
task. What more natural than a body of Franciscans setting 
out with the train of Panfilo de Narvaez to Florida? The 
leader of these pious men was Fray Juan Xaurez. He be- 
longed to the twelve members of the order who founded a 
mission in' Mexico. The success crowning his labors in the 
land of Montezuma inspired him to establish a mission in 

188 Tim Guef States Historical Magazine 

The King of Spain believed that Fray Xaurez had a spe- 
cial power to convert the Indians, and readily assented to his 
desire to accompany Narvaez. As if in ratification of his con- 
fidence, the monarch proposed the erection of a Bishopric in 
Florida. There is no record of any diocese of Rio de Palmas, 
and this honor, much as he deserved it, was never bestowed 
upon Fray Xaurez. 

Visions of the stupendous work before him absorbed the 
monk's mind during his voyage to America, as earnest prayers 
were offered for guidance in his mission. It was well that 
those humble Franciscans had divine consolation to solace 
their souls, for terrible hardships assailed them near Cuba and 
Santo Domingo — first of the trials they had to encounter. 

Nothing in ecclesiastical history can be more sublimely 
pathetic than these men going forth from their peaceful con- 
vent life in the name of the Saviour to face peril and often 
death. Arsenius in the cells of Scetis, silently weeping day 
and night over the profligacy of falling Rome, was not so 
holy as this Fray Xaurez. To the former the limits of tem- 
poral existence were bound by the palm-mat where he sat 
weeping until he was stone-blind. To him there was nothing 
to do for the world save lament over its sins; his' place in it, 
according to his view, was not to guide and direct the sons of 
Theodosius, not to rise from his mat, crucifix in hand, to 
journey forth as a man inspired to preach and teach the Faith. 

Beholding savage nations tearing down idols and pros- 
trating themselves at the foot of the Cross, the little Francis- 
can band left the retirement of century-old monasteries. After 
tossing upon the sea like driftwood, the fleet came within 
sight of Florida on April 14th, 1528. The company landed 
two days later, and, in the name of the King of Spain, took 
possession of the territory. The missionaries consecrated the 
spot to the Lord through the Holy Mass. 

Only a short stay was made in Florida by de Narvaez, 
since disappointment and misfortune met him at every turn. 
Neither for priest nor explorer was anything to be gained by 
lingering in the country; and, with prayers to the Mother of 
God for deliverance from their sad plight, the Spaniards pre- 
pared to set sail for some settlement of their own people. 

This Early Missions of the South 180 

A bitter contrast was the actual to the sanguine imagin- 
ings of the Franciscans! Instead of broad forests echoing 
with the melody of Te Deum and Ave Maria, there issued from 
the shadowy depths the growls of blood-seeking beasts, the 
raucous screech of owls and bellowing of hideous things like 
nothing ever seen except upon the Nile. From giant trees 
waved graj' pennons of moss, as if Nature had draped the 
primitive world in signs of woe because of the spiritual blind- 
ness that prevailed among its people. 

The ship in which the expedition sailed from Spain had 
been sent away by de Narvaez, and, in order to leave Florida, 
boats had to be made. The Spaniards, embarking, moved 
outward till they reached the Gulf of Mexico near Mobile 
Bay. There the occupants of the little fleet huddled together 
for consultation, vainly hoping that succor would come. De 
Narvaez and all but four of his followers were lost in a storm 
on the Gulf. Xaurez reached Malhado Island, but died of 
starvation. An old writer says: "God truly reward- 
ed Fray Juan Xaurez' starvation with the abundance of 
Heavenly kindness, and satisfied him with imperishable nour- 

The exploration of de Soto and Cabeza de Vaca, one of 
the four survivors of the de Narvaez party, contain nothing of 
note concerning the establishment of missions in Florida, but 
soon after the martyrdom of Father Juan de Padilla near 
Quivira in New Mexico another effort was made to convert the 
natives of Florida. In 1549 the Dominican Father L,ouis de 
Barbastro, at the command of Charles V, sailed from Vera 
Cruz with Fathers Gregory de Beteta, Diego de Tolosa, John 
Garcia and others to found a mission in Florida. These priests 
went unarmed. Their vessel, the San/a Maria de la Enclna, 
touched at Havana long enough for the Fathers to engage the 
services of Magdalena, a converted Florida Indian woman, as 
interpreter. On Ascension Day the Santa Ma?ia cast anchor 
on the western shore near the Bay of Tampa. Father Cancer 
was eager to land, but wished to sail up the coast with the 
hope of meeting a friendly tribe of Indians. The captain of 
the vessel peremptorily refused to comply with the 
priest's request, and compelled landing where he willed. 
Father Diesro Tolosa and Fuentes, a sailor, landed; the 

190 The Guek States Historical Magazine 

latter was immediately killed by the natives. Father 
Cancer entreating the sailors to row him to the beach, and 
meeting with stern refusal, leaped from the row-boat, waded 
ashore, and was murdered before the eyes of his friends. 
Kven as his blood ran warm upon the sand of the beach the 
Santa Maria, hoisted sail and set out seaward. 

During the next ten years missionaries, chiefly Domini- 
can, entered Florida but did little of consequence. Occasionally 
there is brief mention of Mass said in sylvan chapels. No 
convents nor churches were reared during the years 1555 to 
1565 to attest the secure foothold of the church within the 
land. After long and sickening failure on the part of the 
priests, Pedro Menendez sailed from Spain with eleven Fran- 
ciscans and Fathers of other Orders, Mercedarian and Jesuit. On 
St. Augustine's Day, Aug. 28, the Spanish commander reach- 
ed Florida. He entered the harbor of St. Augustine the 6th 
of September. Some of his officers landed with instructions 
to select the site of the Fort. The next day Menendez landed 
with impressive pomp, such as the grandees of Spain delighted 
in. Of this a noted Catholic writer says: 

1 'Amid the thunder of artillery and the blasts of trum- 
pets the banners of Castile and Arragon were unfurled. The 
priest, Mendoza Grajales, who had landed the previous day, 
took a cross and proceeded to meet him, followed by soldiers 
chanting the Te Deum. Menendez advanced to the cross, 
which he kissed on bended knees, as did all who followed hirn." 
The solemn Mass of Our Lady was then offered at a spot still 
preserved on Spanish maps. It was called Nombre de Dios, 
since there God was first invoked by the awful sacrifice of the 
New Law. A fresh spiritual existence dawned for ill-fated 
Florida. The shrine of Nnesira Senora de la Leche was erected, 
and marked decisively a step upward in the history of Spain. 
Unfortunately, there is no account of the first church at St. 
Augustine, and there is only confused information concerning 
the chapels of San Matheo and San Felipo. Positive knowl- 
edge is extant of the third Catholic chapel in Florida. It was 
built for Father Juan Rogel of Pamplona, a friend of St. 
Francis Borgia, on Charlotte Harbor. Both of these wel- 
comed the return of Menendez from Spain, in 1568. and the 
ten priests who accompanied him. For every impetus given 

'The Eaexy Missions of the South 191 

to the progress of religion, there was always proportionate 
discouragement in the form of fierce lapses into the old idola- 
trous faith, or revolting massacres, as in the case of Father 
Segura, who, at the desire of Menendez was going to estab- 
lish a mission on the Chesapeake, and was murdered by his 
guide, Don Luis de Velasco, somewhere on the Rappahan- 
nock. After the slaughter of Father Segura and his brother 
missionaries, the surviving Jesuits in Florida were sent to 
Mexico by St. Francis Borgia. For a long time there was 
much despondency regarding Florida. As if to intensify this 
this- Sir Francis Drake, in 18S6, destroyed St. Augustine by 
fire. Toward the close of the century, other Franciscans 
arrived with their atstos, Father Francis Marron. Monks of 
various Orders hastened to Florida. 'Missions were rapidly 
founded, but, in many instances, a pestilential fever sapped 
the life of the indefatigable laborers. The Indians, when 
fully under the influence of the Fathers, seemed a gentle, 
pastoral people. They brought offerings of flowers, fruits 
and corn to their instructors, and took devout part in the 
sacraments, but under their placid, almost phlegmatic exte- 
rior, their wild and lawless passions smouldered, ready to 
leap up at the least provocation. 

A son of the Cacique of the Island of Guale had flung 
aside all restraint of Christianity, and indulged in such abhor- 
rent immorality that Father Corpa sought to recall him to a 
sense of his wrong-doing. Sullenly the young Indian listened 
to the admonition. At its close he sent out to apprise his 
people in Tolemato, a lonely village, of his anger against the 
Franciscan. When the Father went out at dawn to church, 
the treacherous chieftain sprang upon him and killed him with 
a tomahawk. The savages leaped forward with fiendish satis- 
faction, and severing his head from his body bore it aloft on 
a pole. The brutal massacre followed in the neighboring vil- 
lages, and crowned as martyrs the helpless priests. 

The earliest permanent missions were founded near St. 
Augustine, and were Nombre de Dios, San Juan and SanPedro. 
It was at San Juan that the scholarly Fray Francis Pareja 
was stationed. Great as his learning was, he thankfully and 
humbly accepted the assistance of Doan Maria, the woman 
chief, in his work. 

192 The Guee States Historical Magazine 

In 1602 the priests could number twelve hundred baptized 
Indians. Canco was Governor of Florida; he elected the 
Guardian of the Convent as parish priest. "Meanwhile the 
Franciscans were joined by new missionaries of their order, 
and at the General Chapter held in Toledo, in 1603, the eleven 
convents in Florida, Havana and Bazamo were erected into a 
cnstodia by Father Bernardo de Salva, Commissary General of 
the Indies.'' In attestation of the force of religion the guar- 
dian of the convent, with the assistance of one priest, bap- 
tized, in 1643, five thousand Indians. 

St. Augustine was now a flourishing town with auspira- 
tions of greater dignity. The Governor, Don Diego de Re- 
bolledo, importuned the King of Spain, to plead with his 
Holiness to elevate Florida into an Episcopal See. It was 
then included in the visitations of the Bishop of Santiago de 
Cuba, though the inhabitants objected to the necessarily de- 
layed coming of the prelate. The grave question did not pro- 
gress beyond discussion of the Indians by the King and Coun- 
cil, and the colonists had to solace themselves, as best they 
could without a bishopric. 

The missions of Florida at that time numbered thirty- 
two; the converted Indians were 26,000. This prosperity was 
not of long duration, as the missions received a terrible blow 
when the Governor commanded the Cacique of Tarigica to 
send each chief of the Apalaches to St. Augustine with a trib- 
ute of corn. Naturally, the hauglUy pride of the Cacique 
was bitterly oftenoled, and war was declared against the Span- 
iards. At its close the Apalache Missions were entirely des- 

Life among the missions went on as it had formerly done, 
till the English, in 1702. came down from South Carolina and 
invaded the province. With inexplicable hostility Governor 
Moore attacked Florida. In the same spirit as that in which 
the Acadiaus were driven from Grand Pre, he wreaked his 
ferocity upon the priests and their Indian charges. The three 
towns on St. Mark's Island occupied by christian natives were 
burned — a senseless holocaust was made of the poor creatures 
he had wished to enslave. St. Augustine was also burned, 
Rare books, belonging to the Franciscans, were consumed by 
the flames; sacred shrines were overthrown by vandal hands. 

Thtc Eari,y Missions of thk South 193 

Everywhere devastation spread before the English commander. 
Father Juan de Parga was burned at the stake, his body hor- 
ribly hacked. The Indians he had. sought to convert, and 
loved as his own, were taken to Cuba and sold as slaves. 

This manifestation of brutality from a civilized people 
seemed to crush the courageous spirit of the Mission Fathers, 
as hostilit}' from the savages had failed to do. Although 
Florida was soon afterwards made a Bishopric, the energy of 
the Franciscans was benumbed, and the heroic priests bowed 
to the inevitable when Spain ceded Florida to England on 
February 10, 1763. 

The land was shorn of the cloisters and chapels, built in 
mediaeval style yet with a hint of Moorish influence in their 
architecture. Where they stood, with stately, dark-eyed In- 
dians listening to the pra} r ers offered by saintly men, the 
tropic fruit trees bloom; but the memory of those edifices will 
ever be a holy thing to men loving the chronicles of martyrs. 


Macon, Ga. 

1. The Macon Advertiser [and Agricultural and Mercantile 
Intelligencer] . 

April, 1831, to April, 1832. 

2. The Georgia Messenger. \ 

March, 1826, to March, 1827. 
November, 1830, to April, 1847. 
[Then combined with the Georgia Journal.] 

3. The Georgia Journal and Messenger. 

1851 to 1857, and 1858 to 1860. 

4. The Macon Telegraph. 

November, 1820, to November, 1827. 
November, 1830, to September, 1832. 
[Name changed to Georgia Telegraph.] 

The Georgia Telegraph. 

October 1832 to December, 1835. 
[Name again changed to Macon Telegraph . ] 

The Macon Telegraph. 

November, 1836, to December, 1837 . 


Savannah^ Ga. 

The Columbian Museum and Savannah Advertiser. 
1798 to 1804, and 1806 to 1810. 

Milledgeville, Ga. 

1. The Georgia Journal. 

October, 1820, to September, 1S23. 
October, 1832, to September, 1835. 
May to December, 1837. 

2. The Federal Union. 

January, 1832, to December, 1837. 

3. The Southern Recorder. 

June, 1820, to January, 1825. 
January, 1861, to December, 1862. 

* Furnished through the coxtrtesy of B. M. Banks, A. M ., Acting 
Professor of History in Emory College, and Ulrich B. Phillips, Ph. D., 
of the University of Wisconsin. 

EarIvY Newspaper FECES in Emory Coixege Library 195 

Columbus, Ga. 

i. The Columbus Enquirer. 

January, 1838, to December, 1841. 

2. The Georgia Argus. 

December, 1838, to November, 1841. 

Augusta , Ga. 

The State Rights Sentinel. 
April to October, 1834. 
January to October, 1836. 

Atlanta , Ga. 

The Southern Confederacy. 

March, 1861, to February, 1862. 

Richmond, Va. 

The Richmond Enquirer. 

June, 1826, to December, 1827. 

Charleston, S. C. 

The Charleston Observer. 

1833 to 1838 (fragmentary). 

Tuscaloosa, Ala. 

The Independent Monitor. 

March, 1840, to August, 1.842. 

Mobile, Ala. 

The Clay Banner. 

February to November, 1844. 

Washington, D. C. 

The National Intelligencer. 

1812 and 1813, in fragments; January to December, 1816. The 
Weekly National Intelligencer, March to October, 1849, and 
December, 1851, to June, 1853. 

New York. 

The New York American. 

November, 1824, to October, 1827. 


CoMrir.KD by Mrs. Wii^iam C. Stubbs, 
of Audubon Park, New Orleans. 


Charles. Jacob and John Winfree (or Winfrey), were liv- 
ing in New Kent county, Va., 1688, and perhaps earlier. 

Charles was surveyor of the highways 171 1 and died 1717. 
Jane Winfree died 1688, and Mary Winfrey died 1718. 

Jacob Winfree married 1698, Elizabeth Alvord, who died 
1714. Issue: John (b. 1699); Jane (b. 1701); Jacob (b. 1704); 
Elinor (b. 1707); Elizabeth (b. 1709, died infant); Henry 
(b. 1710). 

John Winfree and , his wife, had issue: Mary 

(b. 1706). 

John Winfree and Frances, his wife, had issue: Anne 
(b. 1725); Peter (b. 1726); John (b. 1728J. 

Charles Winfree and , his wife, had issue: Susan- 
na (b. 1,715). 

Charles Winfree and his wife, had issue; Susanna 

(b. 1724); Anne (b. 1725); Charles (b. 1727); Richard (b. 
1729); Mary (b. 1729), twins. 

The foregoing information is all from St. , Peter's Parish 
Register, New Kent county, Va. 

These are the earliest mentioned Winfrees I have yet 
found, and it is probable from these are descended the families 
scattered through Chesterfield, Cumberland, Amelia and Lu- 
nenburg counties mentioned below. 


Charles Winfree's lands in Chesterfield county, proces- 
sioned 1739. — Henrico County Records. (Was not this the 
above Charles of New Kent count}', 1727?) 

Winfree, of Virginia 197 

Valentine Winfree (12 June 1746, 314 acres in Chesterfield 
county, ''beginning at a pine parting Matthew Farley's and 
Daniel Worsham's land, on l>y William Hatcher's corner in 
Procter's Creek; thence to Stephen Beasley's line, along to a 
pine parting Thomas Tanner and P^obert Moseley, and thence 
to Charles Clay's corner," etc. — Land Book 28, p. z/, Rich- 
mond, Va. 

It is evident that Valentine Winfree was son of one of the 
above brothers of New Kent ccunty, and from the best evi- % 

dence, his mother was of the Major family, some of whom 
were also settled in New Kent. Pie also bought land in Ches- 
terfield county in 1750, of Edward Woodbridge, "joining Ste- 
phen Watkins,'' which he gave, in 1776, to his son, Reuben 
Winfree; and, in 1754, bought 130 acres on Swift Creek from 

Womack; and 100 acres in 1756 from Dun- 

nivant; witness James Watkins; and 200 acres in 1758, from 
John Roberts, on Swift Creek; and 200 acres in 1771, called 
"Gills," in Chesterfield county, from Henry Batte and Will- 
iam Eaton, executors of William Pride, late of Prince George 
Co." (The above are mentioned Jas the names of his neighbors, 
familiar also in some Alabama localities.) He and Isham 
Thompson became surveyors of the road, 1751, "in the place 
of Stephen Beasley and Robert Thompson, dec,d." In 1771 
he deeded land to his son, Henry Winfree, and his son-in-law, 
William Graves. Plis "home tract" was in Dale parish, upon 
Swift Creek. He married Martha, daughter of William 
Graves of Chesterfield county, who made his will 1776, and 
mentions "daughter Martha Winfree.' In the Chesterfield 
ccunty Will Books, Vol. IV., 4.65, is his will, (dated 21st July, 
1795,) as follows : 

" In the name of God, Amen — I, Valentine Winfree, of 
the county of Chesterfield, being of sound mind and memory, 
doth make and ordain this, my last will and testament, in 
manner and form as followeth : I recommend my soul to 
Almighty God, who gave it to me, and I desire my body de- 
cently buried by my executors, etc., etc., and for what worldly 
estate it hath pleased God to bless me with, as follows: Im- 
primis — I lend unto my loving wife, Martha Winfree, the 
tract of land I live on (it being the land I purchased of Peter 

198 Tom Gui<f States Historical Magazine 

Field Trent and others), also all household and kitchen furni- 
ture; also one third the use of my water grist-inill and its ap- 
purtenances and the miller b} T the name of Will; also 10 head 
of cattle, two horses, 10 sheep, 15 hogs, my carts, plows and 
all my plantatian tools and articles of husbandry, and eight 
negroes named Bristow, Isaac, Tom, Peter, Nan, Nell, 
Ussey and Aggie, which said estate I lend unto my wife during 
her life in lieu of her dower. Item — I give Bristow and Nell, 
after 1115^ wife's death, to my son, Valentine Winfree, and 
Aggie to my grandson, Christopher Winfree, and in case of 
his death, to my grandson, Valentine Winfree, brother of 

Item — I give my negroes Tom and Isaac to my son, Major 
Winfree. and Peter and Nan to my son, Henry Winfree; to 
nry two sons, Major and Valentine Winfree, my water grist- 
mill and the land that it is on, as tenants in common, and not 
as joint-tenants, and also the negro miller. 

Item — To my son, Major Winfree, all my lands in Ches- 
terfield county, containing the tract or plantation whereon he 
now lives, and also the 200 acres whereon I live, but of which 
my wife is to have the use during her life. 

Item—To my daughter, Mary aim Oliver, the negro girl 

Item — To Nelson Winfree, son of my son Valentine, the 
negro Nance. 

Item — And all the increase of ni)' negroes to my eight 
children, Maryann Oliver, Henry Winfree, James Winfree, 
Reuben Winfree, William Winfree (now dec' d), John Winfree, 
Major Winfree and Valentine Winfree — all to my seven chil- 
dren now living, and the children of my deceased son, Wil- 
liam Winfree. 

Item — To my sons, James, Reuben and John Winfree, 
and my grandson, Thomas Graves, ^25 each. 

Item — To my sons, Major and Valentine W T infree, ^50 

Item— To my grandchildren, children of my son William, 
dec'd., ^25 each, and to my grandson, Valentine Winfree, son 
of my son Henry, £25, and to my grandson, Thomas Graves, 
and his heirs the four negroes, Sally, Daniel, Isham and Oliver, 
they being the negroes I lent my daughter (Ann Graves), his 
mother, dec'd. 

Winfree, of Virginia 199 

Item — To my executors, ^50 specie with which to pur- 
chase a negro boy for my daughter, Maryatm Oliver. 

To my wife, Martha Winfree, ,£10. All the rest of my 
estate not mentioned, I give to my sons, Major and Valentine. 

Executors: Wife Martha Winfree, son Henr)^ and Jesse 

Teste: Christopher Cheatham, George Cogbiil, Jr., Peter 

He had nine children: Maryann, wifecf Dionysius Oliver, 
(afterward of Elbert county, Georgia), Major, Valentine, Ann, 
(married William Graves), Henry, James, Reuben, William 
(dec'd.) and John Winfree. 

Of these, Dionysius Oliver (d. 24 Sept. 181 8) and wife, 
Maryann Winfree, moved first to Meeklenburg county, Va., 
and then, in the Revolution, to Elbert county, Georgia, where 
he figured extensively in its records as a patriot and man of 
wealth and influence. He married (secondly) Jane Jackson, 
by whom he had one child, Jackson. Issue: Peter Oliver of 
Broad River; John Oliver, of Petersburg, Ga.; James Oliver; 
Dionysius Oliver; Thomas Oliver, of Elberton; William 
Oliver; Martha Oliver (Mrs. Hancock), grandmother of Sena- 
tor Benj. Tillman, of South Carolina; McCarty; Eleanor (Mrs. 
Goss); and Frances (Mrs. Cook.) These all left descendants 
in Georgia and elsewhere throughout the south. 

Henry Winfree (above) in 1795 had son, living, Valen- 
tine Winfree. Mrs. Ann (Winfree) Graves left son, Thomas 
Graves, (in 1795.) 

James Winfree, a deed 1775, from "Dionysius Oliver 
of Mecklenburg county, Va., 115 acres in Chesterfield county. ' ' 
Married, before 1777, Nancy, sister of William Scott, who, in 
1783, deeded to her several negroes, and gave to her son, Wil- 
liam Winfree, in 1777, a 'negro slave' — Ussey." Her father 
was Walter Scott of Chesterfield, will 17S2. 

Reuben Winfree — no further mention of him. 

William Winfree was dead in 1795, leaving several chil- 

John Winfree — no further mention of him, unless he was 
John Winfree who, in 1755, bought 360 acres in Euneuburg 
county "joining William Byrd," but this is not probable. 

(See Saunder's Early Settlers of Alabama.) Of Major Winfree we 
have no further mention. 

200 The Guee States Historical Magazine 

1 j 

Valentine Winfree, above (probably next to Major in 
birth), was born 15th June, 1762, and died in Chesterfield 
county, 1824. 

His great-grandson, lion. Philip Valentine Cogbill, pres- 
ent Clerk of Chesterfield and member of the State Senate, most 
courteously placed at my disposal (while visiting the old court- 
house in 1902) the register of this line contained in the family 
Bible of this ancestor. From it we copied that Valentine 
Winfrey married 3rd January, 1783, Lucy Cheatham (b. 26th 
March, 1764; d. 183-6), daughter of Christopher Cheatham, 
Sr., of Chesterfield, and had issue: Nelson, Christopher, Val- 
entine, Martha Johnson, Lucy Hobson, Polly Cheatham, 
Thomas, Margaret, Robert Burton, Elizabeth Owen, William 
Washington, Thomas Edwin and George Nelson. Of these, 

i. Nelson Winfree(b. 24th Oct., 1783; d. 3rd June, 1813) 
m. (1808), Frances, daughter of George Vaden. 

2. Christopher Winfree (b. 23rd Oct., 1785; d. 1S58); 
married (1), 1808, Mary (d. 1815), daughter of William War- 
wick, and (2), 1817, Cornelia M. Tilden, and had by ' first 
marriage Louisa Ann, b. 1809; Lucy Adelaide, b. 181 1; Mar- 
tha Caroline, b. 1813; and by second marriage, Mary Cornelia, 
b. 1817. 

3. Valentine Winfree (b. 27 Oct., 1789; d. 1851); mar- 
ried (25th May, 1826), Delilah A. Lafon, and was sheriff of 
Chesterfield. Issue: Letitia, b. 22nd April, 1827, and Lucy 
Catherine, who married W. W. Tilghman Cogbill, of Ches- 
terfield, who fell in Pickett's immortal charge at Gettysburg, 
and left among four children, the Hon, Philip Valentine Cog- 
bill, clerk of Chesterfield, (at present) who married Julia 
daughter of Bartholomew W. Truehart, of Amelia county, and 
has John Valentine and five other little ones. 

4. Martha Johnson Winfree (b. 11 Oct., 1790) m., 1817, 
John, son of Thomas Lafou, of Huguenot descent, and had 
Laurens Lafon, born 18 19; died infant. 

5. Lucy Hobson Winfree, (b. 18 Dec, 1791; d. 31 
Dec, 1814); m. 1813, William Spencer Dance, and had Laura 
Ann, b. 1814; d. young. 

6. Polly Cheatham Winfree, (b. 7 Jan'y, 1794; d. 1825) 
m. 1824, William Winfree, her cousin, son of Reuben. 

7. Thomas Winfree, b. 23 Nov., 1796; d. 5 July, 

Winfrek. OF Virginia 201 

8. Margaret Winfree, b. 7 March, 1798; d. 21 July, 

9. Robert Burton Winfree, b. 2nd March, 1800. 

10. Elizabeth Owen Winfree, b. 27th Jau'y, 1803. 

11. William Washington Winfree, b. 15th Oct., 1806; d. 
15th Aug., 1807. 

12. Thomas Edwin Winfree, b. 29th Nov., 1810. 

13. George Nelson Winfree, b. 15th Oct-, 181 2. 

Of this line was Maj. C. V. Winfree, of Lynchburg, Va., 
a very influential and wealthy citizen, who died Jul}', 1902. 
His will divided his large estate between his wife and four 
children: H. Lee, Peyton B., W. Russell and Mrs. Walter B. 

Contemporaneous with Valentine Winfree, in Chesterfield 
county, were Henry, Israel and Archer Winfree. Henry 
and Valentine, in 1774, bought a tract together; they were 
probably brothers. 

Henry Winfree' s will was dated 19th Nov., 1779, "wife 
Judith (Walthall?). Children: Elizabeth, Mrs. Judith Frank- 
lin, Ann, Sarah, Archibald, Matthew and Marable. Execu- 
tors: wife Judith, Archibald Walthall and Peter Franklin." 
(Will Book III. , 250,) 

Henry Winfree, Jr., of Dale parish, and member of its 
vestry 1792, married, 1784, Elizabeth Jarratt. His will (12th 
Oct., 1793) leaves his estate "to his wife, Betty Winfree, to be 
divided at her death or marriage, between his five children: 
Henry, David, Judith Farley Winfree, Polly Archer Winfree 
and Susanna Jarratt Winfree. Executors: Peter Franklin, 
Major Winfree and William Findley. Teste: Matthew Win- 
free and Abraham Creel." 

One of the Winfrees married Ann, daughter of Josiah 
Flournoy (whose will, in Chesterfield, was dated 18 16.) 

William Graves, of Chesterfield, will, 1776, mentions 
1 'daughter Martha Winfree." Mary, daughter of Ralph and 
Rachel Graves, married (1775) Isaac Winfree. Mrs. Elizabeth 
Turpin's will (Chesterfield county, 1767) mentions "daughter 
Mary Winfree and grand-daughter Sally Winfree." 

Walter Scott, of Chesterfield (will 1782) mentions 
"daughter Ann Winfree." 

Mrs Sarah Harrison, of Chesterfield (will 1781), mentions 
"daughter Elizabeth Winfree." 

202 The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

William E. Win free, (son of William, of Chesterfield 
county), at William and Mary College, Va., 1828. 

Jacob Winfree, 175S — 604 acres in Amelia count} 7 , and 
Gideon Winfree advertised a stray horse in Amelia county, 
1773. — 1 7 irgi)iia Gazette. . 

John Winfrey, 1755, 360 acres in Lunenburg, joining 
William Byrd. 

"Winfree's Mill" in Cumberland county, (now Powhatan,) 
mentioned in the' will of J- J. Flournoy. — Virginia Mag. of 
Hist., etc., II., 324. 

Isaac Winfree married in Cumberland count} 7 , 1756, 
Sarah Brown. 

Stephen Winfree married in Cumberland county, 1789. 
Mary Bailey. 

Jacob Winfree's will (Cumberland county, 1772) mentions 
"wife Jane, Sons Isaac, Charles and Jacob; and daughters 
Ann Winfree and Sarah Robinson." 

John Winfree's will, (in Cumberland county, 1793), men- 
tions "wife Judith; sons, John and Jesse Winfree; daughters, 
Frances Howard and Elizabeth Farrar." 


Since the Revolution many have spelled the name Winfrey. 
Jacob and Jesse Winfrey (or Winfree, as it was spelled in the 
entry of land) came to Washington county, Georgia, after 
1790. Jesse had been a soldier of the State line of Georgia, 
and married Frances A. Spencer, daughter of John Spencer of 
Charlotte county, Va., and his wife Sally, seventh child of 
Thomas W T atkins of Chickahominy. Their five children and 
their descendants are herewith copied from the pamphlet in 
1S53 by Francis N. Watkins of Virginia. 

1. Eliza Julia Winfrey, m. (1), Dr. Adam Walker, of Co- 
lumbus, Ga., and had Robert W. Walker and (2) Jona- 
than Wood, of Georgia. 

2. Sarah Watkins Winfrey, m. (1) Isaac Walker of Co- 
lumbus, Ga. Issue: Eliza, m. Ewell Morrow of Georgia — 
several children. Mrs. Walker, m.(2) Ewell McCoy, and had 
Eeroy McCoy, who married Sarah Johnston of Heard county; 
and Martha F. McCoy. 

Winfrke, of Virginia 203 


3. Benjamin E. Winfrey, in. vSarah Tindall, Colnmbus, 

4. Francis A. Winfrey \ x m. D. D. Cooper of Georgia, and 
had Robert Washington Cooper, who fell in the Mexican war; 
Mary A. married Col. N. C. Barnelt, Sec'y of State, Georgia; 
David F. of California; Martha E. married John Field of 
Tennessee; Georgia J. and Augusta R. Cooper. 

5. Ann Lee Winfrey, married Thomas Colvard of Geor- 
gia, and had Alpheus Colvard, m. Ann Eamar of Macon; 
Mary F. and Jesse Winfrey Colvard. 

The above article contains original research in the old 
records of Chesterfield county, Va., the St. Peters Parish 
Register of New Kent county, Va. , and other sources, never 
before copied for publication. 


The following letters are from originals, and give insight into the 
affairs and life of the early immigrants into America and of their families 
and friends in Ireland. — The Editor. 

I. Letter to Wiixiam Dickson, from his Parents. 

Carntall 2d November 1794. 

Dear Son William — - 

I take this opportunity of writing a few lines to you To 
let you know your Mother &c are in good Health at present 
thank God* for It we Reed, your Letter Dated Octr. 1793 and 
has not had a letter from you Since I wrote to you at May 
last or June My r Brother Hugh Reed, a letter from you some 
time Ago It give us pleasure to hear that y r ou were in good 
Health all your Sisters & Brothers are well unices and Aunts 
I am Sorry to Inform you of My Father being in a very Poor 
State of Health he has been confined to his Bed this twelve 
or thirteen weeks and I Dont think he will Recover your 
Brother John writes to you and Inclosed in his one from My 
Brother Hugh A war with America & England is greatly 
talked of here it is Said, here that it is the Intention of the 
New Congress to Declare war Again England from the many 
Injuries the Americans have Reed, from the British the Peo- 
ple here would Not think it atall uncommon If the would; as 
to this Kongdom It is a Laying upon almost Every Article, 
from the Great Quantity of Cost it Takes from Government to 
prosecute the war Against the French I will give you a list 
articles that there Must be a Stamp Duty Upon, Viz Leather, 
Bills of Exchange, Receipts, Drafts, promissary Notes &c and 
several other articles of the Necesarys of life. 
Dear Wra 

Please be so good as to let us know the Sentiments of the 
American People Respecting the Conduct of the British Gov- 
ernment as It is Greatly told here that the Americans are 
prone for war an be so good as to let us know how Hugh 
McClury and Family is as it is said here his wife has lost her 
Eye Sight My Compliments to Mr. John McCreary and let 

Documents 205 

him know I never will be able to Recompence liim for his 
kindness to you Also to James & his wife & family and let 
them know that John & Agness Fulton are well and Andrew 
Houston and his Family Isabella is Getting Batter Andrew 
Houston thinks very Strange he Did not Receive a word from 
James McCreary or his wife all last year But what was in 
Your Letter Please write to us the first opportunity and every 
one that offers No More at present from your loving Father 
& Mother John & Margaret Dickson. 

II. Letter of Rev. Wiee. Steee Dickson, to His 
Nephew Wieeiam Dickson. 

(The writer of this letter was a Presbyterian minister, and so strong 
an advocate of "The Liberty of Ireland' that today he would justly be 
called "a political Parson." Upon the charges that he was to lead in an 
uprising of the people, he was arrested and imprisoned in Port St. George, 
North Britain (Scotland) for oYz years. He was liberated on Christmas 
day 1802. Within the last few years much has been written of Rev. Wm. 
Steel Dickson in the periodicals of Belfast, which exonerated him of the 
charges of the British Government. After liberation he wrote a book which 
he called Dickson's Narrative , which is now very much valued in Ireland. 
There is only one copy known in America owned by the descendants of 
his nephew William Dickson, (to whom this letter is written) who now 
resides in Greeneville, Tenn., bearing the name of Williams. 

The great sea battle described was fought off the coast, near Ushant. 
The British Commander was Lord Howe. For an authentic account see 
July Review of Reviews, (1898), or June Cornhill of the same year. Un- 
til these accounts appeared the present owner of the old letter could find 
no name for this great battle. 

Dear William : 

I am happy to see by your Letter to your Parents that 
you are so comfortably settled, and have enjoyed so good 
Health since you Arrived in America. That you may long 
enjoy it is my fervent Prayer. You were happy in setting off 
the Time you did, as Prospects seem to darken here every Day, 
and God only known when the Horrors will cease which pre- 
vail in Europe. 

The present War is the most bloody & barbarous that 
ever disgraced Mankind, and it would appear that every Power 
in Europe will soon be engaged in it. The French seem to be 
superior to all their Enemies by Land. They had an Engage- 

206 The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

ment with our Fleet for three Days which ended June ist; 
they lost 6 Line of Battle Ships taken & two sunk. But it is 
said our Fleet is rendered almost unseless, Some of our Ships 
have ioo killed & twice that Number wounded. There were 
25 Sail of the Line on each Side. On the other Hand the 
united Armies have got a complete Defeat in Flanders. Won- 
derful are the Severities both in Britain and Ireland on account 
of supposed Sedition. Some have been transported, to Botam r 
Ba}' and others condemned to Long Imprisonment & heav}^ 
Fines. How much further the Government may proceed is yet 

I left all will at home on Wednesday, and arrived here 
last Night. My Father is become very frail, but not more so, 
than may be expected at his Time of Life. The Rest are well, 
as is your Father's Family. David is here with me. He has 
been two Seasons in Bdinburg, & promises to do very well. 
You'll be surprised to know that he is already taller than I 
am. He sends Love to you. 

I write this on my Knee, in great Haste, as I have to ride 
a long Journey today. I have only to express my Hope that 
you will continue to desreve the Encouragement you have met 
with. I request also you may continue your Attention to the 
Duties and Ordinances of Religion. A Sence of God is the 
best Security agst. every temptation, and the best Support 
under every Calamity. God bless and prosper You. You 
shall have a long Letter, the next Opportunity, if possible. 
Believe me, Dr. Win. Your affectionate Uncle, 

Wm,. Steel Dickson. 


June 20th, 1794. 

III. Letter to Wiujam Dickson, from His Parents. 

April 13th, 1796. 

Dear William 

I take this opportunity of writing to you to inform } r ou 
that we are all in good health thanks be to God and we hope 
that these lines will find you in health also Your Grandfathers 
family are in good heaith and your Grand Father is yet alive 
and able to walk about. Your uncle Cal — th is Dead and has 

Documents 207 

left two Children he was dead a month before November Last 
yonr Brother Johns time is out against November first, that 
John Fulton and his wife think it strange that they have re- 
ceived no letters this Last, season and Andrew Huston lias got 

none either we received one of Sept. 21-95 thinking 

long till you pay us a visit and wishes you would write us what 
time you expect you will come over no doubt but you are ex- 
pecting an account of the state of this Country it would be a 

very Ardueus task for it is a Discontented people and a y- 

Government in the last session of Parlament they have past an 
act that no man shall have any arms in his house without they 
be registrated before the Justice of the peace and you name 
and place of abode left in the hands of the Justices Clerk and 
when this is done it is then in the power of the Magistrate to 
call upon the people to give up their arms to be lodged when 
and where he pleases, and if the people when called upon to 
give up their arms refuse so to do (and this depends Just at 
the will of the magistrate) he the said Justice of the peace 
may with the Constables or army enter your house at any hour 
of the night and take awa} r whatever arms he or the}- may 
find by force and if hindered in this act of robber) 7 either by 
he or she it is Death by the Laws of the Irish Lawgivers with- 
out Judge or Jury this account is not in the least exaggerated 
although it perhaps it may appear so to an American ear and 
this But a part and small part of the evils which this King- 
dom der. 

Andrew Hustons family and John Fultons family have 
each their kind Compliments to you and hopes that you will 
write to them and all your Brothers and Sisters Joins with us in 
sending their love to you no more at present But we remain 
your affectionate Father and Mother till Death 

John and Margarkt Dickson. 

(Note — John and James Fulton came to America and became promi- 
nent merchants in Baltimore.) 

" Brother " John was an apprentice in a grocery store in Belfast.) 

208 Thk Gui,f Status Historical Magazink 

IV. To William Dickson, from His Friend James 

Geead Creek, feb 15th 1797. 

among other favours I am happy to Ackiiole&e the recipt 
of your letter deated Jan' y 97 J have also to thank for Stop- 
ping my packet I rece'd them together last evening It give 
us pleasure to hear 3 t ou are Settled so much to your liking and 
has Such happy prospects It is my Sincere wish the may 
long Continue I perfectly agree with my Father-inlaw with 
respct to frendShip and hopes you and I may always deserve 
each others regard and that of every Good man- it is said 
adversity is the touchstone of friendship we have both known 
a Little of it in America the time for your Emancipation is 
Come and I hope by the Blessing of God mine is at hand- I 
have made A final Settlement with John Got a title to all my 
Land except Sixty eight acres for which I have Howards 
Bond assigned to me by him and the deed is to be made when 
he returns from Williamsburg. I paid him all but forty pounds 
which I intend to pay soon as Howard makes the Right then 
I bid adiue to those Books I hops forever- my letter from 
Ireland Contain Som Good news and also some very alarming 
also viz. that all f rinds are well and that there is parsels of 
Goods ready to ship for me expected to Come by John Mag- 
gots family who are to set out early in the Spring the also 
informe me that the appear to be one the eve of being involved 
in the Calamities of war with all its horors I understand the 
people of that Island are divided in three distince Clases first 
what is Caled united Irishmen which are very numerous whose 
wish it is that all Religious animosities should be buried won 
and that the protestaut and Cathilick Should join in opinion & 
affection and thereby endeavor to have theirs Grevances re- 
dres'd by lawful and constitutional measures- The Second 
Class are Stiled Orange men A Bandite of Ruffins who are clis- 
titude of Religion and property the are Enlisted and paid by 
Government and part of their oath is to Exterminate the Cath- 
olicks of Ireland- about the first of Agust the marched 
through the town of Lurgan and it neighborhood Carring 
Coulars portrate of King william one the one Side and that of 
George third one the other- in the County Armagh upwards 

Documents 209 

of 700 Romish were oblidg to abancl their homes by this Ban- 
ditis or else be Comitided to the flames the third Class would 
wish to Join no party But Continue to leave the Burthen of 

Fanny joins me in Love to the Children 

I Am your Affect . 

James McCrery. 

V. Letter to Wieeiam Dickson, From His Parents. 

(This letter was written to William Dickson, of Greeneville, Tenn., 
by his parents in Ireland, and is in possession of the Williams family at 
Greeneville, who are descended from William Dickson. It will no doubt 
be of interest to those who have Irish ancestry to learn of the distressing 
conditions which caused so many to come over to this country. As will 
be noted the facilities for communication between the two- couutries then 
were very limited and uncertain, There could not have been any regu- 
lar mail service, and letters were generally placed in care of the Captain 
of a vessel until he landed, w r hen he delivered or posted them. The 
brother "Steel"'' referred to, together with ship, passengers and crew, 
was never heard from, having either gone down or been taken by the 
Algerian pirates, who swarmed the seas during that period. 

Carntaee March 30th, 1801. 
Dr. Son, 

This to inform you that I took the opportunit}' of writing 
you some few Days before this, I believe of the Date of the 
23rd. Instant, by a Vessel of the name of Olive Branch Bound 
for New York Directed for you in the State of Tennessee, to 
be forwarded by the Messrs John & James Fulton, Merchants 
of Baltimore — Thank God we are all in good Health at pres- 
ent and hopes this will find you the same, we have all been 
anxious of having a letter from you this long time, but to no 
purpose, for we have wrote often 8c had no Account from 
you but one letter these 14 months- But if I was sure you 
would not get the letter I wrote last I wonld take a pleasure 
in this, to relate the whole of it here but it be best for me for 
fear of your not getting the other to give you an Abridgement 
of it. 

The first thing I will mention is of your Brother Steel 
embarking for this Country . . . Account ever Reed, 
from him, or them that went with him, or the Ship by the 

VI. Letter to Wieeiam Dickson, from His Father. 

Carntaee, 20th March, 1801. 

Dear Son — I take the opportunity of writing you, that 
we have Reed, no Letters of you since the Date of August 
15th, 1799 and that we have wrote you several times but to 
no purpose. Thank God we are all in good Health at pres- 

210 The Gulf States Historical Magazine 

the owners as yet; But your Cousin Saml. Martin can inform 
you of the particulars better than I can do at Present- Pro- 
visions is enormously Dear at present and many of the Inhab- 
itants and Farmers of the lower orders is in a manner likely to 
quit their homes on Account: of the bad crops and great Taxa- 
tion and more going to be Laid on- j 

So but God only knows what the Result of these times 
will be or turn out. to be- All enquiring friends and Neigh- 
bours is well- Your Brother John wrote you shortly by the 
Ship Ohio, and he is doing well, and carri-ing on Business for 

Your sister Elizabeth is greatly minded to come to this 
Country if you would give her any encouragement, for she has 
had a strong inclination of seeing you for these three years 
past, so in your first letter clear up her mind, whether you 
would advise her to come or not, &c. 

Dr. Son when you write, which I hope you will do as soon 
as this comes to hand, be particular to mention in your letter, 
the proper way for us to Direct our letters so as that the may 
arrive to you in safety, for I fear that the one fourth of them 
does not come to hand &c. 

Dear William your Mother and I is getting Old and very 
infirm caused by our many toils, labours, servitudes, to sup- 
port a family on a small spot of Dear Laud, but as yet we have 
made it off well together; but we fear as for the time to come- 
but we trust in Providence for he is all sufficient- we need 
not mention to you to make us some small help for perhaps it 
might injure your stock if you would. So no more at present 
but we all enjoin our well wishes and Love- as is the Prayers 
of your Affectionate Father & Mother 

John & Margaret Dickson. 

Documents 211 

ent, and earnestly hopes and prays these few Lines will find 
you in the same &c. Your Brother Steel left this Country, 
and embarked in the Brig Nancy (belonging to Montgomery 
and Co. Belfast) bound for Nor folk in Virginia for flour & C- 
with two other Passengers and himself, one of them obliged 
by the Laws of the Land to go in Exile to your Country; the 
other to push his fortune; and Steel to see you &c- But as 
for yet; Ship, Crew or Passengers; never was heard of by the 
owners or Relations belonging to any of them , so none but 
God on!} 7 knows what has been his, and their fate- for Alas! 
I am grieved to think-, Dr. Son your Mother wrote you this 
Winter, but I am afraid you did not Rec. the Letter as the 
Ship was cast awa3 7 at Cork, and perhaps the bag which con- 
tained the Letters lost &c-. But your Cousin Saml. Martin 
can inform you of the particulars about your Brother Steel- 
Your Brother John has disolved partnership with Jas. A. 
McCrea and is doing business extensively in the same place for 
himself- Your Uncle Willm. is still a prisoner in Fort St. 
George in North Britain &c— Your Aunt and family resides 
now in Newton-ards Co. Down- Your Uncle Hugh is got 
Married of Late; to a woman of Portaferry and is well — your 
Uncle Robert & Grandmother is well and has their Love to 
you, as has also your Aunt Mary &c — as has also all the rest 
of your Uncles and Aunts &c — turn over — 

Dr. Son we have had very troublesome times in Ireland, 
and is likely to Continue, for there is nothing but the appear- 
ance of Sword and famine at present, for the Pride and de- 
signs of England, States-men, and Landed property is surely 
Drawing down the hand of Divine Providence against them & 
us both- Land is rating high. Taxes not to be borne and 
hunger at the Door, for at this Instant the Meal sells at 5 | o 
per Stone of 14 lb, or 40 Shillings per cwt. — Potatoes from 
4 I 4 to 6 I o Shillings per Bushell, Butter from i4.d to i6.d 
per lb. Beef from 6.d to 8.d per lb and all other articles 
equally as high-. So if the Northern Powers Joins the 
coalition with France (viz. Russia, Sweden, Denmark and 
Prussia) against England, wretched must her and our state be 
in trade & Commerce, and render Ireland ill fated for ever 
&c, &c-. 

212 This Gulf States Historical Magazine 

Dr. Son I am still in hopes of seeing you in this Country 
and visiting your Native place once more, asj'ou always prom- 
ised, for surely it would be a comfort to your old Mother & me 
also in seeing you- Andw. Houston and family is well, and his 
son William is got Married to a Daughter of John Carson's of 
Lowland- John & Agnes Fulton is well, and has their love 
to you- Your Brother John & Robt. with Sister Eliza and 
Jane, has their Brotherly & Sisterly love to you- John Her- 
ron & family has their Respects for you & has got two Daugh- 
ters, a. Jane & a Margret, &c, So no more but Remain your 
Loving and Affectionate Father, John Dickson. 

VII. Letter to William Dickson, from His Parents. 

Carntall, August 23rd, 1 80 1. 

Dear William — Your long silence has given us great 
uneasiness this long time as we have not received a Letter 
from you since the 12th of January 1800 when we got one 
dated August 15th 1799 which gave us much pleasure as we 
had not received one from you for nearly three years before 
that. But now we inform 3-011 that we are all well at present 
(thank God) hoping you are the same we have wrote you Two 
letters last year and three the season before this, we are truly 
much concerned to inform you that your Brother Steel Left 
this the 6th of April 1800 in the Brig Nancy Bound for Nor- 
folk and Richmond but neither have there been any account 
from him nor Vessel since but we suppose you have long since 
heard the particulars of his going away & c as your Cousin 
Samuel Martin has come to America since that time I suppose 
you have likewise heard of your Grand fathers Death which 
happened in January 1799. Your Uncle William is still con- 
fined in Fort George in Scotland but is in good health as are 
all his family who are living at Newton Ards all the rest of 
your friends here are well as far as I can at present recolleet 
We have had a very great Dearth of the necessaries of Life 
here from the failure of Crops for Two years past . But thank 
God our Crops look very well this season There is no Material 
alteration among us since you heard from us your Brother 
John is well and is doing Business for himself in Belfast and 

Documents 2J3 

is doing well considering the times for some year's past and 
at present Trade of every kind is very Bad as there lias beeii a 
considerable Alarm throughout the country and Great Britain 
for some time past from very great preparations that are mak- 
ing in France said to be for Invading some of these Kingdoms 
but how that may be God only knows. We would be highly 
gratified if your would write more frequently to us as it is the 
only Communications we can have with each other and there- 
fore we think you should not be so negligent But we admit 
still you might have wrote and not come to hand But we again 
entreat you to write and let us know every particular of your 
affairs which you can in prudence and as soon as we receive a 
I^etter from you w T e'll write everything that 3>ou may wish to 
be informed of We are now both getting in the Down Hill part 
of Life and therefore we look forward to the time when we 
must pay the Last tribute to "Nature and from that we look 
earnestly for your promise of seeing us before that event if 
your affairs will admit of it and we would implore you to be 
mindful of your duty to that Being who can bless your endeav- 
ours after the things of this World and finally Crown you 
with the everlasting reward of a well spent Life which that it 
may be your constant care to merit as far as your own poor 
endeavours can is the earnest prayer of your loving father and 
Mother till Death. John and Margaret Dickson. 

P. S. — When you write to us let us know how we shall 
Direct our letters to you and you may direct to us as formerly 
Andrew Houston and family are all well as are also Mr. & 
Mrs. Fulton and Desires to be remembered to you as are also 
Wm. Houston and his family. 

VIII. Letter to \Yieeiam Dickson from His Parents. 
|i' -t Carntaix, April ioth, 1803. 

Dr. Son & Daughter — We received your kind Letter 
bearing Date ioth August 1802, and are happy to hear of 
your Health and happiness in this world, thanks to the Su- 
preme being for his many fold kindnesses and Love to us, we 
are all in health at present, as is also your friends and Rela- 
tions in Ireland, but your uncle Jas. Stewart, who is in a Dying 
state for some time past. It is Reported with us that your 

214 Thiv Gulf Static) Historical Magazine 

Old friend John McCreary of Bottetot is Dead. We have en- 
joyed peace, tranquility & plenty since we wrote you last, 
but about a fortnight ago some Disagreement to place between 
the English Court and that of France, concerning the treaty 
of xVrmiens, as england was to give up Malta, and evacuate 
Egypt, which to agreement the had not, so things on a sudden 
appeared bleak, and at present there is no other sound but the 
sound of War, tho' it is not proclaimed, but bears every pros- 
pect similar, for Press Warrents is issued, Recruiting going on 
brisk, & the Militia once more embodying, and all things in 
Confusion and Hurry, wdiich makes us think, (not to speak in 
Public) that a War is inevitable sooner or later, for we may 
justly say that it has been a paper War, between the two Na- 
tions, ever since the Treaty took place, for the always have 
been gibing each other in a disdainful manner and never prop- 
erly satisfied. But if a War does take place, it will be one of 
the bloodiest Conflict that ever England was engaged in and 
in our opinion it would be better for our Governors to put up 
with a little disgrace or a piece of dishonor, than to embark 
on an ocean of troubles, for the are about arming all the In- 
habitants of large Towms and their vincinage in case of a Rup- 
ture with France, and you may easily guess what the conse- 
quence will be after the di(s) arming of 1798, for the people is 
far from being Reconciled as yet, so much for the News of 
our Country in plain truth — . Report says that Spain and 
America is a little Dissatisfied with each Other, but we hope 
that matters w T ill be Amicably adjusted, as you are a Nation of 
Judgment & Freedom. 

Dr. Children write us as often as conviency will permit, as 
is likely it will be the only way of correspondence by words 
that w 7 e will enjoy for Old Age and Infirmity is coming fast 
on occasioned by Hard Labour, on a dear spot of ground to 
Support a Large Family in Decency and genteel way of Life. 
Your Old Mother grieves much at the Dispensation of Provi- 
dence about 3 T our Brother Steel Dickson, and ever since she 
imagined his Dissolution, she is much altered, and I believe by 
all appearances will not be long in the Land of the Living; but 
why should w T e grieve? as God is all sufficient: Dr. Children 
be careful in training up youth for on you it lies whether the 
Offspring of your bosom prove a blessing or a Curse — . Your 
Br. Robert is at Business with Br. John and is offering well, 
all enquiring friends and neighbours is well, your Sisters 
wishes to be Remembered to you both in a particular Manner 
&c so no more from your Affectionate Parents and sincere 
wellwishers. John & Malgarkt Dickson. 


Inasmuch as many Southerners are connected directly or 
remotely with matters mentioned in The South-Carolina Ga- 
zetteotths iStli century, the editor of this Magazine has ar- 
ranged for a succession of articles giving the contents of that 
paper. The one here given is the first installment. The old 
newspapers are the best interpreters we now have of the peri- 
ods of history which they cover. The South- Carolina Gazette 
was the oldest, and for many years the only, newspaper in the 
Southern portion of the country. 


Compiled by A. S. Sai,i,ey, Jr., from the files in the Charleston 
Library Society and elsewhere. 

Saturday, January 8, 1732 (Vol. I. No. 1). 

Address of "Philo-Carolinensis" (the printer) "To the 
Reader." Under "Foreign Affairs" there are short para- 
graphs giving news from Warsaw, July 21; Madrid, July 24; 
Barith, July 31; Vienna, Aug. 1; Seville, Aug. 10; Hamburg, 
Aug. 28; Hague, Aug. 30; Paris, Sept. 2; Edinburgh, Aug. 
2, 3, 5, and 9; London, Aug. 15, 17, 20, Sept. 8; Dublin, 
Aug. 7; New York, Oct. 4, Nov. 15; Philadelphia, Nov. 27. 

Local News: Account of accidental burning of Brigt. 
Brittaimia, of R. I., at Elliott's Wharf, Charles Town. 

Prices current of rice, pitch, tar, deer skins and turpen- 

Custom House report of vessels entering in and clearing. 

Two announcements by the printer (" T. WhitmarshzX 
the Sign of the Table-Clock on the Bay.") The printer ad- 
vertises for sale the 7th edition of Isaac Watts' s Psalms 
David, imitated in the la?iguage of the Neiv Testament. 

SATURDAY, JANUARY 1 5, 1 732. 

Long letter f rora ' c Agricola" on hemp planting. "Martia," 
aged sixteen, pays her respects to the ''young Sparks" of the 

216 The Guu? State* Historical Magazine 

community its a letter of nearly two columns. Foreign Affairs: 
Bologna, Parma, Amsterdam, Vienna, Cadiz, London. 

Local: Account of the meeting the day before of the 
Assembly at the house of Col. Alexander Parris, Public Treas- 
urer; mention of marriage of Johannah Broughton and 
Thomas Monck; account of a fire which destroyed Mr. Van 
Velsen's shop; mention of the death of a fisherman by apo- 
plexy; mention made of vessels detained on the coast by con- 
trary winds; notice of the placing of four buoys on the Bar at 
the expense of Mr. Eveleigh, merchant; facetious account of 
the marriage of an officer of the Oldbrough man-of-war to a 
widow in Charles Town. 

Prices current of rice, pitch, tar, skins, turpentine. 

Custom Kouse report. 

W. Saxby advertises for a horse that had strayed or was 
stolen from a "Pasture up the Path." 

The printer advertises. Psalms of David and The Honour of 
ike Gout (hy Philander Misiatrus); A Dialogue between a Sub- 
scriber and a Non-subscriber; a Leppo ink; almanacs for 1732, 
stationery, etc. 

Announcement by the printer, tl T. Whilmarsh at the 
House of Mr. Hugh Evans, Taylor, in Church-Street, within 
a few doors of the Secretary's office." 

SATURDAY, JANUARY 22, 1 73 2. 

"Rattle" replies humorously to "Martia" in three col- 

Foreign Affairs: Nearly three columns of extracts from 
the treaty concluded at Vienna July 22, 1731, between the Em- 
peror, the King of Great Britain and the King of Spain; Lon- 
don news. 

Local: Death of George Keith; marriage of Christiana 
Broughton and Rev. Mr. Dwight; arrival from England of 
Mrs. John Fenwick; rumor of several weddings "upon the 
Anvil"; "A Riddle" in verse sent by a "Fair Correspon- 
dent"; "Extract of a Letter from a Gentleman in London, to 
his Friend in Carolina" in regard to "making Insurance on 
Houses, &c. in Carolina"; suit by sailors, in Court of Admi- 
ralty, to recover wages; fire destroys barn at PonPon; report of 
design to form Insurance Company. 

Minor Topics . 217 

' Prices current on rice, pitch, tar, turpentine, skins, and 

Custom House report. 

Letters signed "Anonymous" and "Juba" acknowledged 
as received too late for this issue. 

Advertisement of a meeting of freeholders held at the 
House of Henry Gignilliat on the iSth when proposals were 
made for the opening of an "Insurance Office against Fire; 
which will be printed and given Gratis at the aforesaid House, 
on Monday in the afternoon, for the Perusal and Consideration 
of all Persons concerned: who are desired to meet at the same 
House, and on the same Occasion, on Thursday evening next." 

Hugh Evans, Taylor, advertises for a "Cream colore' d 
Dog, between a Bull and Mastiff breed," that had been lost 
from his house on the 12th. 

W. Saxby advertises again for his stray or stolen horse. 
The printer is back at the sign of the "Table-Clock." 

JANUARY 29, 1732. 

"Honestus" gives "the Publisher" his ideas of the ad- 
vantages of a good reputation. 

"Martia" sends a letter regretting that her first communi- 
cation had been "misconstrued into particular personal Reflec- 

"Publicola" advises the publisher to quit publishing so 
much nonsense "while we have, among us, Writers of Sense." 

Foreign Affairs: Marseilles, Copenhagen, Madrid, Lon- 
don, Edinburgh, Dublin, Boston, New York, Philadelphia. 

Local News: Notice of the placing of a new northward 
buoy in the place of the one placed by direction of Mr. Eve- 
leigh that had been driven away by ' c a strong South-easterly 
Wind"; rumored that a committee appointed by the Commons 
House would regulate the fees of one of the public offices of 
the Province; notice of the arrival in town and introduction to 
the Governor, by John Herbert, Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, of six "Cherracquee Indians," J. Savy being their in- 
terpreter; notice of the looting by Spaniards and French off 
the Bahama Banks of the Alice and Elizabeth, John Pain, 
Master, Christopher French, mate, from Jamaica to Charles 
Town; account of the accidental killing of a resisting runaway 

218 The Gule States Historical Magazine 

negro whom lie was pursuing, by Charles Jones, who reported 
it to a justice "who ordered him to cut his Head off, fix it on a 
Pole, and set it up in a Cross-Road", which was done accord- 
ingly near Ashley Ferry; statistical report of the exports of 
rice, pitch, tar and turpentine from Charles Town between 
November i, 1731 and January 28, 1732. 

Prices current of rice, pitch, tar, turpentine and Indian 

Custom House report. 

Stephen Proctor advertises salt made by Mr. Mellichamp 
and lamp black for sale "at his store on Mr. Wragg's Bridge." 

The printer again advertises the Psalms of David, a Dia- 
logue Behvccn a Subscriber and a Non- Subscriber, The Honour 
of the Gout, Leppo ink and stationer}^. 

He also makes his announcement, by which we learn that 
his printing office was again in . Church Street and that his 
paper was £$ a year. 


"Agricola"' contributes two columns on the silk worm. 

Foreign Affairs: Paris, account of Count Maurice of Sax- 
ony and his pet ponies; Leghorn, Bilboa, Barcelona, London, 
Bath, Bristol, account of Suicide of Miss Bradock. 

"Honestus" of St. John's Parish, contributes a column 
on the bad effects of idleness. 

Account from Cambridge, Mass., of meeting of the over- 
seers of Harvard College. 

Local: Account of wreck of sloop Dolphin; account of 
operation on one Richard Evans, sailor on //. M. S. Fox, for 
dropsy, performed by Surgeon George Valentine of the same 
vessel; meteor visible at Charles Town. 

Prices current of rice, pitch, tar, turpentine, skins and In- 
dian corn. 

Custom House report. 

Benjamin Whitaker advertises sale of personal estate of 
John Godfrey, deceased. 

Thomas Binford advertises for his debtors and creditors 
in view of his leaving the Province. 

Thomas Bartram, on Charles Town Green, advertises "a 
very good Pennyworth, a good Billiard Table, with several 
pair of new and old Balls, Sticks, On's, &c." 

Minor Topics 219 

William Cattell, Jr., offers "Five Pounds Reward, and no 
Questions asked" for the return of saddlebags and contents 
stolen "from off the horse of Mr. Thomas Philips, between 
Charles Town and the Quarter house." Advertisement of a 
raffle of goods to take place at the house of Mrs. Surrow. 

W. Pinckney advertises "flue Rhenish and Old Hock." 

\V. Saxby again advertises for his strayed or stolen horse. 

The printer again advertises books and ink, and this week 
his paper is again printed "at the Sign of the Table-Clock on 
the Bay." • 


"Agricola" completes his article on the silk worm. 

"Lucretia" replies to "Honestus." 

"Whisk" complains that the Gazette is too severe on in- 
nocent gaming, to which the editor appends a short reply. 

Foreign Affairs: Leghorn, Stockholm, London, Edin- 
burgh, Dublin, Boston, New York. 

Local: Mention of receipt in Charles Town of a private 
letter from Lisbon giving account of the landing, by Sir 
Charles Wager, "agreeable to the engagements of the Crown 
of England," of six thousand Spaniards. 
1 Report of penalties imposed by the Court of Vice- Admiral- 
ty of South Carolina against the master of a merchantman in 
Charles Town for harboring a seaman of one of the King's 
ships stationed at Charles Town. 

Account of the investigation by the General Assembly of 
the mode of distributing the public lands of the Province. 

Prices current of rice, pitch, tar, turpentine, skins and 
Indian corn. 

Statistical report of rice, pitch, tar and turpentine export- 
ed between November 1, 1731, and February 4, 1732. 

Custom House report. 

James Pain advertises for a lost engraved silver "Snuff - 

John Laurens, sadler, advertises for sale a house and plan- 
tation about six miles from Charles Town. 

Francis Mongin, brazier, on the Bay advertises for a horse 
that had strayed or been stolen from the Green. 

Mrs. Surrow renews her advertisement of her raifle. 

220 The Guu? States Historical Magazine 

Benj. Whitaker renews his advertisement for sale of God- 
frey's personal effects. 

Thomas Binford repeats his advertisements to debtors and 

Bartram repeats his pool table advertisement. 

Wm. Cattell, Jr., renews his reward. 

Saxby's strayed or stolen horse advertisement is renewed. 

The printer still has books and ink for sale, and his pa- 
per is still issued at the "Sign of Table-Clock on the Bay." 


A treatise on the "Manner of Chamoising, or of prepar- 
ing Buffalo, Deer. Sheep, Goat, or Kid-Skins in Oil, in imita- 
tion of Chamois, popularly called Sliamiuy." 

"Carolina Grubstreet" gives the printer over a column of 
his views on news. The printer replies in about a stick. 

Foreign Affairs: St. Petersburg, Rome, Loudon, Edin- 

Local: A genuine copy of the poem of "Secretus" is 
published, as a spurious one had been circulated about town; a 
correction of erroneous statements made the week before in 
regard to a trial in the Court of Vice-Admiralty;- notice that 
the letter of "XZ" would appear the next week and the prin- 
ter declines to publish one by "Frailty"; notice of hearing by 
the Governor and Council of the land grants matter; loss of 
boat and two negroes with a quantity of rice for town; Mr. 
Gough killed by a maniac; "Prattle" informed that his article 
would be published, but "Junius Brutus" is denied the use of 
the columns for his article. 

Prices current of rice, pitch, tar, turpentine, skins and 
Indian corn. 

Report of exports between November i, 1731, and Feb- 
ruary 18, 1732. . » 

Custom House report. 

Isaac Mazyck, Jr., advertises a plantation of 5,550 acres 
of land on Santee. 

Thomas Monck, merchant, in Charles Town, notifies his 
debtors and creditors to settle with George Austin, merchant, 
in Charles Town, as he is about to go to Great Britain. 

William Dry, administrator of Rev. Mr. Ludlam, prohibits 
tresspassing on the 300 acres of land on the east side of Coosaw 

Minor Topics 221 

River, bounded bj' lauds of Captaiu Johu Croft, Joseph Brian 
and George Pawle}-. 

"The Commissioners appointed to issue out the Ptiblick 
Orders for discharging the Debts of this Province" give notice 
that they will meet at the house of Col. Miles Brewton every 
Wednesday until March 28th next. 

Edmond Atkin, intending to depart the Province, adver- 
tises for his debtors and creditors to call and settle. 

John Fisher advertises for a runaway white servant nam- 
ed Caleb Lowle, a tailor, aged 18. 

Advertisement of "the Beer Cellar, over against Mr. Elli- 
ott's Bridge on the Bay." 

Bartram still advertises his pool table. 

Binford continues his advertisement for debtors and 

Likewise Whitaker his advertisement of Godfre3''s estate. 

Mr. Pain still seeks his "Snuff-Mill." 

John Mortimer, of Christ Church Parish, advertises for a 
runaway "Pawpaw Negro Woman named Jenny, formerly be- 
longing to the Estate of Mr. Giles Cooke." 

The printer is still at the "Sign of the Table- Cloek." 


"X-Z" contributes three columns on the Sin of Slander. 

"Mary Meanwell," of Port Royal, writes a letter to "the 
Gentlemen News- Writers in Charles Town." Editorial note 

Foreign news. 

Local: "Belinda" contributes a facetious poem; report 
that "Instructions from His Majesty will shortly be sent to 
the several Governors of the British Colonies in America, not 
to Assent to an} r Bill, for the future, for laying a Duty 011 the 
Import or Export of Negroes in their respective Govern- 

Prices current of rice, pitch, tar, turpentine, skins, and 
Indian corn. 

Statistics of exports from Charles Town between Novem- 
ber 1, 1731 and February 25, 1732, of rice, pitch, tar and tur- 

222 The Gui,f States Historical Magazine 

Custom House reports. 

Charles Hargrave, master of the ship Dragon, for Pty- 
mouth and Rotterdam, advertises that he will take freight and 

The printer advertises for a lost silver knee buckle. 

Charles Pinckney and Ed. Croft, executors of Hill Croft, 
deceased, advertise the personal estate of the deceased for sale 
at his late residence, ''commonly call 'd the Quarter-House." 

Benjamin Whitaker calls upon all who are indebted to the 
estate of William Cheatham, deceased, to settle with John 

John Wood, of St. Andrew's Parish, warns the public 
that his wife Mary has left him. 

J. Townsend warns those who are indebted to him against 
making payments to any of his negroes or to any other person. 

William Einthwaite offers a reward for a package of let- 
ters addressed to John Colleten, at Fairlawn, that had been 
taken from the shop of Mr. Clifford on the nth. 

Samuel Martyn, peruke-maker, about to leave the Prov- 
ince, directs his debtors to pay Stephen Proctor. 

Saxby again advertises for his horse. 

Thomas Monck, "merchant in Charleston," desires his 
debtors to settle with George Austin. 

Isaac Mazyck, Jr., still desires to sell his plantation on 

"The Commissioners appointed to issue out the Publick 
Orders," &c, again advertise a meeting at Col. Brewton's 

Edward Atkins calls upon his debtors and creditors to 

John Fisher advertises again for Caleb Eowle. 

The "Beer Cellar" repeats its advertisement. 

John Mortimer still seeks his runaway Paw-paw negro 

T. Whitmarsh, printer, is still "at the Sign of the Table- 
Clock on the Bay." 



Errata. — In the September, 1903, number of this Magazine, on 
page 117, line 50, "Walter" should be "Walton;" on page 92, line 
33, "too" should be "the," and "1776" in bottom line should be "1786;" 
on page 118, line 5, "into other" should be erased; on page 130, line 2, 
"1500" should be "1560. " In the May, 1903, number of this Magazine, 
on page 430, line 9, "and from" should be inserted after "Surry-;" line 15, 
"Hennign's" should be "Heiming's" and line 5 from the bottom, 
"Wesover" should be "Westover." 

Campbeee. — I would like to communicate with some one who has 
information about the Campbell family, to which Mr. Justice John A. 
Campbell, of the Supreme Court of the United States, belonged. He 
was the son of Duncan G. Campbell, who came from North Carolina to 
Georgia. Who was his grandfather? Did his family come from Am- 
herst County, Virginia? 

Library of U. S. Department of Agriculture. — From the an- 
nual Report of the Secretary of the U. S. Department of Agriculiuie it is 
ascertained that the collection of books and pamphlets now in the De- 
partment Library numbers 80,000. and contains many books and period- 
icals found in few, if any, other libraries in the country. The Library 
has continued the publication of its quarterly bulletin of accessions. A 
reprint of the index cards for the Yearbooks and Farmers' Bulletins is 
in progress to meet demands from the smaller libraries of the country. 
Considerable assistance has been given to various institutions, agricul- 
tural colleges and experiment stations in reorganizing their libraries. 


"Gaeveston's Great Sea Waee" is the subject of an interesting 

illustrated article in the Review of Reviews for November. 

Alabama's Contribution to Texas. — In a memorial address on 
the life and character of the late Robert B. Burke, delivered in the \ 

House of Representatives of the United States, February 8, 1902, Hon. 
Dudley G. Wooten paid the following high tribute to Alabama's con- 
tribution to the settlement of Texas: 

"He came to Texas as a young man from that State which has con- 
tributed more to the growth and greatness of Texas than all the other 
States of the American Union. Texas from the foundations of its civil- 
ization has been a composite production, a mosaic of heterogeneous ele- 
ments. Out of a complex and almost incongruous mixture of various 
populations and contradictory influences she has evolved a homogeneous 
and vigorous citizenship, composed from all possible factors and com- 
bining all imaginable elements of strength; but it is a remarkable and 
significant fact that I may be permitted to mention here and now, that 
Texas owes more of her distinguished names at the bar, on the bench, 
in the forum, and in every walk of useful enterprise, to the State of 
Alabama than to any other one State in the Union." 


Reunions of the United Confederate Veterans. — The pa- 
triotic organization known as the "United Confederate Veterans," 
was projected and founded in New Orleans, La,, June JO, 18S9, ten 
camps being represented. Its object was "to unite in a general feder- 
ation all Associations of Confederate Veterans, Soldiers and Sailors now 
in existence or hereafter to be formed." From this small beginning the 
organization has come to be a great power for patriotic good and useful- 
ness. The following is a list of the several Reunions, with the camps 
for each year: 

1st— Chattanooga, Tenu., July 3, 1890; 18 camps. 
2d— Jackson, Miss., June 2, 1891; 26 camps. . 
3d— New Orleans, La., April 8, 9, 1892; 172 camps. 

No Reunion held in 1893 on account of financial crisis. 
4th— Birmingham, Ala., April 25, 26, 1894;'500 camps. 
5th— Houston, Tex., May 22, 23, 24, 1895; 650 camps. 
6th-— Richmond, Va.. June 30, July 1, 2, 1898; 850 camps. 
7th— Nashville, Tenn., June 22, 23, 24, 1897; 1,026 camps. 
8th— Atlanta, Ga.,July 20, 21,22, 23, 1898; 1,155 camps. 
9th— Charleston, S. C, May 10, 11, 12, 13, 1899; 1,269 camps. 
10th— Louisville, Ky., May 30, 31, June 1,2, 3, 1900; 1,277 camps. 
11th— Memphis, Tenn., May 28, 29, 30, 1901; L,358 camps. 
12th— DalJas, Tex., May 22, 23, 24, 25, 1902; 1,454 camps. 
13th— New Orleans, La., May 22, 23, 24, 25, 1903; 1,523 canrps. 

Death of OemstED. — Frederick Law Olmsted died at Waverly, 
Mass., August 28, 1903, aged eighty -one years. He was a noted land- 
scape architect and gardener, and, among other work, designed the land- 
scape architecture of the capitol grounds at Washington. He was the 
author of several volumes, some of which deal with his observations on 
trips through the South prior to the Civil War. 

Lee's Headquarters at Spottsyxvania Marked. — On Satur- 
day, August 22, 1903, a granite tablet was placed in position at Spottsyl- 
vania court house, in front of the historic hotel, to mark the head- 
quarters of General Robert E. Lee in the battle of Spottsylvania and 
Bloody Angle during the War between the States. It is one of those 
tablets donated by Ryan of New York, for marking battlefields in this 
part of Virginia. 

Davis Memorial.— A Confederate Bazaar was held in Richmond, 
Va., April J5 to May 2, 1903, for the benefit of the Jefferson Davis Memo- 
rial and the Confederate Museum. The total receipts were $23,442.09, 
and the expenses, $1,428.71, making a net sum cleared of $22,013. 3S. 
Of this amount $15,000.00 was passed to the credit of the Memorial Fund, 
swelling it to $03,000.00. The remainder was given to the Museum, which 
is located in the White House of the Confederacy at Richmond. 

Historical News 225 j 

The issue of this Magazine for July, 1002, Vol. i, p. 59, contains 
some account of memorial to Jefferson Davis, which is to be in the form 

of a Memorial Arch. 


Anniversary of the Organization of the "State of Frank- 
lin." — On August 22, 1903, in the old town of Jonesboro, in East Ten- 
nessee, was celebrated the 119th anniversary of the organization of the 
State of Franklin. This " State," which lives only in the history of the 
constructive efforts at government-making by American pioneers, em- 
braced a part of East Tennessee and a part of Western North Carolina. 
Its capital was Jonesboro. The celebration brought together a large con- 
course of people, including many prominent men. On the program for 
speeches were Senator William B. Bate, Governor James B. Frazier, ex- 
Governor Robert L. Taylor, Judge O. P. Temple and Hon. John C. Alli- 

Centennial Celebration of the Louisiana Transfer.— The 
Louisiana Historical Society, Louisianians and other patriotic and inter- 
ested lovers of history, will celebrate in New Orleans the centennial of 
the transfer of Louisiana to the United States. The chief actors in the 
transfer were Laussat, the Prefect, for the French Government, and Gen. 
W. C. C. Claiborne and Gen. James Wilkinson for the United States. 
The following is the 

"Programme of the Celebration in Honor of the Hundredth 

Anniversary of the Transfer of Louisiana 

From France to the United States 

Adopted by the Louisiana 

Historical Society 

F'riday Evening, December 18th 

Reception and Ball given by the Ladies of the Louisiana Historical 


Saturday, December 19th 

Commemorative Ceremonies at the Cabildo. Addresses by the Represent- 
atives of France, Spain and the United States. Military 
Parade. Review of Troops at the Cabildo. Opening 
of the Historical Museum. Striking of a Com- 
memorative Medal. Naval Parade 

Saturday Night 

Gala Performance at the French Opera House 

Sunday, December 20th 

Grand Pontifical High Mass and Te Deum at the St Louis Cathedral 

Oration in Honor of the Day, delivered from the balcony 

of the Cabildo. Raising of the National 

Flag in Jackson Square 

226 The Guee States Historical Magazine 

Rural School Libraries in North Carolina.— Contrasted 
with the princely donations of Andrew Carnegie as a 'stimulus to library- 
building in American cities, much attention is now directed to the de- 
velopment of the library as a rural institution. Clarence H. Poe, editor 
of the Pi ogrcssive Parmer^ Raleigh, N. C, contributes a valuable paper 
on the work of North Carolina in establishing rural libraries, to the 
American Review of Reviews for September, 1903. Libraries have been 
introduced in twenty-nine States, but Mr. Poe says that in no other State 
"has more rapid progress been made or greater results been accom- 
plished in proportion to capital expended, than in North Carolina.', 
The whole plan involves the principle of co-operation, the localities, the 
local school fund, and State aid combining in a triple effort to make up 
the funds for the purchase of books. It is shown that in North Carolina 
the experiment "has proved a strikingly successful innovation" — new 
libraries are constantly being applied for, old ones are enlarged, a taste 
for reading is cultivated in both children and parents, and life is made 
far more delightful in the country districts. 


CoeeecTion OF Anti-Slavery Literature. — "Gifts have been 
made to the now very large collection on the abolition movement in the 
United States by the Garrison family, Miss Weston and the Misses May. 
It is safe to assert that the library can show as strong collections, in 
print and in manuscript, on the anti-slavery movement as any other libra- 
ry in this country. The liberality of such leaders as Wendell Phillips 
and Theodore Parker, and of others like Colonel Thomas Wentworth 
Higginson and Messrs. Francis J. Ganison and Wendell P. Garrison, 
have really made this notable collection what it is — already large and 
still attracting gifts." — Piftieth Annual Report of the Trustees of the 
Public Library of the City of Boston, 1902, p. 31. 

Bureau of Historicae Research.— The trustees of the Carnegie 
Institution have decided to establish at Washington a Bureau of Historical 
Research. After the first of October next, it is to be under the charge of 
Professor Andrew C. McLaughlin. The aims and purposes of the bureau 
are numerous; but it may be said briefly that it is established with the ex- 
pectation that it will be of service to investigators of American history, 
especially to those desiring to make use of the archives at Washington. 
Professor McLaughlin is to continue as managing editor of the Review. 
After October 1 all communications to the Review should be addressed to 
the editor in care of the Carnegie Institution, Washington, D. C. — The 
American Historical Review, New York, July 1903, p. 813. 

Guide to Federae Archives.— As representatives of the Carnegie 
Institution. Dr. C. H. Van Tyne and Mr. W. G. Leland are preparing a 
guide to the archives ot the government of the United States at Washing- 
ton. When the investigation is finished, the guide, it is expected, will 
be printed by the Carnegie Institution. Nothing more than a general 
description of the sundry collections of historical material and adminis- 

Historical News 227 

trative records of the government will now be attempted. All collections 
of archives, not only those of the executive departments but also those of 
the judicial and legislative branches of the government will be described 
in at least broad and general terms and after personal inspection. In a 
few cases, where the documents are of especial interest, and where defi- 
nite information can be given, a somewhat more detailed statement will 
be prepared. The study is intended to be only preliminary, but of such 
a character as to be of immediate value and of interest to investigators. — 
The American Historical Riview, New York, July I903, p. 821. 

Madison Gazette, the Second Newspaper Printed in Ala- 
bama. — The copy of the Madison Gazette, preserved in the American 
Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass., mentioned in your Magazine for 
July 1903, p. 50 (vol. ii, No. 1) is the first and only copy of this paper 
of which I have been able to learn. A. B. Meek, in his Romantic Passa- 
ges in Southwestern History, p. 103, says that it was the first paper pub- 
lished in the limits of the present Alabama. This statement is incor- 
rect, the first newspaper ever issued in Alabama being the Mobile Cenii- 
ne? % printed at Fort Stoddert (near the present Mt. Vernon,) May 23' 
18n. A brief mention of two copies of this paper will be found in your 
issue of July 1902, p. 56 (vol. i, No. 1.) 

A brief description of the Gazette above noted will not be without in- 
terest. It is a four column folio, 11^ inches by 18^ inches in size. 
The type used is long primer aud apparently much worn. It bears date 
Tuesday, October 19, 1813, Vol. ii, No. 73, showing that it had been pub- 
lished nearly one and a half years. No editor is named, but it was 
"printed" by T. G. Bradford & Co., at Huntsville, then in Mississippi 
Territory, now in Alabama. The following is its motto: "The Press is 
the Cradle of Science, The Nurse of Genius and the Shield of Liberty. " 
The terms are $3 per annum, to be paid half yearly in advance, or $4 at 
the expiration of nine months. It contains four advertisements. With 
the exception of the prospectus, the whole of the first page is taken up 
with an address delivered by Rev. Mr. Craighead at Nashville, Septem- 
ber 11, 1813. There are practically no local items. 

Thomas M. Owen. 


Robert Somers, an Englishman, who travelled through the South- 
ern States in 1S71-2 relates an interesting incident of Jefferson Davis, Ex- 
President of the^Confederate States. Mr. Davis was then at the head of 
an Insurance Company called the Carolina. Somers says that Mr. Da- 
vis lived very quietly at the Peabody Hotel, in Memphis, Tenn., and 
was seldom seen or heard of in public, except when crowds of negroes 
would surround him on the street or at the landing stage on the river and 
make him the object of an oration. Somers thought that the great pop- 
ularity of the distinguished Confederate among the negroes was hard to 
explain, and was of the opinion that in Abolitionist circles it would not 
readily be understood even if it could be explained to them. See Som- 
ers' Southern States Since the War, p. 264, 


John T. Bell has published, through the Whitaker & Ray Co., San 
Francisco, a small volume, entitled, Civil War Stories (1903), compiled 
from the Official Record of the Union and Confederate Armies. It con- 
tains accounts of Libby prison, the capture of Jefferson Davis, besides 
many other interesting things. 

Judge John C. West, of Waco, Texas, who was a member of Com- 
pany E, Fourth Texas Regiment, C. S. A., has made a valuable contribu- 
tion to Confederate literature in a small volume which he has published, 
entitled il A Texan- in Search oj a Fight. (12 mo. pp. 189; 50 cents.) 
The work consists of the diary and letters of the author, the former 
kept during the war, while the latter embrace a large number of letters 
written from the front. The narrative revealed by these pages is of the 
most thrilling interest. It throws many sidelights on the history of the 
war, and it cannot be read without an intensified appreciation of the 
character of the men who filled the ranks of the Confederate Arm}-. It 
is dedicated to the women of the South. 

The War Department has issued, through the Government Printing 
Office (1902; Svo.; 2 Vols.,), the Correspondence relating to the War 
With Spain and Conditions growing Out of the Same, Including the 
Insurrection in the Philippine Islands. The correspondence embraces 
communications between the adjutant-general of the army and the mili- 
tary commanders in the United States, Cuba, Porto Rica, China and the 
Philippine Islands, April 15, 1S98 to July 30, 1902. In an appendix to 
Volume I. is given the organization of army corps and a brief history 
of the volunteer organizations in the service of the United States during 
the war with Spain. 

The principal address on the occasion of the unveiling of a monu- 
ment to the heroes of King's Mountain, at Guilford Battleground, 
North Carolina, July 4, 1903 was delivered by Mr. W. A. Henderson, 
of Knoxville, Tenn. His subject was "King's Mountain and Its Cam- 
paign." The address is not in the least degree notable, either as an ora- 
tion or as an historical narrative. It is wanting in a loftiness of tone be- 
fitting the theme. It may have been impressive in the delivery, it is 
not so in the perusal. However, there are some points and observations 
which are well expressed, as, "Our people have been too prone to allow 
the glorious history of the Southern States to lapse into oblivion — and 
much of it has gone forever. By proper effort much can yet be saved, 
and I would that I could inspire some Carolina boy to learn his lessons of 
home history and print them to the world." 

"The United Daughters of the Confederacy" is the title of an article, 
with sixteen beautiful illustrations, occupying four full pages in the Oc- 
tober (1903) issue of the Woman's Home Companion. (Springfield, O.; 
10 cents.) 

In the Political Science Quarterly (New York) for September, 1903, 
will be found a study by Albert E. McKinley, entitled "Two New South- 
ern Constitutions." The constitutions which form the basis of Mr. Mc- 

Book Notes and Rknikws -^29 

Kinley's paper are those of Alabama and of Virginia, both of which were 
adopted in 1901. In the South, during the decade beginning with 1890, 
the counter-revolution against the Republican reconstruction measures 
of the sixties and early seventies took firm and decided form in consti- 
tutional revision. The order of State action is as follows: Mississippi, 
1S90; South Carolina, 1895; Louisiana, 1S9S; North Carolina, 1900; Mary- 
land, Alabama and Virginia, 1 901. Mr. McKinley has endeavored to 
give in his sketch a summary view of the principal features of the work 
of the conventions in the two States last named, a task he seems to have 
dispassionately accomplished. 

In continuation of its series of subjects of timely and vital interest 
to the financial world, The World's Work (New York) for October, 1903, 
has "The South Becoming a Seaboard Gateway of the West." This 
artcle is one of the most comprehensive of recent reviews of Southern 
transportation, industrial, agricultural and shipping problems. 

In the same issue of The World's Work, October, 1903, Edith A. 
Winship has an article of "The Human Legac}' of Jonathan Edwards." 
The month of October, witnessed the bi-centennial of the birth of this 
eminent preacher, theologian, metaphysician and educator. His de- 
scendants down to the present generation number more than fourteen 
hundred, including soldiers, public men, educators, doctors and minis- 
ters, the progenitor's characteristics being reproduced and maintaiiiing 
a constant high level in successive generations. It is noted that in the 
list of governors descended from him no mention is made of Lewis 
Eliphalet Parsons, a grandson, born in Boone county, New T York, who 
was Provisional Governor of Alabama in 18*35. The gratuitous statement 
is made that Aaron Burr is the only ''black sheep" of the family. In 
view of the revision of the position heretofore assumed by historians, 
Mr. Burr ought not to have been invidiously singled out for criticism. 

In The Sewanee Review of July, 1903, Dr. John Bell Henneman, the 
editor, gives an admirable treatise on "The National Element in South- 
ern Literature." In this article is shown the peculiar local element in 
the writings of authors in different sections of our country. The early 
writers were tinctured with English thought and culture. Benjamin 
Franklin was the first sturdy American to think from an American view- 
point; Irving presents Greater New York, the haunts of the Hudson 
Valley, and the Catskill Mountains; Cooper treats interior New York, 
and Hawthorne portrays New England Puritanism; Bryant reveals the 
poetry in American woods; Lanier sings of the cornfields, the marshes 
and streams of Georgia; Timrod pipes lyrics of Carolina; Mrs. Stowe, in 
"Old Town Folks," describes New England village life, while Aldrich, 
Whittier, Longfellow, Holmes, Bret Harte, Mark Twain and Emerson, 
all have produced literature of local coloring. The emphasis of 1870 
was marked by the death of John Pendleton Kennedy, William Gilmore 
Simms, Judge A. B. Longstreet and General Robert E. Lee. A broader 
American spirit was born of the centennial celebration in 1876 in Phila- 
delphia. Many writers of note both in the North and in the South are 
named, with their literary productions, and the scope and influence of 
their writings are made to bear on the tendencies of literary thought and 
development. Dr. Henneman indicates the conditions which have 
checked, permitted and encouraged the development of South- 
ern authorship. The writings of James Lane Allen, John Fox, 
Jr., Thomas Nelson Page, John Esten Cooke, Edgar Allan Poe, 
Miss Grace King, Mrs. M. E. M. Davis, George W. Cable and others, 
but slightly outline the intensive elements compressed into the article. 
There is the earnest plea for some one to crystallize in the novel the real 

230 The Gtjlk Statics Historical Magazine 

life of the American people, and thus give us a great masterpiece of liter- 
ary genius embodying the earnestness and preciseness of New England, 
the warmth and chivalry of the South, the freedom and expansiveness 
of the West, the joy and tragedy of the souls in the life about us. 

In the October issue of the same Review are, "The Real and the 
Ideal in History," by Frederick W. Moore, "Sidney Lanier's Lec- 
tures/' by L. W. Payne, Jr., and "One Phase of Literary Conditions in 
the South," by Carl Holliday. 

The September Publications of the Southern History Association 
contain, from Walter L. Fleming, of West Virginia University, the 
"Prescript of the Ku Klux Klan," which gives both the original Pre- 
script of 1867 and the Revised and Amended Prescript ,of 1868. The 
matter given is from original sources, and is full of interest. 

Perhaps the most entertaining, as well as instructive history about 
the part played by the Virginians, East Tennesseeansand Western North 
Carolinians in the revolutionary war, ever issued from the press has been 
written by Colonel L. R. Summers, Abingdon, Va., entitled^ History 
of Soutzvcstem Virginia (J903.) When it is remembered that the class of 
people written and talked about in this histor}- constituted the larger 
part of the army that engaged the British forces in the battle of King's 
Mountain, it will be seen that this book will be of paramount interest to 
a large number of people throughout the Southern States. Many years 
of study and research must have been given to this work by the author to 
have made it sc full and accurate. There is scarcely a Daughter of the 
American Revolution or a person who had relatives in the great revolu- 
tionary conflict who will not find this work of much value to them. 
While the style of the book is pleasing, at the same time its great merit 
lies in the statistical and biographical information it contains. 


THE ONE WOMAN. By Thomas Dixon, Jr., Doubleday, Page & Co. , 
Publishers, New York, 1903, (S vo. pp. 350. ) 

Mr. Dixon's book, though demagogic in tone, bears a message to 
right-thinking people; for the deeper evils of socialism teach a flamboy- 
ant contempt for the laws upholding society. And whoever casts away 
old beliefs for a blatant creed shouted by men of Gordon's stamp delib- 
erately encourages the immorality begotten of a too easy dissolution of 

A man of God, the Rev. Frank Gordon is "a divine without the 
least, divinity." His lack of spirituality manifested itself in a passion for 
music and a fad for precious stones," as well as ability to appraise the 
beauty of Kate Ransom. "What a woman," he exclaimed aloud, as he 
drew on his coat. "The kind of woman who enraptures the senses, 
drugs the brain and conscience of the man who responds to her call — the 
woman about whom men have never been able to compromise, but have 
always killed one another!" A priestly rhapsody and fit prelude to the 
tragedy that follows his lawless passion for her.- Through the nauseating 
details his wife remains loyal and devoted to him, yet she is sufficiently 
clear-sighted to see the trend of his enthusiasm for "Christian Democ- 
racy," and disapproves of the rank socialism it barely conceals. His 
friend Overman also denounces Gordon's "Brotherhood of Man and 
Solidarity of the Race." An elemental creation, worthy of the Riissian 
fictionists, he is honest, hiding no impulse under the guise of modern 

Book Notes and Reviews 231 

religiosity. His is the strongest character in the story, except that of 
Gordon's old father. 

"The One Woman" has been too frequently reviewed to admit 
of synapsis. Suffice to say, it is convincing and sincere, and will be a 
timely reproof to the Kate Ransoms of real life. A. B. L. 

HISTORY OF LOUISIANA. By Chartes Gayarre. F. F. Hansell & 
Bro., Ltd., Publishers, New Orleans, 1903, (4 Volumes 8 vo. pp. 2341.) 

These volumes make accessible much of the rare historical treasures 
of Louisiana . The "Biography " of the author, written by Miss Grace King 
and "Contributions to the Bibliography of Gayarre's History of Louisi- 
ana" by William.Beer, both embodied in Vol. I, add to their value. The 
public has been long expecting these volumes, and greets them with con- 
fidence- Volume I treats of "The French Domination" and is a compila- 
tion of two series of lectures. The first series bears title "The Poetry, or 
the Romance of the History of Louisiana." This in four lectures treats 
of the primitive state of the country, of De Soto, the Indians, Marquette 
andjoliet, of La Salle, of Iberville, Bienville, Crozat and others while the 
seat of authority was at Mobile and Biloxi. It is hardly possible to find 
from another author more inviting suggestions as to the sources and sub- 
jects of Louisiana history. The sea-fight of Iberville in the Pelican off 
the New England coast in 1687 against four British men-of-war, and the 
victory to the French vessel is a high tribute to the faculty which can 
picture so vividly the changing scenes of history. The second series em- 
braces in seven lectures "Louisiana, Its History as a French Colony," and 
brings down to 1743 when Bienville had been recalled to France and was 
succeeded in command by Marquis de Vaudreuil. The map of Louisiana 
by T. Lopez, 1763, is attached as a fourteen inch square folder to the last 
page of Volume I. Volume II continues the "History of Louisiana. Its 
History as a French Colony." This constitutes the third series of lec- 
tures, which in seven chapters gives the growth of French power, and the 
conditions militating against its permanency until Louisiana was ceded 
to Spain, The volume closes with an appendix containing the Harbor 
Master and Pilot's report of the effect of storms in changing the channel 
of the Mississippi river, with the Police Regulations, etc., and with Kitch- 
in's six by eight inch map of Louisiana. Volume III treats of "Spanish 
Domination." In ten chapters it discusses the administrations of O'Reil- 
lv 1769-1770, Unzaga 1770-1776, Galvez 1777-17S3, Miro 1784-1791, Caron- 
d'elet 1792-1797, Gayoso 1797-1799, Don Calvo 1799-1801 and Salcedo 1801- 
1803. The close of the volume tells the cession back to France. The 
Spanish troops withdrew, and Governor W. C. C. Claiborne and General 
James Wilkinson received the transfer of the Louisiana Province from 
Laussat, the French Prefect acting by authority of his government. 
There is given Governor Claiborne's proclamation. There are also 
brief biographies of Aubert Dubayet, Viel, Audubon, the naturalist, 
Clouet, D'Auuoy, and Villamil. There is also a valuable appendix 
to this volume. Volume IV treats the "History of Louisiana under 
American Domination." In fourteen chapters it introduces the effects of 
the transfer to the United States, giving the feeling of the people and the 
general conditions of the country. The whole volume, except the last chap- 
ter, is devoted to the administration of Governor Claiborne, the debates 
and acts of Congress, and the train of events following. The last chapter 
tells briefly of a number of Governors who took charge after Claiborne's 
death.- There is a good index to this volume which applies to all the 
volumes. There is a map of Louisiana as it exists today. Such is a brief 
outline of the contents of the several volumes. The reports of Indian 
massacres, of treachery among the colonists, of the sufferings and pleas- 

232 Xkk Gulf Stages Historical Magazine 

ures, the high endeavor to work for King and mankind, and to con- 
tribute to the advancement of civilization in America, of men of genius 
and women of delicate culture and high patriotism, of the intrigues 
of Wilkinson and others, of the Acadians, of all that Louisiana meant 
for a hundred and fifteen years, are told in good form and with direct 
appropriateness. The print of the volumes is large, clear and easily read. 
A word of the author will close this review. Charles Gayarre was born 
in 1805 and died in 1895. He spent his boyhood in .the plantation home 
of his grandfather, Etienne de Bore a few miles above New Orleans on 
the Mississippi river. He was educated in New Orleans, spent a good 
many years in Paris making special research into documents affecting 
Louisiana history, and there gained the material for use in his great 
work. He was elected to the United States Senate, but failing; health 
forbade his assuming the high duties. He was for seven years Secretary 
of State. His father w as a Spaniard. He met at his grandfather's the 
most distinguished men and women of the times. His contact with pub- 
lic office kept him ever in touch with history forces. He was b} r nature 
endowed with the peculiar temperament that fits one to write history. 
He wrote the History of Louisiana as no one else could write. The vol- 
umes are a monument to his genius and devotion to study, and they are 
essentials to the library of all students of Southern history. 


Gulf States Historical 


Vol. II, £s"o. 4. Birmingham, Ala., January, 1904. Whole Xo. 10. 


By A. L. Hull, of Athens, Georgia. 

William Harris Crawford, of Georgia, entered public life a hun- 
dred years ago. He was tall, six feet, three inches in height, his 
eyes intensely blue, his hair dark, his complexion ruddy. He was of 
commanding presence, erect and well proportioned. His voice was 
clear, his step firm and his dress somewhat careless. 

Such was William H. Crawford, a Virginian by birth, a Georgian 
from childhood. Born in 1772 his father removed to Columbia 
County, Georgia, in 1783, and there died. William was a lad 
during the Revolutionary War, and became enured to the hardships 
of those stirring times. Under the training of his good Scotch 
mother he grew to young manhood, working with his brothers on 
the plantation until he could teach a little country school. Then 
realizing his need for a better education he went to school to Dr. 
Moses Waddell, and afterwards became assistant in his academy. 
Here too went John C. Calhoun with whom he was afterwards so 
intimately associated and who became so bitter an enemy. 

Mr. Crawford taught with Charles Tait in Richmond Acad- 
emy in Augusta., and became the principal of that excellent school. 
Having 'prepared himself for the profession of law, he removed to 
Lexington, Georgia, and entered upon the practice in 1799. 

His ability was soon recognized, and he quickly advanced to the 
head of the bar. With Horatio Marbury he compiled the first 
digest of Georgia laws. In 1803 he was sent to the Legislature, 

234 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

where for lour years he was one of the most prominent members 
of the House. 

The politics of Northern Georgia was then dominated by a 
combination of land speculators more or less intimately connected 
with the Yazoo Fraud, for though that shameful act had been 
repealed and fire had been called from heaven to consume it, its 
baleful influences were felt for another decade yet in the strife for 
office in the State. These men, foreseeing the promise of this young 
lawyer's career, endeavored to attach him to their interests. He 
rejected all their overtures, and when they found they could not 
control him, they determined to kill him or to ruin him. 

A certain Van Allen, a blustering roysterer who hailed from 
New York, and a cousin of Martin Yan Burcn, on some frivolous 
pretext was induced to challenge Mr. Crawford. Mr. Crawford 
accepted the challenge. The duel was fought in South Carolina 
just below the Savannah and Broad Kivers and Yan Allen was 

In 1806 G-en. John Clark sent a memorial to the Legislature pre- 
ferring charges against Charles Tait, then a judge of the superior 
ccurt. Mr. Crawford espoused the defence of his old friend and 
co-preceptor, and in the somewhat protracted investigation of the 
case succeeded in completely vindicating his integrity. The odium 
of a malicious prosecution was cast upon Gen. Clark. That was 
the birth of a factional quarrel which swept the State, and whose 
fires were still smouldering a quarter of a century later. 

Gen. Clark conceived an intense hatred for Mr. Crawford, and 
it was said that it was he who put Yan Allen forward to tight him. 
When Yan Allen was killed Clark himself challenged Crawford, 
and on the field so harrassed him and his second with petty con- 
tentions and quibbling objections that Crawford lost his tem'per and 
self control. As they stood to fire he exposed his left arm and 
Clark's ball went through his wrist. This advantage seemed 
however only to dnflame the more the vindictive hatred of Clark, 
who renewed the challenge without a new offense, and ever there- 
after let no opportunity escape to harass and thwart the purposes 
of his foe. 

The Troup and Clark parties have formed a large part in the 
political history of Georgia. They existed first as the Crawford and 

William Harris Crawford. 235 

Clark parties. The name of Crawford gave place to that of Troup 
when the canvass for the executive office between George M. Troup 
and John Clark became so warm, and swept the State from the 
seaboard to the mountains. But there was no change of issues. 
Indeed there were no issues. It was a family row in which all the 
evil passions were fanned to hatred and the 11th commandment 
broken into fragments and scattered to the winds. The passions 
engendered by this factional war disrupted families, set brother 
against brother, and separated husbands and wives. It was the 
unreasoning surrrender of all the better qualities of nature to 
personal, prejudice and political passions. The bitter opposition of 
the Southern Democrats to the Northern Republicans in the darkest 
days of reconstruction did not exceed the antagonism of the Clark 
and Troup parties in Georgia. 

As a rule the Virginians with their descendants, and the more 
cultured citizens of the State, belonged to the Troup party, while 
the settlers from North Carolina and the ante-bellum native Euro- 
peans followed the Clark banner. But there were many exceptions. 
For instance Chief Justice Jos. H. Lumpkin was an ardent Troup 
man while his brother, Gov. Wilson Lumpkin, was equally devoted 
to the Clark party. 

Gen. John Clark, who fomented the strife, and for twenty years 
kept it alive, was a strong man. At fourteen years of age he was 
a soldier of the Revolution, and his youth was spent in the camps 
of his father, where, uncontrolled, he learned all that a boy ought 
not to know. He was a dashing soldier, and at sixteen was a lieu- 
tenant. He grew to manhood without any education, and ignorant 
of the refinements of life. He was a bully and a brawler. His 
courage was unquestioned. He stood squarely up to his friends, 
however degraded they were, and hated his enemies with a murder- 
ous hatred. There were no half-way measures with John Clark. 
Every man was either his friend or his enemy. Nothing w r as dis- 
honorable which advanced the interests of one, and even assassina- 
tion was justifiable which rid him of the other. Because he was 
illiterate he was no friend of the University of Georgia. When, in 
after years, as Governor, he attended one of the commencements of 
the University of Georgia, he met there his old enemy Wm. H. 
Crawford, who was an influential trustee and at that time Secretarv 

236 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

of the Treasury. When the procession was formed for the chapel, 
Dr. Waddell, the President, as was the custom and is now. took 
the Governor, and requested Mr. Crawford, his one time pupil aud 
assistant, to walk on his right. The special honor done the man he 
hated so much in the presence of the assembled people made John 
Clark almost beside himself with rage. 

Rev. Jesse Mercer, the oracle of the Baptists in his clay, was a firm 
friend and partisan of Mr Crawford. After the death of Gov. 
Rabun, also of the Crawford party, Gen. Clark was elected Gover- 
nor. When the Legislature met Mr. Mercer was requested to preach 
the funeral sermon of Gov. Rabun. The Legislature marched in 
procession to the Baptist church with Gov. Clark at the head. 
Mr. Mercer took for his text, " When the righteous are in authority 
the people rejoice, but when the wicked beareth rule the people 
mourn/' With great zeal he preached that when the Lord taketh 
away a good and righteous ruler he does it on account of the sins 
of the 'people, and He punishes them by putting a wicked ruler 
over them. The effect of the sermon on Gov. Clark may be imag- 

When the votes for Governor between Talbot, the candidate of 
the Clark party, and Troup were being counted, they ran so closely 
together that the excitement was intense, and when the final vote 
announced the election of Troup, Jesse Mercer, who was present, 
walked out, shouting a Glory ! Glory ! S Glory ! ! V> 

It appeared that the professors and trustees of the University 
were all Troup men. The Clark parents complained that they sent 
their sons to college, and they returned home converted to the 
damnable heresies of the Troup party. A bill was introduced into 
the Legislature and passed providing for the addition of twelve 
Trustees to the Board, who should be Chirk men, and so equalize 
the political complexion of the Board. The names of the new 
Trustees may be found in the catalogues dating from 1S31. 

Party feeling ran so high that if a man wanted office, or was 
drawn on a jury, or sought any favor, the first question asked was, 
" Is he for Troup or Clark ?" Gov. Clark wrote a pamphlet entitled 
"A Legacy for My Children," giving his side of the many contro- 
versies of his time. It is now extinct, and no copies are known 
to exist. 

William Harris Crawford. 227 

In 1807 Mr. Crawford was elected to the U. S. Senate. His asso- 
ciates were Thos. H. Benton. Henry Clay, , John C. Calhoun, Daniel 
Webster, James Monroe, William Lowndes, John Randolph — men 
than whom none stand higher on the role of Federal history, and 
William H. Crawford was the acknowledged peer of them all. 
Mr. Crawford had Jefferson's complete confidence. He was Madi- 
son's close advisor. He defended the principles of the Republican 
party as it was then called, insisting at all times on a strict con- 
struction of the Constitution. His manner of speech was direct 
and with no attempt at embellishment. He sought only to con- 
vince by irrefutable proof and with invincible logic. His plain, 
straightforward, earnest way, his exactness of details, his thorough 
knowledge of his subject, made the hearer feel that the man must 
be right because he knows he is right. 

Though friendly to Mr. Madison, Mr. Crawford did not hesitate 
to criticise his messages to Congress, yet Mr. Madison nominated 
him for Minister to France in 1813. In the brilliant court of Napo- 
leon Mr. Crawford's splendid self-poise stood him in need. Dr. 
Henry Jackson, once Professor of Physics in the University of 
Georgia, was his Secretary of Legation. Dr. Jackson said of his 
first reception by Napoleon that as Mr. Crawford advanced to the 
presentation, the Emperor was so struck with his firm steps, his 
lofty bearing, his tall, manly and imposing figure, decorated for the 
first time in whatever additional grandeur the splendors of the 
court dress of the Empire can throw around one of nature's noblest 
mould, the mild radiance of his clear blue eyes, and the undisturbed 
serenity of his eloquent countenance, that he avowed "that Mr. 
Crawford was the only man to whom he had ever felt constrained 
to bow, and that on that occasion he had involuntarily bowed twice 
as he received the Minister of the United States." The homage 
thus paid him by the Emperor was perhaps unprecedented at this 

Mr. Crawford was in Paris when the Allied Armies entered in 
1814, with the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia at 
the head of 50,000 troops. He remained through the Hundred Days 
after Napoleon returned from Elba, which ended so disastrously 
with "Waterloo. In these trying times when rulers were changing, 
mid politics varied with each returning day, and the representatives 

23S The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

of other nations had fled, this distinguished Georgian, calm and 
serene, remained at his post admirably sustaining the doctrine 
that the United States shonld not become entangled with any 
foreign nation. j 

Betuming to America in 1815 Mr. Crawford was made Secretary 
of War, and in the following year he was appointed Secretary of the 
Treasury by Mr. Monroe, which office he held during both terms 
of President Monroe. When Mr. Adams became President 
in 1S25 he asked Mr. Crawford to continue in the office but the 
appointment was declined. There is perhaps no other instance of 
one man being tendered a cabinet office continuously under three 

The new Secretary proved to be a master of finance. He was 
familiar with all the economic conditions of the day, and his 
conduct of the Treasury was not surpassed by Hamilton or Gal- 
latin or Dallas. For years afterwards his successors in office quoted 
his decisions as authority for their own, and his official acts were 
submitted as precedents equal to judicial determinations. 

Nathaniel Macon, who knew him intimately, and for whom one 
of Mr. Crawford's sons was named, when asked who of the great 
men he had known, excelled in strength of mind and vigor of 
speech, said he had been on familiar terms with Washington, Jef- 
ferson and Madison, and with /the members of their cabinets, but . 
for vigor of intellect and power of forcible presentation to the 
mind, he was compelled to say that William H. Crawford was the 
greatest man he ever saw. 

It was but natural that Mr. Crawford, in the zenith of his power 
in 1824, should be regarded as a suitable person to fill the Executive 
chair. A caucus of the members of the Republican party in Con- 
gress nominated him for President. The campaign developed other 
candidates, among whom was Mr. Calhoun, A bitter enmity 
between these two distinguished Southerners sprang up. Both 
being from the same section, each was in the others way, and 
methods were employed to defeat each which I suspect did not 
differ greatly from those of more recent times. The electoral col- 
legt met and elected Mr. Calhoun Vice President, but failed of an 
election as between Mr. Crawford, Mr. Clay, John Quincy Adams 
and Andrew Jackson. The election therefore was thrown into the 

William Harris Crawford. 239 

House of which, voting by States, gave the ma- 
jority to Mr. Adams. 

It was during this canvass, which became exceedingly bitter, that 
Mr. Crawford was stricken with paralysis, and he had not recovered 
when the election was held. In the opinion of many familiar with 
the conditions at the time, Mr. Crawford would have been President 
had not this misfortune befallen him. He never entirely recovered 
from the stroke. His utterance was imperfect for a long time, 
although his mind recovered its equilibrium. 

Thomas H. Benton, in his '•Thirty Years in Congress/' pays 
this tribute to Mr. Crawford: 

"He was among the few men of fame that having the reputation 
of a great man become greater as he was more closely examined. 
There was everything about him to impress the beholder grandly; 
in stature a head and shoulders above the common race of men; 
justly proportioned, with open countenance and manly features, 
ready conversation, frank and cordial manners. He was in the 
Monroe cabinet when the array of eminent men was thick; when 
the historic names of the expiring generation were still on the 
public theatre, and he seemed to compare favorably with the fore- 
most. For a. long time he was deferred to generally by public 
Opinion as the first of the new men who were to become President. 

"Had his election come one term sooner he would have been the 
selected man. He was formidable to all the candidates and all 
combined against him. He was pulled down in 18.24, but at an age 
with an energy, a will, a talent and a force of character which 
would have brought him up again had not a foe more potent than 
political combinations fallen upon him. At the return from Elba 
he was the sole foreign representative remaining in Paris. Per- 
sonating the neutrality of his country with decorum and firmness he 
succeeded in commanding the respect of all, giving offence to 

In 18.27 Gov. Troup appointed Mr. Crawford Judge of the 
Superior Court of the Northern Circuit and the Legislature elected 
him for two full terms. He sustained himself in this position with 
unexceptionable ability. At the time there was no Supreme Court, 
nut the Judges of the Superior Court met in convention to consult 

240 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

in an advisory capacity. Mr. Crawford was the chairman .of this 

court, and presided over it for seven years. 

Mr. Crawford never forgot the antagonism of party strife and 

never spared the Clark party. A witness in a case before him had 

not sustained himself very creditably and at dinner some one 

mentioned that he was a Clark man. " I thought so." said the 

Judge. There were two Clark men present at the table and Judge 

Young said, persuasiveh', " But there were some very good and 

clever men in the Clark party." " Mighty few, mighty few, mighty 

few," said Mr. Crawford. 

He was stoical in his indifference to danger. He fought Van J 
Allen with an old pair of borrowed pistols which he had never 
tried until the morning of the duel, and then they snapped twice 
before firing. He would speak of that fatal meeting with as much 1 
indifference as if some one else had done the killing. Thirty years 
afterwards Judge Dawson remarked that he had seen Van Allen 
a few days before. " I reckon not" said Mr. Crawford. li But I 
did," said Dawson, "I knew him well." "Don't care how well you 
knew him, I know you didn't see him." " Why," said Dawson, 
<l I met him in the Lexington road, got out of my sulky and talked 
with him." " I don't care, Mr. Dawson, if you did get out of your 
sulky on the Lexington road, Van Allen wasn't there, for he has 
been dead these thirty years." "Wiry, who did I say? I meant 
Beverly Allen." " You may have seen Beverly Allen, but I know 
you didn't see Van Allen." 

Yet Mr. Crawford was a man tender hearted, easily moved to 
tears of sympathy, and was a loving husband and an indulgent 
father. He was extremely social, and told an anecdote well. He 
cared not a fig for artificial dignity, and his manners, though kind, 
would at the present day be called rude. 

He married Miss Gerdine, a sister of the old Dr. Gerdine, and 
a great-aunt of our fellow-citizen, Dr. John Gerdine. His long 
career in public office interrupted his practice of the law, but he 
himself said that he had never brought a case in which he did not 
gain a verdict. 

In 1S33 Mr. Crawford's health was in ruins. His noble form, 
palsied and unsteady, towered above other men as some old feudal 
castle shattered by storms towers above the dwellings around its 

William Harris Crawford. 24.1 


base. Wliile on his way to court in Elbert County he was taken 
suddenly ill, probably with a second stroke of apoplexy, and died 
on September 15, 1834, in the 63rd year of his age. And so passed 
away one of the greatest of Georgians, a man of colossal stature, 
of massive inteillect, a cogent speaker, a luminous writer, a states- 
man and a gentleman. 

(Florida, Alabama, Louisiana.) 
By Anne Bozeman Lyon, of Mobile. 


More than three hundred years ago the banners of Spain flashed 
through the forests of the domain that was later a possession of 
Louis XIY. Two pictures are boldly thrown against the back- 
ground of giant trees. The first is painted after the massacre of 
M'auvilla in 1540, during De Soto's march from Florida to the 
Mississippi, It is most soothing to the too-acute recollection of the 
cruel Hernando. Very distinct it is — a priest, Fray Juan de Gal- 
legos, saying prayers before a rustic altar. Clad in rich vestments 
of tawny furs, and surrrounded by men of fashion, daring, un- 
scrupulous and irreligious,, the father had a strong foil to his piety 
in that wild land. De Soto himself., bending low his haughty head 
in humble supplication to the Mother of God, stands near the spot 
consecrated by Gallegos into the holiness of a stately sanctuary. 

More solemn, perhaps, than the first, the second picture of 1542 
is a trackless wilderness stretching along the western bank of the 
Mississippi. Indians are there crowding about De Soto, imploring 
him to send rain upon their maize, and heal their blind. 
With only the assurance that they were sinners the Spaniard, who 
was himself so full of sinful rapacity, ordered a pine tree felled 
and a cross made. The resinous branches wore hewn from the 
hronze-hued trunk, and a cross was soon fashioned; it towered 
above the expectant savages, a 'prophecy of its future power in the 
New World. A procession led by the priest, whose name is un- 
known, moved toward it; when it was readied, the devotees 
knelt, and after prayers each kissed it reverently. The Indians, 
awed and impressed, joined in the devotions, and then returned 
to camp with the train of monks and soldiers, who passed slowly 
onward chanting the Te Deum. 

Of the ten missionaries sent to the Spanish Settlements by St. 
Francis Borgia, in 1568, were two whose names must alwavs be 

The Early Missions of tee South. 213 

sacred to Mobile, although the place was nothing but an Indian 
village. From li lordly Toledo 5> they came — those two learned men 
• — Fray Dominie and .Fray Juan Baptist de Segura, to labor and 
teach among the Indians. 

Fray de Segura attended the Spanish posts, after proclaiming 
the Jubilee in St. Augustine. From that time on there was no 
cessation in his work. "Wnether baptizing the natives at St. Helena, 
South Carolina, with the assistance of Fathers Sedeno, Alamo, 
and Brother Villereal, or traveling from port to port, Fray Segura 
seems never to have nagged. Finally, he was ordered in company 
with Fray Dominic to Mobile, or Mauvilla. Pedro Menendez, 
with, a strong desire to insure their safety, sent a body of Spanish 
soldiers to escort the priests thither. 

They remained at the Indian Settlement during a year full of 
terrible discouragement and adversity, for they had to preach in 
chapels as primitive and unadorned as the cells of the Thebaii 
hermits. Then they journeyed back to Florida, where they resumed 
the former routine of their toilful, saintly lives. Nothing more 
is said of Fray Dominic than this — "he returned to the Spanish 
Missions in and about St. Augustine." There amid gentle, scho- 
larly men he passed a tranquil, prayerful life. For Fray Segura, 
his martyrdom by Don Luis de Yelasco and his treacherous fol- 
lowers forms a long chapter in the old Mission chronicles. 

A period of spiritual darkness obtained in the land of the 
Mobilians until trie fleur de lis, the proud Bourbon emblem, sprang 
from Fort Louis de la Louisiane, or Mobile- as it is generally called, 
at Twenty-seven Mile Bluff, on the Mobile "River. So from the lilies 
or France glowed such light as can only fall from Heaven upon a 
heathen world. In its clear intensity Fere da Bu is revealed, 
shadow-like, beside the positive individuality of Iberville and 
Bienville. There is such incertitude concerning the priests, during 
the occupancy of the old Fort, that Pere du Eu is almost the first 
who is mentioned personally. While there is briefest reference 
to him, he is nearly always associated with Pere Davion and 
Pere Montigny ; the three seem to draw near each other whenever 
mention is made of the Lemoyne brothers. 

Three priests, Francois Joliett de Montigny, Anthony Davion, 
and Jean Francois Buisson de St. Cosme, were sent by Bishop St. 

241 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Vallier, from the Seminary of Quebec, in 1698, to establish new 
missions in the Mississippi Valley, The cost of this enterprise, 
exceeding ten thousand livres, was borne by Pere Davion and 
Pere Montigny. The Chevalier de Tonti, ever disdainful of 
fatigue, guided them to the Tamarois Indians, where a short visit 
was made. Sailing clown the Mississippi to the Arkansas, Tonicas 
and Taensas villages, the Canadians left with each the sign of their 

Pere Montigny remained with the Taensas, but afterward went 
to the Sun-worshiping Natchez. Pere Davion erected his house 
and tiny chapel among the Tonica Indians, though he subsequently 
included the Oemspik and Yazoo tribes in his work. Pere de St. 
Cosme returned northward to found a mission at Tamarois. 
Weakened by fevers, and constantly busy, the two former had suffi- 
cient thought to go to Biloxi in 1699, to cheer the desolation of 
San. voile awaiting his brother Iberville's return from France. 

The following year the Seminary commissioned by Pere Bergier, 
Pere Bouteville and Monsieur de St. Cosme, a young brother of 
the Tamarois missionary, to go to the Mississippi Mission. They 
stopped at Tamarois long enough for the elder de St. Cosme to join 
them, and then sailed to jSTatchez. 

The Jesuits, who had objected to the establishment of 
a mission where they had already made converts, now received 
the present missionaries of Bishop St Vallier with much hospital- 
ity. Yet they evinced displeasure at ihe coming of a different order 
into tribes over whom they had gained influence. Their cold disap- 
probation was so apparent that Pere Montigny, in discouragement 
and wounded, feeling, returned to Prance, in 1700, with Iberville, 
hoping that the misunderstanding could be amicably arranged. 
After his departure Pere Bergier was made " Superior of the 
Secular Missionaries in the Mississippi Valley, with Tamarois as 
his residency/' But Pere Montigny did not come again to his 
Taensas Mission, though the Indians yearned for his return. He 
traveled to the East; the memory of the injustice meted to him 
in the mother country was ameliorated by his successful work among 
the Mohammedans. Iberville himself was disappointed when he 
sailed from America without the descendant of the standard-bearer, 
Galon tie Montigny, but he had consolation in the thought that 

The Early Missions of the South. 245 

the homeward voyage was brightened by the presence of the Jesuit, 
Pere du Rti. Living first at Biloxi, Pere du'Eu hastened to Mobila 
when that Fort was established in 1722. 

Pere Nicholas Foucault, old and feeble as he was, had a longing 
to preach among the French chevaliers at Mobile. Those debonair 
gentlemen always appealed to the clergy who constantly regarded 
them as needful of priestly guidance. With one servant, two 
Frenchmen and two Coroa Indians to lead them through the 
forest, the venerable priest set out on that long journey whose end 
was death. Pie and his French companions were cruelly murdered 
by the guides. Pere Davion, on one of his endless errands of 
,mercy up the Mississippi, discovered the mutilated bodies and 
buried them. The debonair gentlemen at Fort Louis waited in 
vain for Pere Foucault, When they heard of his murder, careless as 
they were, they reverently said a prayer for his soul, while out in 
the wilderness over his grave li a thousand birds sang a requiem 
Mass." True there is much doubt regarding the spot containing the 
remains of this first martyr of the Seminary of Quebec. Wherever 
it is in the limitless wooded reaches of the Mississippi Yalley, it is 
holy ground. 

The year 1703 was an eventful one in the history of the Catholic 
Church in the region that was to be Alabama, for Bishop St. 
Yallier, desiring to erect Mobile into a parish, proposed his 'plan to 
the Seminary at Quebec. Agreements were made to supply clergy, 
and on the 20th of July, 1703, the new parish was annexed to 
tbe Seminary of Foreign Missions at Paris and Quebec. Pere 
Henri Poulleaux de la Yente was made parish priest and Pere 
Alexandre Huve his curate. Some time had io elapse before they 
could take charge of their work, therefore, pere Davion came from 
his Tonicas and Yazoos to officiate in de la Yente's place until the 
latter could reach Mobile. 

There is good' cause to think Bienville and Boisbriant regretted 
the corning of de la Vente, as both had. grown careless of their 
church duties. Communion and confession were neglected by the 
two cousins; they perhaps found it difficult to compose their 
minds to either holy duty when they were so 'beset by temporal 
tnals. Bienville was in no humor to endure the rigorous rule 
of his recently elected spiritual adviser; for the constant recrimi- 

246 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

nation with la Salle, the commissary of the French crown, had 
goaded him into intolerance, especially- as the latter rejoiced that de 
la Vente was to be sent to them. The gentle, saint-like guidance 
of Pere Davion being more to Bienville's liking, it was with ill- 
concealed displeasure that the commanders of the Fort, except de la 
Salle, awaited the arrival of the new cure. 

Bienville, Chateaugue and Boisbrant were present when Pere 
Davion baptized " une pciite femme ApoJache." The good father 
was deeply beloved by every one, and so import-ant an event de- 
manded the presence of Monsieur U Gouvcrneur and his relatives. 
In velvet, decked with gold, fit attire for a geniil-liomme, they 
made a striking group, those three, and were looked upon with 
envious eyes by Canadian boatmen and soldiers, as they knelt in the 
plain edifice with their plumed hats beside them on the rough 
floor. The sun, surging in golden waves through the open, heavy 
shiutered windows, caused the metallic garniture of Bienville's 
rich dress to glitter like a tracery of flame. It touched with fire the 
hilt of his sword, and, swaying up to the altar steps, glorified the 
pale worn face of Pere Davion into greater saintliness. Swathing 
the slender form of the little Apalache girl in splendor, it seemed 
to Bienville and his friends, that Heaven had shed its purest rays 
upon the silver-haired priest and his convert. She stood, scarcely 
comprehending the solemn rite, between her sponsors with bowed 
head and trembling lips. 

Then — it was over. The Indian maiden returned to her people, 
a Christian, a creature with a purified soul. Monsieur le Gouver- 
neur } with his cousin, Major Boisbriant and his brother Chateau- 
gue, sauntered to their dwelling in earnest talk; the Canadian boat- 
men and rough soldiers clattered down to the river to sit and 
jest, and watch for any sail that might ap'pear, a gold-drenched 
blotch, in the sun-mist low on the water; Pere Davion and the 
Jesuit, Pere Donge, with thankful hearts for the spirit reclaimed 
from pagan darkness, paced slowly to the "new parochial resi- 

Pere Davion, wishing the parish priest to find a suitable abode 
upon his arrival, had made strenuous efforts to build a church 
and house for him. He was successful, inasmuch as when Pere 
de la Vente arrived in Mobile he did have a house on which nothing: 

The Early Missions of the South. 247 

had been paid, and which was still without windows or doors. 
Pere Donge had, however, generously loaned seven hundred livres 
with which to complete it. Pere de la Yente was then " formally 
inducted into his parish," as appears by the following entry in the 
ancient parochial " Register of the Church of the Immaculate 
Conception at Mobile." 

u I. the undersigned, priest and Missionary Apostolic, attest 
to all whom it may concern, that in the year of our salvation, 1704, 
on the 28th of the month of . September, by virtue of letters of 
provision and collation granted and sealed on the 20th of July of 
last year, by which Monseigneur, the most high and Reverend Bish- 
op of Quebec, erects a parish church in the place called Fort Louis 
de la Louisiane, and the cure and care of which he gives to Mon- 
sieur Henri Koulleaux de la Yente, Missionary Apostolic of the 
diocese of Bayeux. I have placed the said priest in actual and 
temporal possession of the parish church, and of all the rights 
thereto belonging, after observing the accustomed and requisite 
ceremonies, namely: the entry into the church, the sprinkling of 
holy water, the kissing of the high altar, the touching of the vessel, 
the visit to the blessed Sacrament of the altar, the ringing of the 
bells, which taking possession I attest that no one opposed. 

"Given in the parish church of Fort Louis, the day of the month 
and year aforesaid, in the presence of Jean Baptiste de Bienville, 
lieutenant of the King, and commander of the said Fort ; of Pierre 
du Quay de Boisbriant, major; Nicholas de la Salle, scribe and 
acting commissary of the Marine. 

" Davion, Bienville, Boisbriant, De la Salle." 

So, in the little new church they scrawled their names in attes- 
tation of the due installation of the new priest, whose coming had 
been so dreaded. Pere Donge' s signature was not affixed, as. he 
had already sailed for France on the return voyage of the Pelican. 

Pere Davion now left Mobile to go to his Yazoos and Tonicas, 
who had needed him sorely during his absence; then Pere de la 
Vente began with heartfelt energy to minister to his flock. 

But the derelictions of Bienville, Chateaugue and Boisbrant 
were offensive to him and he became incensed against them. He 
made no allowance for existing conditions and bitterly denounced 

2-1-8 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

their conduct. Iberville, too, when lie was at the Fort, fell under 
the ban of the priest's displeasure. De la Salle encouraged him in 
his accusations against the brothers. 

Thus, bickering sadly marred the first years of Pere de la Ven- 
te' s residence in Mobile. Indeed, there seems to have been nothing 
pleasant in his life at that time, except the visit of Very Keverend 
Monsieur Bergier, V. G., in 1706. The latter was journeying south- 
ward from his Tamarois Mission when he was apprised of the fate 
of Pere Jean Francois Buisson de St. Cosme, who had left ETatchez 
to visit Mobile, and was attacked and killed by the Sitimaches In- 
dians, fifty miles from the Mississippi. A native of Canada, he 
was the first American priest to be martyred in this country, yet his 
terrible death was a fitting crown to a life of toil and endurance. 
Although the Vicar- General brought a heavy heart to [Mobile, his 
presence amid the turbulence and profligacy of the place was a 
pure pleasure to Pere de la Vente who esteemed it an honor to 
entertain so exalted a man. They never saw each other after that 
brief visit, for Monseigneur died soon after he reached his Tam- 
arois Mission. 

The vexations that beset de la Vente sorely fretted 
him, and with good reason, for it is said that Monsieur le Gauver- 
neur actually withheld the salary of the clergy. That he was guilt- 
less is evident, since without his sanction the more commodious 
house erected for the parish priest in 1707 could not have been 
built. If this base charge is true, then Pere de la Vente was 
amply avenged, when on the 13th of July, 1707, Bienville was dis- 
missed from his high office, and De Muys appointed Governor in 
his stead. La Salle, who had achieved this climax through his mal- 
ice, had no opportunity to exult over the mortification of the de- 
posed Governor, as he also was stripped of his authority in the 
colony. De Muys, however, died in Havana, and the colonists, even 
those opposed to Bienville, anxiously sought his restoration to office. 

Bienville's trials should have curbed his youthful intolerance 
of Pere de la Vente; but like all high-spirited natures the lesson 
of patient endurance was a difficult one to learn. Forgetful of 
the recent injustice done to him, he sought to install Pere Gravier, 
as parish priest, when that ecclesiastic came from France in 1708. 
Bienville upheld his favorite for many months, and was loath to 

The Early Missions of the South. 249 

receive the command from France "to restore the church to the 
priests of the Seminary of Foreign Missions." Although Pere 
Gravies may have assumed the duties of the rightful pastor, there 
is no mention of such self-imposed work in the Register of Mobile. 
Yet, de la, Yente, tired of his onerous charge, which seemed fruit- 
ful of nothing save discontent, returned to France ill in spirit 
and body. Some historians say this was in 1710, although Judge 
Gayarre distinctly relates that de la Vente was in Mobile during, 
and after, Larnothe Cadillac's governorship, which, beginning in 
1713, did not until 1715. 

After the massacre of Ayubale, in Florida, on January 25th, 
1704, the Mission of Ybitacueho was deserted, though the broken- 
spirited Apalaches did not endeavor to remain there, but, hopeless 
and discouraged, they sorrowfully sought the protection of the 
French at Mobile near the latter part of the year 1705. Ten miles 
above the Fort- they made their settlement. Being Christians, they 
hastened to build a chapel, a simple home for any priest that might 
be- sent to them. With sacred memories of the Spanish Fathers, 
who had died for them in Florida, they awaited the arrival of a 
missionary. TThen he did come in the person of Pere Alexandre 
Huve, the cure of Mobile, their disappointment was pitiable: he 
had no facility in learning the Indian language. Unable to in- 
struct this people, he was compelled to relinquish his mission and 
return to more congenial labors. 

It is very apparent that Pere ITuve's environment in and about 
Mobile was never such that he could felicitate himself upon his 
stay in America. Even in the costly church down on Dauphin 
Island, erected in 1709, by La Vigne Yoisin, there was no happiness 
for him. Close to the water it was built, where the rolling waves 
dashed their spray upon its dark front. The booming of the surf 
blended with the melodious tones of the. mellow bell that, sounding 
far over the Gulf, carried repose to the hearts of restless sailors 
eager for a sight of the cross gleaming on the tower. 

One day there came into port a vessel whose crew had no 
thought of solemn prayer said at vesper-time in the purple salt- 
an ted dusk, for the freebooting English captain, swooped down 
on the settlement to desecrate the holy edifice. As their country- 

250 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

men had clone in Florida, so they did now. Pere Huve, robhe-d of 
al) he possessed, and nearly killed, was obliged io nee to Mobile. 

After a time of necessary idleness he gathered sufficient 
strength to go to the Mississippi on one of the numerous explora- 
tions of the French. He soon wearied of the levity of his people 
and endeavored to establish a- mission among the Indians. Ill and 
worn he bravely tried to win those errant, savage souls to God; 
but he succumbed to adverse fate and went home to France. He 
must have returned to Mobile to embark for Europe, as his name is' 
the last of the Secular clergy in the old Mission Register. 

Again there was a period of rejoicing for the gay, careless 
French gentlemen at Fort Louis when Pere Davion came back to 
them. Driven from his Tonicas by marauding Indians, he stopped 
in Mobile with the intention of sailing for France, but seeing the 
need of his presence in the poverty-stricken colony, he remained 
with the impulsive, generous adventurers several years. Although 
Pere le Maire was chaplain, Pere Davion had no lack of duties. We 
think ox him rebuking, with gentle gravity, the carping spirit 
Bienville had evinced toward Pere de la Ventse, or looking into the 
matter of finances and all the thousand affairs gone wrong in 
Mobile. Then too, there is the memory of him solacing the grieved 
souls of the Apalaches; they had been forced to leave their peace- 
ful village by their old enemies, the Alibamons. 

Possibly the little maiden whom he baptized that glowing Sep- 
tember day, came to him now for comfort. She doubtless left 
him with her heart gladdened by the assurance that he would give 
t.; her people more land to sow in maize. And he did provide for 
the confiding, simple folk, for he bestowed upon them land about a 
league above the new Mobile. Again, what staunch support was 
Pere Davion for Bienville to rely upon when the Fort was changed 
to the spot down on the mouth of Mobile River in 1711. The 
new Fort was rebuilt by L'Epinay, in 1717, and renamed for 
Conde, the hero of the Fronde. Just how long Pere Davion stayed 
in Mobile there is no certain statement. When he left America 
for France, in 1725, grief for his departure was deep and sincere 
throughout Louisiana. 

Rev. Dominic Mary Yarlet came to Mobile in 1717 as Vicar- 
General. He was a most learned man. and the Mississippi M'issions 

The Early Missions of the South. *251 

were given into his charge. Although lie was connected with 
Mobile for some year?, his name but seldom appears on the Register. 
A man of stately presence his portrait shows him to be, with masses 
of thick-, rich hair curling around his face; a smile lurks in his 
eyes, while his mouth is grave and brow nobly thoughtful. 

. Pere Jean Mathieu inscribed his name on the records for the 
first time on the 18th of January, 1721, as parish priest at Fort 
Conde. He came from France to Mobile, and having no personal 
relation with the Bishop of Quebec, it is more than probable he was 
that Norman Capuchin who applied to Home " for special powers 
for fifty missions.'" His request being granted, Pere Mathieu ac- 
cepted the papal briefs with so wide a margin, that a year later, 
he boldly wrote himself in the Mobile Register from January 9th, 
m% to March 14th., 1723: 'Mean Mathieu— Vicar-Apostolic and 
Parish Priest." 

His labor was chiefly on Dauphin Island. It may be that he 
preached in the beautiful church built by La Yigne Yoisin, the 
sanctuary which had failed to shelter the Cure Huve from the 
English freebooters, and which Pere Mathieu would not have 
hesitated to convert into a stronghold against any practical in- 
vasion. Of a certainty he would have protected himself from 
an enemy, in whatever shape he might have appeared, since he 
so arrogantly disclaimed the authority of the Bishop of Quebec. 
But, however much his assumption of honors that were not his was 
condemned, his pastoral duties were faithfully and zealously dis- 

The Mission District between the Mississippi river and Eio 
Perdido was given in 1722 to the Discalced Carmelites, with their 
principal station at Mobile. Great as this trust was, they evinced 
little interest in it, though Pere Charles did go to the Apalaches 
near Mobile, Of his success nothing is told, and it is inferred 
that he gave but half-hearted energy to his cure, since the Bishop 
of Quebec, displeased at the Carmelites' lack of zeal, bestowed their 
missions upon the Capuchins. 

Time went on, bringing no prosperity to the Mobile colony. 
Some new churches were built — not many it is feared, as the pop- 
ulation had decreased to only sixty families. The Capuchins still 
remained in control of religious affairs in Louisiana; Pere Mafhias 

252 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

was parish priest in Mobile, and Pere Victorin Dupui, a Recollect, 

was cure of the Apalaches from 1718 to 17.25. 

Xew Orleans was now a large Settlement, and the lilies of 
France faded and drooped in Fort Conde. With them slowly died 
the influence of the French priests. Naturally the larger colony 
absorbed the attention of church and state in the mother country ; 
nevertheless, Bienville must always have cherished a deep affection 
for the place he. founded in the full, rich years of his splendid young 
manhood. And until his final departure from America, in 1743, 
he strove to keep Mobile under constant ecclesiastical control. 

The mission feebly endeavored to live under the English and 
Spanish rule. But priests came only at long intervals to Mobile, 
whose people suffered for religious ministrations. 

The last French priest was Pere Ferdinand, the Capuchin, 
from Acadia. He was in the colony when the English took posses- 
sion. How reluctantly the words are written; for they reveal the 
pain and sorrow that those few inhabitants sought to hide from 
their oppressors. It is true Pere Paul did come with his great, kind 
soul to reclaim some negroes, as Pere Davion had reclaimed the 
little Apalache girl, from heathenish, worship. Then for years there 
was no account of imposing services until one Padre Salvador de 
Esperanza celebrated Mass in the Church of the Immaculate Con* 
ception to which the Spaniards had changed the name from Notre 
Darnc de la Mooile which the French gave it upon their removal 
from Fort Louis at Twenty-Seven Mile Bluff. Later, the Spanish 
•Capuchins took profound interest in their new possessions, and 
toiled with much earnestness for the Church of Mobile. 

The two last Spanish priests were Yieente Genin and Pere Ange- 
lina, as his flock loved to call him. The former disappeared a 
few years after the United States added the old town to her treas- 
ures in 1813. Of Pere Angelina whence he came is not said. From 
1822 to 1829 he dwelt in Mobile; a good, just, tender man, not 
brilliant intellectually, so one of his parishioners told the writer 
in 1894, yet thoroughly unselfish and religious. He was rector of 
the Church of the Immaculate Conception, a tiny wooden structure 
down on Eoyal street near Conti. Crudely outlined on the city 
maps it might have been modeled after that chapel Pere Davion 
erected for the first priest of Mobile ; a sorry place for the beloved 

The Early Missions of the South. 253 

pastor, as his people were rich and could have built a handsome 

Tall, dark and serene he went about his parochial duties, a 
striking embodiment of the mediaeval influences of the Spanish 
monastery from whence he came. His home was also on Conti 
street, in a curious old house shaded by thick-folia ged trees. 

When Pere Michael Portier arrived from Sew Orleans and 
was made Vicar-Apostolic of Alabama and Florida, he found Pere 
Angelina. In 1829, after Portier was created Bishop of Mobile, 
Pere Angelina ceased to attract attention. In an interview with 
one of his parishioners, 1894, no accurate knowledge of the Cure's 
death was gained. But she spoke of him with tears, and when asked 
where he was buried, murmured that she had forgotten. Slight 
wonder, she was herself so old. Perhaps, if one searches carefully, 
his tomb may be found in the ff 01d Graveyard" among those that 
pathetically recount the virtues of men and women to whom the 
French regime was a holy thing. 

Of Bishop Portier, his best epitaph is everlastingly recorded 
in the superb Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception — a source 
of pride to Protestants as well as Catholics in Mobile. Indeed no 
statelier monument could have been reared to the high-bred, 
cultured gentleman, than the edifice bearing the name of that first 
"parish church," built so long ago by Pere Davion.* 

*A closer examination of the Mobile Register shows that, in 1723, 
Brother Claude, a Capuchin, was in Mobile, and in 1725 Father Beaubois, 
a Jesuit, took the place of Brother Claude for a short time. Then, the 
Capuchin, Mathias de Fidau, from New Orleans, whose office the Recol- 
lect Victorin Dupui filled in 1730, Pierre Vjtry, 1732, S. J., and Petit of 
the same order another time. In 1734 began the ministrations of Jean 
Francois, a Capuchin, in whose absence Guillaume Morand, S. J., served. 
Twelve months, and Mathias, Vicar-General, Prosper and Felix write 
their names on the Register. The latter held the post from December, 
l 737, to the following March. Brother Agnan succeeded him in April, 
His short incumbency ended when Brother Amand, Capuchin, was in- 
stalled in August. 

Brother Amand stayed at Fort Conde until 1742, when the church was 
rebuitt. It was called Notre Dame de la Mobile. In 1743 Jean Frangois, 
the Jesuit of the Apalaches, took Brother Amand's place. Then were en- 
tries made by Prosper and Seraphin. 

There seems some confusion regarding the real holders of the office, 
as from 1748 to 1752 Brother Pierre and Jean Frangois sign the Regis- 
ter. Hilario. Barnabe and Sebastian shared the duties for two years. 
After them Maximm and Barnabe held till the coming of the Capuchin, 

254 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Perc Ferdinand, in 1756. He was sometimes assisted by Valentin, another 
Capuchin, and jean Frangois. 

In 1 780 the name of the Parish Church was changed to "Yglesia de 
Purissima Concepcion.'"' From that time till the American Domination 
there were thirteen priests in charge of the church. First was Salvador 
de Esperanza. After him in 1781 came Padre Carlos de V.eles., Capu- 
chin. A Dominican, Padre Francisco Notario, followed Veles, who died 
in June, 1783. Fray Joseph de Arazena, Capuchin, arrived in the year 
1784, during the autumn. The French Abbe de Levergy wrote his rec- 
ords in. the old language of Fort Conde, in 1785. Padre Juan Eon uses 
the tongue of Spain the next year. 

Manuel Garcia, Franciscan, came after Miguel Lamport who, with 
Constantine McKenna, was sent from Salamanca to do mission work in 
the colonies. Father Manuel Garcia succeeded Lamport, who died in 1790. 

Father McKenna was installed in 1792. He was cure until the com- 
ing of Jean Francois Vaugeois, in 1800. 

In 1807 came Sebastian Pili, and the following year Francisco Len- 
non; then in 1809 Vicente Genin, who remained until 1823. 

IANA Purchase, celebrated in new ok- 

LEANS ON DECEMBER 18, 19, and 20, 1903. 

Compiled by Joel C. DuBose, Editor. 

On December 15, 1903, the historic Hartford, the flagship of 
Admiral David G. Farragut during the war between the States, 
anchored off the. head of Canal street in the City of New Orleans. 
She was the precursor of the vessels of three nations — French, 
Spanish and American — headed for the Crescent City to assist in 
the Centennial Celebration in honor of the Louisiana purchase. 
The French cruiser, Jurien cle la Graviere, named for the admiral 
who commanded the French fleet in the wars against England in 
the beginning of the nineteenth century, reached the city on the 
morning of December 16. On the afternoon of the same day the 
American vessels, Minneapolis, Yankee and Tope'ka, under com- 
mand of Bear Admiral W. C. Wise, U. S. N., steamed up the 
river and dropped anchors by the city. The Spanish cruiser, 
Rio de la Plata, received late orders from a bitterly divided cor- 
tez, and sailed from Cartagena, Colombia, six thousand miles away, 
in time to reach New Orleans under fair weather, but she met with 
a terrific sea, stopped at Jamaica for coal, and did not reach ~Xew 
Orleans until the afternoon of December 20, — too late to partici- 
pate in the splendid naval review of the 18, which ushered the 
great historical celebration, or to take any part in the appointed 
programme. Her officers regretted the delay, and appreciated the 
warm welcome accorded her. 

Hon. Wm. W r . Heard, Governor of Louisiana, and his staff; 
President Francis and his company of distinguished co-adjutors of 
the Lousiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis; Ambassador J. J. 
Jusserand the representative of France; Consul J. Tuero Y. 
O'Donnell the representative of Spain, and other noted men were 
present to do honor to the occasion. 

The celebration was the culmination of plans and efforts of the 
Louisiana Historical Society to have duly commemorated in New 
Orleans the hundredth Anniversary of the transfer of the vast 
Louisiana Territorv from the dominion of France to that of the 

250 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

United States, The Legislature of Louisiana gave its moral and 
money support to the celebration, but the Congress of the United 
States, through the technical interference of representative Hem- 
enway, of Indiana, failed to express its appreciation of the great- 
ness of the historical significance involved in the celebration. - The 
president of the United States refused co-operation, and it seemed 
for awhile that France and Spain solely were to lend to Louisiana 
the dignity of their warships and consular representatives. At 
the last moment the Navy of the United States was honored by 
the commission to Hear Admiral W. C. Wise to represent the 
United States in the celebration. 

The weather conspired to the success of the ceremonies. It was 
all that could be wished. The high expectations of the nations 
who participated were fully met. The programme as published in 
the November (1903) number of this Magazine was carried 
through without a flaw, and the patriotic gratitude of millions of 
people was accorded to the Louisiana Historical Society for the 
well conceived plans and persistent endeavors which bore it to suc- 
cess. Seven days before the opening of the celebration ceremonies, 
the governor of Louisiana issued the following Centennial Procla- 
mation : 

BATON ROUGE, La., Dec. n, 1903. 

"To the people of Louisiana: One hundred years ago the vast domain 
called Louisiana, extending from the shores of the Gulf of Mexico to the 
sources of the rivers that flow eastward from the Rocky Mountains, was 
acquired by the United States from France. By the Treaty of Paris of 
April 30, 1S03, over 1,000,000 square miles of territory were thus added to 
our country, and from this old Louisiana, the mother of many States, has 
been created twelve States and two Territories, which to-day have a popu- 
lation of more than 15.000,000. The free navigation of the Mississippi was 
thus forever secured to America and an outlet to the sea was obtained for 
the products of its great and fertile valley. 

"This vast empire, embracing nearly one-third of the area of the 
United States, and developed by American genius and industry into one 
of the happiest and richest regions in the world, was transferred to the 
United States on December 20, 1803, in the old Cabildo, in the city of New 

'To commemorate the centennial of this great historical event with 
appropriate ceremonies, the Legislature adopted Act No. 14, ef 1900, 
directing the Louisiana Historical Society to prepare a suitable pro- 
gramme, and it becomes my duty, as Chief Executive, to make this proc- 

One Hundretii Anniversary of Louisiana Purchase 257 

lamation, recommending our citizens to make a proper observance of this 
centennial event. 

"Wherefore, I, William Wright Heard, Governor of Louisiana, con- 
sidering the importance of this anniversary in the history of this State, do 
issue tliis proclamation that the centennial anniversary ceremonies of the 
transfer of Louisiana from France to the United States will take place in 
the city of New Orleans on Dec. 18, 19 and 20, 1903. 

"And, further, in order that the observance of the centennial anni- 
versary, which appeal? to all patriotic 'Louisianians, shall be general 
throughput the State, I invite the "citizens of each parish to assemble at 
their respective courthouses on Saturday, Dec. 19, 1903, and commemorate 
the. centennial anniversary with appropriate ceremonies and by hoisting 
the American flag. 

"Grateful to God for the many blessings conferred on the inhabitants 
of Louisiana during the last 100 years, and to render thanks for the great 
prosperity vouchsafed to us, I earnestly ask our citizens to unite in their 
various places of worship on the Centennial Day, Sunday, Dec. 20, 1903, 
and offer up thanks to God for the great blessings conferred on us, and 
pray that he may forever bless us and our beloved commonwealth. 

"Given under my signature and the great seal of the State at the 
Capitol, in the city of Baton Rouge, on this (the nth) day of December, 
A. D. 1903. 

"W. W. HEARD, Governor. 

"By the Governor : 

"JOHN T. MICHEL, Secretary of State." 

Four days later the Mayor of New Orleans issued the following 
companion Centennial Proclamation: 

NEW ORLEANS, La., December 15, 1903. 
To the Citizens of New Orleans : 

"The Celebration of the Centennial of the Anniversary of the Transfer 
of Louisiana to the United States, in pursuance of an appropriation in 
aid thereof by the City Council of New Orleans, being about to take 
place in this city on the 18, 19 and 20th of December, in the year of our 
Lord, Nineteen 'Hundred and Three, under the auspices of the Historical 
Society of the State of Louisiana, and in the presence of the Governor of 
the State, and of other public officials, of officers of the Army, and 
officers of the Navy of the United States, in command of a fleet of ships 
of war, assembled in honor of this great public transaction, and the ex- 
pected attendance upon the occasion of distinguished strangers and of 
representatives of foreign nations, and especially of French and Spanish 
officers commanding ships of war of their respective countries, render it 
appropriate for me to issue this, my Proclamation, as Mayor of New 
Orleans, in memory of so solemn an event, and in order that the celebration 
in view may be general, to request that on Friday, Dec. iSth, the public 

25S The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

and private schools be closed at 12 o'clock, and on Saturday, the 191I1 of 
December, the whole day, and that the. citizens of New Orleans exhibit 
their sympathy with the exercises which have been provided for, by 
attending upon them so far as practicable, and by displaying from their 
dwellings and other buildings the national colors. 

'Hjn Dec. 20, A. D. 1803, the tricolored flag of France was displayed 
for the last time at sunrise on the Place d'Armes, now called Tacksou 
Square, which faces the ancient buildings where the Cabildo held its 

"The French flag made room for the Stars and Stripes under repeated 
peals of musketry and artillery. The territory thus acquired included 
Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, the Indian Territory, Oklahoma, 
Nebraska, North Dakota, a great part of Minnesota, Montana, Colorado, 
Wyoming and Kansas. The Oregon Territory, occupied by the United 
States, and claimed as part of the Louisiana purchase, and later, in 18 18 
up to 1846, held in joint occupancy with Great Britain, was afterwards, in 
1846, by treaty with Great Britain, recognized to belong to the United 
States, and included the States of Oregon, Washington and Idaho. The 
treaty under which the transfer was effected was concluded at Paris, on 
the 30th of April, A.- D. 1803, as the result of the labors of Robert R. 
Livingston, the American plenipotentiary; Mr. Monroe arrived in time to 
co-operate with him in fixing the price at the sum of fifteen million 
dollars, for which Napoleon Bonaparte ceded, in the name of the French 
Republic, forever and in full sovereignty, the Province of Louisiana to 
the United States. 

"There is not, it is justly claimed, fellow-citizens, at the present time, 
100 years after the purchase, treasure enough among the nations of the 
earth to buy this territory, nor could the combined armies and navies 
of the world wrest it by conquest from the United States. 


"Mayor of New Orleans." 

The ceremonies opened, December IS, with a naval parade in 
which the Governor of Louisiana reviewed the fleet of France and 
of the United States^ whose vessels made one of the finest river 
pictures ever presented to the city. The local and ^National mili- 
tary companies added to the magnificent effect of the review. The 
Colonial ball, which occurred at night in the French Opera House, 
was brilliant and appropriate. It reproduced the customs and cos- 
tumes of a hundred years ago, and was the supreme expression of 
that which is most artistic and cultured in social life. 

After the morning reception held in the City Hall, where the 
Mayor and members of the Louisiana Historical Society welcomed 
the guests of the city, the company moved to the Archbishopric, 

One Hundreth Anniversary of Louisiana Purchase 259 

where the Colonial Museum was opened with its treasurers of his- 
tory. This is the oldest building in the city, having been built in 
1?M for the Ursuline Xuns. It was for a brief while the capitol 
of the State, having been leased from the nuns, in the early part 
of the nineteenth, century, for the meetings of the State Legisla- 
ture. Moving next to the Cabildo, the ancient building in which 
occurred the original transfer, the distinguished chief actors, from 
porch and platform on its front, faced an immense throng of 
people and looked out upon Jackson Square. From this position 
Governor Heard, introduced by Chairman Zacharie, spoke of the 
vast importance of the transfer in its relation to American power. 
After him speeches were made by Ambassador Jusserand, bearing 
the friendly greetings of France ; by Consul O'Donnell, communi- 
cating the good feeling and reciprocal cordiality of Spain ; by Eear 
Admiral Wise, voicing the good will and generous courtesies of the 
United States ; and by Ex-Governor Francis outlining the great 
success of the St. Louis exposition, which has invited every nation 
of the world to join the United States in making the Louisiana 
Purchase Exposition the greatest the world has ever seen. 

The night following gave the French families the pleasure of 
special entertainment to Ambassador Jusserand. This was at the 
French Opera House. 

On Sunday, December 20, was celebrated in St. Louis Cathedral 
a grand pontifical high Mass. Archbishop Chappelle conducted 
Father T)e la Moriniere preached the sermon which told eloquently 
the history of French and Spanish dominion in the establishment 
of the civilization of Louisiana and the Gulf States. Upon the 
close of the services in St. Louis Cathedral, the celebrants entered 
the Cabiklo again, and there reproduced the ceremonies of the 
original transfer. Professor Alcee Fortier impersonated Laussat 
the French prefect; Charles F. Claiborne took the part of his 
grandfather, Governor Wm. C. C. Claiborne; Theodore Wilkinson 
represented his great-grandfather, Gen. James Wilkinson; Charles 
T. Soniat impersonated Daugerot, the secretary of Laussat, and 
Col. James Zacharie impersonated D. Wardsworth, secretary of the 
American Commission. The original transfer was followed liter- 
ally, and after the ceremony reproducing it was completed, the 
following Proces Verbal of the Centennial Ceremonies of Decern- 

200 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

ber 20, 1903, became incorporated into the transactions of the 
celebration : 

proces verbal of the centennial ceremonies of 

DECEMBER 20, 1903. 
Be it known, that, on this, the twentieth day of December, 1903, of the 
Christian era, and of the one hundred and twenty-eighth year of the in- 
dependence of the United States, ceremonies commemorative of the cen- 
tennial anniversary of the transfer of Louisiana by France to the United 
States, were held in the Sala Capitular of the Cabildo, in the city of New 
Orleans, under the presidency of His Excellency, William Wright Heard, 
Governor of Louisiana, and in the presence of the representatives of the 
United States, France and Spain, Paul Capdcvielle, Mayor of the city of 
New Olreans, State and city officials and distinguished citizens of Louisiana 
and other States. 

At these ceremonies were present: 

Prof. Alcee Fortier, President of the Louisiana Historical Society, repre- 
senting the French Commissioner, Pierre Clement Laussat; Charles T. 
Soniat du Fossat, his Secretary Daugerot ; the Hon. Charles F. Claiborne, 
representing his grandfather, Commissioner William Charles Cole Clai- 
borne; the Hon. Theodore Wilkinson, representing his great-grand father, 
Commissioner Brigadier James Wilkinson, and the Hon. Jas. S. Zacharie, a 
member of the City Council, representing Secretary Wadsworth. After 
reading the powers of the Commissioners to deliver and receive possession 
of Louisiana, the powers of Commissioner Laussat to receive the transfer 
of Louisiana from Spain, which took place Nov. 30, 1803, and the proces 
verbal of the transfer by France to the United States on Dec. 20, 1803, and 
the address of Governor Claiborne on receiving possession of Louisiana 
and the delivery of keys, representing those of the gates of New Orleans 
in 1803, the delivery of commemorate medals and the reading of Governor 
Claiborne's proclamation by the Mayor of New Orleans, from the central 
balcony of the Cabildo, and addresses being made by the Governor of 
Louisiana and Mayor of New Orleans, the officials and citizens present, in 
order to preserve a good record of these commemorative centennial cere- 
monies, have signed this proces verbal. 


W. W. HEARD, Governor. 

JUSSERAND, Ambassador of France. 

J. TUERO Y O'DONNELL, Representing Spain. 

W. C. WISE, Rear Admiral, U. S. N., 

Representing the United States Government. 
PAUL CAPDEVIELLE, Mayor of New Orleans. 
A. D. LAND, Associate Justice 

of the Supreme Court of Louisiana. 
ALCE FORTIER, Representing Laussat. 

One Hundretji Anniversary of Louisiana Purchase 261 


Chief Justice of the. Supreme Court. 


Commanding the Jiirien de la Graviere, 
P. L. CHAPELLE, Archbishop of New Orleans 

and Apostolic Delegate. 
' . President Louisiana Purchase Exposition. 


F. A. MONROE, Associate Justice Supreme Court 

Associate Justice Supreme Court 

Associate Justice Supreme Court 

A commemorative bronze medal was prepared to add to the 
impressiveness of the occasion. On one side it bears the impres- 
sions of Xapoleon and Jefferson; on the other the names of the 
States formed from the territory included in the transfer. The 
editor of this Magazine acknowledges gratefully the presentation 
to him of one of the medals by Professor Fortier. 

To all members of the Louisiana Historical Society is due the 
credit of the success of the Centennial celebration, but to none 
more than to Professor Alcee Forties the president, whose speech 
at the Colonial Museum will form a fitting resume of the events 
marking the early history of Louisiana. It is here given as it 
occurred in the Xew Orleans Picayune of December 21, 1903. 

" Ladies and Gentlemen — By an act of the Legislature of our State, 
passed in 1900, the Louisiana Historical Society was authorized to procure 
a suitable program for the celebration, in December, 1903, of the centennial 
anniversary of the transfer of Louisiana to the United States. In 1902, 
on the recommendation of our patriotic Governor, the Legislature appro- 
priated a certain sum of money to carry out the elaborate programme 
submitted by the historical Society, and the City Council of New Orleans 
has lately done the same. One of the principal features of the programme 
was to be the opening of an historical exhibit. It .was deemed highly 
appropriate, while the history of Louisiana was receiving eager attention 
all over the United States, that an opportunity be given our people to see 
the pictures of the men and women whose deeds formed our history, and 
to see also in the words of contemporaries the documents which relate 
that history. 

"-It is eminently proper that this historical exhibit be held in the 
oldest historical building to be found in the whole territory of the former 
province of Louisiana, a building which is a momento of the early years of 

26*2 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

New Orleans, and which has been hallowed by the presence within its walls 
of nutis and venerated bishops. 

'' Shortly after the foundation of New Orleans, Bienville, the wise 
Governor, endeavored to establish schools for the boys and girls of the 
colony, and it was at his request that the LTsuline nuns came to Louisiana. 
On February 23, 172", they started, a company of eleven, from Loricnt in 
Brittany, with Marie Tranchepain de St. Augustin as Mother Superior. 
They arrived at the Belize at the month of the Mississippi, after a tire- 
some' and perilous journey of five months, which Sister Madeline Uachard 
has related in a charming manner in her letters to her father. Pier descrip- 
tion of Xew Orleans as it was in August. 1727, is very interesting. She 
says that the town is beautiful, well constructed and regularly built, that 
the streets are very wide, and the principal one is nearly a league in length. 
She adds that a song is sung publicly in which it is said that the city 
presents as fine an appearance as Paris. Sister Madeline tells her father 
that she is not eloquent enough to convince him of all the beauty of the 
town, and that she finds some difference between New Orleans and Paris. 
With regard 10 the inhabitants she mentions that the ladies are dressed 
magnificently with stuffs of velvet or damask covered with ribbons, and, 
shall I say it, as elsewhere, make use of rouge and hlane and mouches 
or beauty spots. 

''Tit? first residence of the nuns was Bienville's former house, the most 
beautiful in the town, and situated in the block now bounded by Bienville, 
Chartre\ Iberville and Decatur Streets. The convent, or permanent 
residence of the nuns, the building of which began in 1727, was situated 
at the other extremity of the town. Governor Perier and his wife were 
very kind to the nuns, and so was Rev. Father de Beaubois, the Superior 
of the few Jesuits who were then in New Orleans, and who was unremit- 
ting in his zeal for the spiritual and temporal welfare of the colonists. 
Instead of encouraging the young students of the Ursuliues in their desire 
to become nuns. Father de Beaubois thought it would be better for them 
to become Christian mothers in order to establish religion in the country 
by their good examples ; to draw souls towards the Lord, such was the 
constant purpose of the Ursulines. and in our history we should always 
remember with gratitude the earliest teachers of girls in Louisiana, the 
guardians of the little orphans, and the tender nurses of the sick and the 
poor at the hospital. It was no doubt to the teaching of the good 
sisters that the ladies in Louisiana owed the singular elegance and refine- 
ment which were noticed by all travelers in the colonial days, and which 
have become the common heritage of the ladies of our days. 

" On July 17. 1734, the nuns took possession of their convent, this 
present building. Mother Superior Tranchepain had died in November, 
1733. but Madeline Hachard, the pious and charming woman whose letters 
form one of the most important historical documents for the study of our 
eaily history, lived till August 9, 1760. At that time the French domina- 
tion in Louisiana was coming to a close. From 1727 to 1760 many impor- 
tant events had taken place in our history. The Company of the Indies 
had surrendered its charter, and Louisiana had become again a royal 
province ;•' Bienville had succeeded Perier as Governor, and had been 
unsuccessful in his wars against the Chickasaws ; Vaudreuil, the 'Grand 
Marquis,' had governed the province with pomp and dignity, and Ker- 
lerec had been his successor. In 1760, at the time of Madeline Hachard's 
death, France had suffered greatly from the Seven Years' War, and two 
years later Louis XV, the selfish and corrupt successor of the stately 
monarch for whom Louisiana had been named, ceded the whole province 
to his cousin, Charles III of Spain, an abier and better ruler than the 
Bourbon of Versailles. 

One Huxdreth Anniversary of Louisiana Purchase 2G3 

'' Wc need not relate the event.-, which followed the attempt by the 
Spaniards to take possession of Louisiana ; the devotion of the colonists 
to France, and later the project of establishing a republic on the banks 
of the Mississippi. The revolution of 1768 is a sad and glorious event 
in our annals, and in the archives of the Ursuline Convent is chronicled 
the fact that, on October 25, 1769, the chiefs of the insurrection of 1768 
were shot in the yard of the barracks adjoining the convent. ' It was,' says 
the chronicle, ' a terrible moment of anguish for the nuns. The report of 
firearms caused the windows of the chapel to shake, where had taken 
refuge the relatives of the victims, with whom the nuns prayed.' 

" Is it not interesting, ladies and gentlemen, to contemplate the 
building which held within its walls in colonial times the good sisters and 
their charming pupils, the grandmothers and mothers of our grandmothers, 
the building which was visited by the French Governors, and later by all 
.the Spanish Governors? We like to portray the gentle Unzaga, the heroic 
Bernado de Galvez and the courtly Carondelet, as they stood where we 
are at present. We reach the first years of the nineteenth century, and 
from this spot we hear the firing of cannon which announces the arrival 
in New Orleans of Pierre Clement de Laussat, the French Colonial Pre- 
fect. P>y treaty Louisiana has become French once more, and the Marquis 
de Casa Calvo and Don Manuel de Salccdo have been instructed to transfer 
the sovereignty of the province to the representative of Bonaparte, the 
First Consul of the French Republic. 

"Let us now leave this building; let us run up Conde Street to the 
house of Laussat, and there let us enjoy his hospitality as he is acquainting 
himself with the country and the people whom he is to govern. On his 
arrival the Prefect issued a proclamation to the Louisianians announcing 
the retrocession of the province to France, and the inhabitants of New 
Orleans and the planters of Louisiana answered him with simplicity and 
dignity. They expressed the pleasure they felt on becoming French again, 
but they said that the French Republic would attach less value to the 
homage of their fidelity if it saw them relinquish, without any sentiment 
of regret, the sovereign who had lavished his favors upon them during 
the time he had reigned over them. This kind remembrance of the Spanish 
domination was eminently just, for, from Unzaga to Salcedo, from 1770 to 
1803, the rule of the Spanish Governors had been mild and beneficent. 

" The second French domination in Louisiana was not to be of long 
duration, for, on April 30, 1803, Bonaparte ceded the immense colony to 
the United States. Livingston and Monroe wisely treated for the cession 
of the whole province, although not instructed by their Government to do 
so, and President Jefferson, as a true patriot, approved an act which was to 
assure forever the greatness and power of the nation, and make our 
Louisiana enter the glorious Federal Union established by the men of the 
American Revolution 

"Laussat, in New Orleans, was instructed to receive the sovereignty of 
the province from Spain and to transfer it to the United States. At our 
old Cabildo, on Nov. 30, 1803, the transfer from Spain to France took 
place. On the same day the Colonial Prefect and Commissioner issued a 
second proclamation to the Louisianians. He announced the cession to the 
United States, which he considered the precious pledge of the friendship 
which could not fail to grow from day to day between the two republics, 
and which conferred upon the Louisianians the most eminent and most 
memorable of blessings. He called attention to the rights and privileges 
appertaining to a free government with which the Louisianians had been 
suddenly invested. He predicted that the Nile of America, the Mississippi, 
would soon see its bosom darkened with a thousand ships belonging to all 
the nations of the earth, and mooring at the quays of another Alexandria. 

234 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

He said finally that he hoped the Louisianians would always distinguish 
with affection the French flag, and that their hearts would never cease 
to rejoice at the sight of its glorious folds. Allow me to say here, ladies 
and gentlemen, in the presence of the distinguished Ambassador of the 
French Republic, that Lattssat's hope has been realized. One hundred 
years have elapsed since the French flag was lowered from the staff 
erected in the Place d'Armes and the American banner took its place 
as the. emblem of sovereignty, and yet the hearts of the Americans of 
to-day, descendants of the Louisianians of 1803, are always thrilled with 
pleasure at the sight of the banner of France. It reminds them of their 
ancestors, the pioneers on this soil; it reminds them of Lafayette and of 
Rochambeau, of Brandywine and of Yorktown. 

"After abolishing the Spanish Cabildo and appointing a Municipal 
Council, of which Etienne de Bore was the head, Laussat gave, on Decem- 
ber 1, in honor of the French flag, a magnificent dinner and a ball, which 
was opened with a minuet danced by the Marquis de Casa Calvo and Mme. 
Almonester. On December 8 the Spanish Marquis gave a ball in honor 
of Laussat, and on December 16 the French Commissioner returned the 
compliment. His guests were so delighted with his hospitality that they 
stayed at his house until half-past nine in the morning. It is a pity 
that at the ball given so graciously yesterday by the ladies of the Louisiana 
Ilistoriccu Society wc uiu not follow the good example set a hundred years 
ago. We saw the minuet and the gavotte of 1S03 ; we admired young- 
ladies who were as beautiful and as graceful as their great-grandmothers, 
a century ago, and we wished the ball of 1903 had lasted as long as that 
of 1803. Indeed, let us live for a moment in the past. 

" It is Sunday, December 18, 1803, and Laussat, accompanied by the 
'Municipal council and many notable persons, attends magnificent services 
at the Cathedral. He enters the church between rows of Grenadiers, 
and great honors are rendered the representative of the French Republic. 
For the last time in Louisiana soil are heard the solemn words: ' Domine, 
salvam fac Republican!, Domine, salvos fac Consules.' At 2 o'clock the 
American Commissioners, Claiborne and Wilkinson, are seen coming on 
the Levee, preceded by a detachment of Mississippi Volunteer Cavalry. 
They go to Laussat's house, and arrangements are made for the transfer 
of the province to the United States on Dec. 20. 

" On Monday, December 19 at noon, the French Commissioner starts to 
return the visit of Claiborne and Wilkinson. Laussat wears a magnificent 
costume and rides a beautiful horse splendidly caparisoned, the Municipal 
Council and more than sixty persons accompanying the Commissioner to 
the American camp, situated two miles from the city. The weather is 
balmy and springlike, and continues to be so on Tuesday, December 20, 
when the solemn act of transfer of Louisiana from France to the United 
States is accomplished. 

"I shall not relate, ladies and gentlemen, the ceremonies which took 
place on that day. To-morrow, .after rendering thanks to God in our 
historic Cathedral, we shall repeat somewhat the ceremonies of a hundred 
years ago. Our honored Governor and our honored Mayor will deliver 
addresses on December 20. In a few minutes we shall all go to our vener- 
ated Cabildo, and in front of that interesting edifice the Governor of our 
State will welcome the guests of ' Louisiana. It is my pleasant duty, as 
President of the Historical Society, which has prepared the programme 
of these centennial exercises, to welcome the visitors to this historical 
Museum, and I do so most cordially in the name of the Society. 

" As I have already said, around this building cluster recollections 
of the greatest interest. Andrew Jackson, after the glorious battle of 
January 8, 1815, entered these portals to thank the nuns for their prayers 

One Hundretii Anniversary of Louisiana Purchase 265 

in behalf of the Americans. The good Sisters left their- first Convent in 
1824, and this edifice lost for a short time its sacred, character. It became 
the seat of the Legislature of Louisiana, and the honorable Senators and 
representatives were doubtless inspired in their task of lawmaking by the 
remembrance of the gentle and pious persons who had dwelt here for 
eighty-seren years. As the residence of bishops and archbishops, this old 
building regained its holy character, and it is to the enlightened kindness 
of the authorities of this archdiocese that we are indebted for the permis- 
sion of holding our exhibit here. 

" Our little museum contains mementoes of a number of years, but we 
wish to recall principally to-day the men and women of 1803. Were they 
to revive, what marvels they would see! Their Louisiana now forms 
twelve States and two Territories of the American Union, and their little 
New Orleans is now the metropolis of our Southern country. So great 
has been the progress of the Province of Louisiana in a century that a 
wonderful World's Fair is being prepared to celebrate that progress. 

"Well may we, ladies and gentlemen, thank the Almighty for the 
blessings which he has showered upon our fathers and upon us." 



St. Louis Exposition Authorities Continue to Ignore the History of 
This Part of the Country. 

The maps of the Louisiana Purchase, put forth by the World's 
Fair people, make it appear that the territory purchased from 
Napoleon did not embrace that part of Louisiana of which Mobile 
was long the capital. The Iberville Historical Society has tried 
to get the error corrected but without success. The following is 
the minutes of the Society's proceedings: 

The Iberville Historical Society having raised a committee, of 
which Mr. P. J. Hamilton was chairman, to enter into correspond- 
ence with the authorities of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition and 
procure the correction of the error into which they had fallen in 
regard to the Gulf strip between the Perdido and the Mississippi, 
the committee prepared a report and communicated it to these 
gentlemen, with the result that they simply denied, on certain un- 
official expression of persons in departments at Washington, that 
the Historical Society's position was sound. This reply having been 
submitted to the draftsman of the committee's report called forth 
the following further report on the subject : 


P. J. Hamilton, Esq., President Iberville Historical Society, 
Mobile, Ala. 
Dear Sir : — I have to thank you for handing me the response 
of Mr. W. B. Stevens, secretary of Louisiana Purchase Exposition 
Company, to your communication relating to the error committed 
by the Exposition Company in omitting the territory lying west 
of Perdido river and south of the thirty-first parallel of latitude 
in the maps of the Louisiana purchase, and after reading the same, 

*In view of the profound public interest in the Louisiana Purchase, and 
the Exposition now in preparation at St. Louis, Missouri, this most excel- 
lent article from the pen of Capt. II. Pillans, is reproduced from the 
Mobile Daily Register, March 15, 1903. 

Was Mobile Included in Ti3E Louisiana Purchase 2-07 

would submit to you some further observations which it seems to me 
should be brought to the attention of these gentlemen. 

As a mutter of course our interest is purely an historical one, 
and it would make no practical difference to us whether we be- 
came a part of the Union by virtue of the purchase from Spain or 
by the Louisiana acquisition, but the facts of history should not 
be distorted, and these establish that our section was acquired at 
the same time that the balance of the original province of Louisiana 
became American territory, and this notwithstanding that Spain 
for a while undertook to debate the question. The State of Louisi- 
ana with its present boundaries, which include a part of the dis- 
puted territory, was incorporated into the Union in the year 1812; 
the State of Mississippi with another part of this disputed terri- 
tory, was admitted in the year 1S17, and Alabama in December, 
1819, the latter being the only one of the three which was admitted 
after the signing of the treaty with Spain, and the admission of 
Alabama antedated by more than a year the final ratification of 
the Spanish treaty by the Senate. Now either this territory was 
acquired by the Louisiana purchase or it was wrongfully incor- 
porated into American States by the Congress of the United States. 
No scholastic disquisition by officers of any department at this late 
day, can alter the fact that the United States claimed to have so 
acquired it, and acted upon this claim persistently and constantly 
from 1810 forward, taking armed possession in 1813. If the ter- 
ritory was Spanish, then Louisiana and Missisippi when admitted 
into the Union contained Spanish territory, an impossible thing. 

However this question had been examined by the highest 
tribunal in the land in the case quoted in extenso in the com- 
mittee's report, Foster vs. Neilson, 2 Peters 251, and also in many 
other cases and notably in the case of Garcia vs. Lee, reported in 12 
Peters 511, and United States vs. Lynde, 11 Wall. 632. I appeal 
especially to these three opinions. The first, written by the great 
Chief Justice Marshall, the next by the learned Chief Justice Taney, 
and the last named the production of Mr. Justice Bradley, each of 
whose names carry with them the greatest weight. 

The early case having been fully considered in the report I will 
make no further mention of it. 

In 1838 Chief Justice Taney had to deal, in the case cited from 
12 Peters, with the question, whether the Spanish authorities could 

2G8 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

lawfully grant in 180G land lying in this disputed tract, and he de- 
clares : " It is well known as a matter of history, that the executive 
and legislative departments of our Government have continually 
insisted that the true boundary of Louisiana, as we acquired it by 
the treaty with France of the thirtieth of April, 1803, extended to 
the Perdido ; that the claim of the United States was disputed by 
Spain; and that she refused to deliver the territory, and claimed a 
right to exercise the powers of government over it; which claim the 
United States denied. On the twenty-sixth of March, 1804, Con- 
gress passed a law dividing Louisiana into two territorial govern- 
ments ; and in order to protect the interest of the United States in 
the disputed territory, the fourteenth section of this law enacts, 
that all grants of lands within the territories ceded by the French 
republic to the United States, by the treaty of the thirtieth of April, 
1803, the title whereof was at that date of the treaty of St. Ildefonso 
in the crown, government or nation of Spain, and every act and 
proceeding subsequent thereto of whatsoever nature, toward the ob- 
taining of any grant, title or claim to such land, under whatsoever 
authority transacted or pretended, be, and the same are hereby de- 
clared to be and to have been from the beginning, null and void, 
and of no effect in law or in equity.' The titles of actual settlers, 
acquired before the twentieth of December, 1803, are excepted by a 
proviso, from the operation of this section. 

"The grant under which the appellant Garcia claims, falls 
within the provisions of this section, and as this law of Congress has 
never been repealed or modified in relation to grants made by the 
Spanish authorities, the appellant has no title at law or in equity; 
unless it can be shown that the act of Congress in question, upon 
some ground or other, is void and inoperative; and that the courts 
of the United States are bound to recognize a title acquired in 
opposition to its provisions. 

"The question presented by the records before us are not new 
in this court. They were examined and considered in the case of 
Foster & Elam vs. Neilson, decided here in 1829; * * * * 
This court then decided thut the question of boundary between the 
United States and Spain was a question for the political department 
of the government ; that the legislative and executive branches hav- 
ing decided the question, the courts of the United States were bound 
to regard the boundary determined on by them as the true ose. 

Was Mobile Included in the Louisiana Purchase 2G9 

That grants made by the Spanish authorities of lands, which, ac- 
cording to this boundary line belonged to the United States, gave 
no title to the guarantees, in opposition to those claiming under the 
United States; unless the Spanish grants were protected by the 
subsequent arrangements made between the two governments; and 
that no such arrangements were to be found in the treaty of 1819, 
by which Spain ceded the Eloridas to the United States, according 
to the fair import of its words and its true construction. These 
positions. have all been controverted in the argument at the bar, in. 
the case now before us. But we do not think it necessary, in de- 
ciding the case, to enter upon a discussion of the various topics 
pressed upon the attention of the court ; and shall content ourselves 
with extracting several portions of the opinion delivered by Chief 
Justice Marshall in the case of Foster and Elam vs rTeilson, in 
oider to show that all of the points now raised, were carefully con- 
sidered and decided in the case referred to. (Here follows a 
lengthy extract.) 

"The leading principle of the case (United States vs. Perche- 
man, 7 Pet. 86), which declares that the boundary line determined 
on as the true one by the political departments of the government 
must be recognized as the true one by the judicial department, was 
subsequently directly acknowledged and affirmed by this court in 
1832, in the case of the United States vs. Arredondo and others, 6 
Pet. 711. And this decision was given with the same information 
before them as to the meaning of the Spanish side of the treaty, 
which is mentioned in the case of Pereheman; and, consequently 
that information could not have shaken the confidence of the court 
in any of the opinions pronounced in Poster and Elam vs. jSTeilson, 
further than has been already stated. 

"In this view of the subject, the case of Foster and Elam vs. 
ISTeilson decides the case. It decides that the territory in which 
this land was situated belonged to the United States at the time 
that this grant was made by the Spanish authority ; it decides that 
this grant is not embraced by the eighth article of the treaty which 
ceded the Floridas to the United States; that the stipulations in 
that article are confined to the territory which belonged to Spain 
at the time of the cession, according to the American construction 
of the treaty; and that the exception of the three grants made in 

270 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

the ratification of this treaty, by the King of Spain, cannot enlarge 
the meaning of the words used, in trie eighth article ; and cannot, in 
the language of the court, 'extend them to embrace grants not 
otherwise intended to be confirmed f * * * * These princi- 
ples thus settled by this court cover the whole ground now in con- 
troversy. * * ' * * * 

"In the case before us the grant is invalid from 'an intrinsic 
defect' in the title of Spain. It is true that she still claimed the 
country, and refused to deliver it to the United States. But her 
conduct was, in this respect, in violation of the rights of the United 
States, and of the obligation of treaties. The United States did 
not immediately take forcible possession as they might justly have 
done, and preferred a more pacific and magnanimous policy toward 
a weaker adversary. Yet their forbearance could, upon no just 
grounds, impair their rights or legalize the wrongful grants of 
Spain, made in a territory which did not belong to her ; for the 
authorities of the United States made known by every means in 
their power their inflexible determination to assert the rights of 
this country; and Congress, in order to guard against imposition 
and injustice, declared by law in 1804 that all grants of land made 
by the Spanish authorities after the date of the treaty of St. Ilde- 
f onso would be null and void, excepting only those to actual settlers, 
acquired before December 20, 1803. 

"The present appellant procured his title from Spain after the 
passage of this law. The land granted to him belonged not to Spain, 
but to the United States." 

Mr. Justice Bradley, in case of United States vs. Lynne, 11 
Wallace 632, recites the ambiguity which was found in the treaty 
of St. Udefonso and in the treaty of Paris and the consequent mis- 
understanding between Spain and the United States, and the con- 
tention by the United States that it had acquired in the purchase of 
Louisiana the disputed territory. He also recites the refusal of 
Spain to surrender possession of the disputed territory and that 
notwithstanding this refusal our government, through its executive 
and legislative departments, always claiming that it was covered 
by the two treaties of cession, that is, the treaties of St. Udefonso 
and of Paris, and insisting that it rightfully belonged to them in 
1803, and while Spain was still in possession, and assuming to 
grant lands, organized the Louisiana purchase into temporary gov- 

Was Mobile Ixclu.i>£d is the Louisiana Purchase 271 

ernments and declared all grants within the ceded territories made 
by Spain after the treaty of: St. Ildefonso (in 1800) to be void, 
except those made to actual settlers prior to the purchase treaty 
of 1803. And he further recites the proclamation of President 
Madison in 1810, the preamble of which shows that this territory 
was always claimed by the Union and which directs Governor Clai- 
borne, of the territory of Orleans, to take possession of and govern 
the same. He further recites the appointment of commissioners to 
investigate the titles to land in West Florida under the act of Con- 
gress of the 25th of April, 1812, and the action of this commission; 
and also the discussions which had in times past arisen before the 
courts of the United States, in the cases above cited and other cases, 
and declares that, in view of this long course of decisions, all to 
the same purport, it must be considered as judicially settled in 
this court "that Louisiana, as ceded to the United States in 1803, 
embraced the territory between the Mississippi and Perdido rivers, 
and that our government had a perfect legal right, whatever may 
have been its moral or honorary obligation, to ignore all grants 
made by the Spanish authorities after the treaty of St. Ildefonso 
went into effect." He further says: "But that the government of 
the United States has always continued to insist upon its own con- 
struction of the treaties, whenever they are referred to as a matter 
of right or historical derivation of title, is manifest, among other 
things, from the act admitting Florida into the Union as a State, 
passed so late as March 3, 1845, by which the boundaries are fixed 
as follows: 'Said State of Florida shall embrace the territories of 
East and West Florida, which, by the treaty betw r een the United 
States and Spain, on the 22d day of February, 1819, were ceded to 
the United States/ " 

"It is well known that Florida as thus limited extended only 
to the Perdido, all the territory west of which had long previously 
been assigned to the States of Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama, 
which were respectively admitted into the Union w r ith their present 
boundaries in 1812, 1817 and 1819." 

Now let us reverse the proposition. Let us suppose that a 
celebration of the Florida purchase should be attempted in 1819, 
and let us suppose that Congress should pass an act aiding any city 
or State occupying territory which lay within the land acquired by 
the treaty of 1819 for the purpose of participating in an exposition 

272 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

to be held, bow could Mobile or Alabama or Ocean Springs, in Mis- 
sissippi, the earliest seat of French empire upon the gulf, right- 
fully call upon the departments having the execution of this law 
in charge for a share of this bounty. The answer would be con- 
clusive. Your title has been fully passed upon through a long 
period of years, by the political and judicial departments of the 
government, adversely to your contention; you came as part of 
Louisiana and not as part of Florida, yon were ceded to ns by 
Napoleon Bonaparte and not by the King of Spain, and to this 
plea no replication would be available. I remain, sir, 

Very respectfully yours, 




By Peter J. Hamilton, Mobile, Alabama. 

One of the most important results of the establishment of the 
Department of Archives and History of Alabama is the collection 
of foreign documents now being made. This will embrace French 
and Spanish records bearing on the discovery, exploration and set- 
tlement of the Gulf Coast, particularly about Mobile. It will 
also embrace the British period from 1763 to 1781, during which 
the country from the Mississippi to the Chattahochee, from the 
Gulf to the line passing near Yicksburg and Montgomery, consti- 
tuted the Province of West Florida. These seventeen or eighteen 
years constitute perhaps only an episode, because they were preceded 
by a longer French rule and succeeded by a longer Spanish regime, 
both of which are generally thought to have made a greater impres- 
sion upon history. But this is not quite clear. Many names of 
material objects and even plantations, families and, quite possibly, 
some institutions, lasted on during the Spanish time and re-ap- 
peared under the Americans. The period deserves close study, and 
besides its general histor}', heretofore somewhat worked up in Pick- 
ett's Alabama and especially in Colonial Mobile, there have been 
secured for the Archive Department of Alabama the very laws 
passed by the Provincial Legislature. 

In some way the early historians denied that there was any 
Legislature for West Florida. In point of fact there was a number 
of sessions, and the statutes passed form an interesting compilation. 
They cover many subjects and show a well developed social status. 

The General Assembly, for such was its name, met in a hired 
house at the capital, Pensacola. It was made up of two bodies, 
the Council and the House of Assembly, and legislation required 
the consent of the Governor. The acts could be disallowed by the 
Board of Trade, the branch of the British government which would 
control in provincial matters, and some two or three statutes were 
thus vetoed. _The first session was the most prolific of all, giving 
rise to twenty-three statutes in the time between November 24th, 
17G6, and June 5th, 1767. The second seems to have lasted only 

274 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

a few days in December, 1767, and from it date only four acts. 
The third session extended from May 26th to June 8th, 1769, and 
shows six laws. The fourth session extended from March 19th to 
May 18th, 1770, and to it may be referred eight acts. Next came 
a fifth session in the summer of 1771, from June 27th to July 15th, 
producing five statutes. From one point of view this was the end 
to legislative activity in West Florida, for the Governor got along 
without any assembly until 1778, and there was but one act of that 
year, which passed the Lower House on October 23d. It is political 
in its character, relating to the number and rights of representatives 
in the Assembly, and was a termination of the long struggle be- 
tween the Assembly and the Governor. 

It is impracticable, within the compass of a short article, to 
make a full study of those statutes, but the captions are annexed 
and give a general idea of the whole. At the same time a few 
salient points may be indicated. Thus, at the very first session we 
find extensive provisions for the regulation of indented servants, 
and also for the government of slaves, whether negro or Indian. 
The sale of liquor was regulated among the British colonists, and 
stringent provisions were made as to its sale to the Indians. The 
importance of commerce was shown by the laws as to wharves, flat- 
boats and canoes, bonds on incoming vessels, and the like. The 
appropriations by the imperial government not being sufficient to 
pay the expenses of provisions, duties were established upon im- 
ports, and, although the act was limited in duration, it was amended 
and re-enacted from time to time. Protection for home industry 
was thus early made a part of the policy of this portion of our coun- 
try. There were local acts as to the streets of Mobile and the mar- 
ket at Pensacola. Mobile was larger than the capital, and it was 
necessary to furnish special courts for its Charlotte county, which 
extended from the watershed of the present Baldwin to that of 

The later legislation was important, but rather in the nature 
of addition than otherwise. That of 1769 began with an act to 
encourage the settlement of the Mississippi part of the province, 
and marks the beginning of the development of that portion of the 
country, which afterwards grew to be of almost equal importance 
with Mobile or Pensacola. Then for these two latter places were 
instituted vestries and parish officers, for although immigrants 

Acts of the Assembly of British West Florida 275 

Christianity did not result in freedom. The members of the As- 
sembly were paid for their attendance. No negro could vote, even 
if free, and neither could a Jew. Gaming was dealt with. The 
measures were English, but the money shows a miscellaneous mix- 
ture of ryals, dollars and bitts, besides pounds, shillings and pence. 
If a slave was executed for crime, his master was paid his value. 
Debtors were sometimes hired to work out payment of their debts. 
Some of the proceeds of the duties went to the establishment of a 
government road, including ferries, from Pensacola to Mobile, by 
way of the place even now known as the Village. Among the pun- 
ishments we find even dismembering, although this was limited to 
slaves. Forestalling the market was forbidden, but the sale of 
market provisions after market hours was allowed. 

It will easily be realized, therefore, that there is no little inter- 
est and value in the study of the Legislation of British West 


No. 1. An Act for the Regulation of Servants. (Passed 
the 24th November, 176G.) 

from. Spanish Louisiana were encouraged by the removal of all 
disability on account of religion, the State religion was the Angli- 
can. We have to go far back into the history of Virginia and Caro- 
lina to find as thorough a participation of church officers in civil 
government as that which prevailed in West Florida. The fluctu- 
ating character of the population was shown in the provisions as 
to foreign attachment and those preventing persons in debt from 
leaving by sea. 

A Statute of Frauds, covering recording of deeds and joinder 
by married women, also dates from this time. The rural nature 
of much of the province is shown by acts to prevent the stealing 
of horses and meat cattle, and also restraining the burning of grass 
and woods. Tramps required regulation, and a Court of Requests 
for small debts was no less necessary than constables. The Court 
of Common Fleas served for general legal purposes, and the sheriffs 
place was, as in South Carolina, taken by the Provost Marshal. 

Some incidental points of interest may be noted. Thus, there 
had to be a French Translator of Laws. Slaves were chattels and 
children followed the condition of the mother. Conversion to ; 

276 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

No. 2. An Act for Clearing the Town of Mobile of all Of- 
fensive Weed? and Chitting Down toe Woods Around Said Town, 
(Dec. 10, 1766.) 

NO. 3. An Act for Granting of Licenses to Ketailers of 
Spirituous Liquors, Imposing a Duty on Said licenses, and for 
Eegulating of Taverns or Public Houses. (November 24th, 1766.) 

No. 4. An Act to Eestrain Drunkenness and Promote In- 
dustry. (Dec. 15, 1766.) 

No. 5. An Act Concerning Coasters. (Dec. 30, 1766.) 

No. 6. An Act for Encouraging the Inhabitants of Pensa- 
cola and Mobile to Build Wharves and for Establishing Bates of 
Wharfage. (Dec. 10, 1766.) 

No. 7. An Act Appointing Where the Laws of this Prov- 
ince Shall be Lodged. (Dec. 23, 1766.) 

No. 8. An Act Concerning Flat Boats and Canoes. (Dec. 
15, 1766.) 

No. 9. An Act to Elect Mobile into a County and to Es- 
tablish a Court of Common Pleas Therein. (Disallowed January 
15, 1772.) (Passed 22d December, 1766.) 

No. 10. An Act Establishing the Interest of Money and As- 
certain the Damages on Protested Bills of Exchange. (Nov. 15, 

No. 11. An Act to Encourage Foreigners to Come Into and 
Settle in this Province. (Dec. 22, 1766.) 

No. 12. An Act to Oblige Masters of Vessels to Give Bond 
in the Provincial Secretary's Office. (Dec. 22, 1766.) 

No. 13. An Act for Granting Certain Duties to His Majesty 
to be Applied Towards Supporting the Government of this Prov- 
ince. (Dec 22, 1766.) 

No. 14. An Act for the Regulation and Government of 
Negroes and Slaves. (Dec. 24, 1766.) 

No. 15. An Act Appointing the Number of the Assembly 
and Eegulating Elections. (Dec. 11, 1766.) 

No. 16. An Act to Amend and Eender More Effectual an 
Act Intitled "An Act Granting Certain Duties to His Majesty 
to be Applied Towards Supporting the Government of this Prov- 
ince." (May 18, 1767.) 

No. 17. An Act for Clearing the Streets of Pensacola and 

Acts of the Assembly of British West Florida 277 

f-or Preventing Nuisances in and About the Said Town. (May 30, 

No* 18. An Act for Granting Certain Duties to His Majesty 
on all Lumber and Other Materials for Building Imported into this 
Province from Foroign Parts and for Applying the Same to Cer- 
tain Purposes. May 18th, 1767.) 

No. 19. An Act to Regulate Markets and to Prevent Pore- 
stalling. (May 18th, 1767.) 

No. 20. An Act for the Order and Government of Slaves. 
(June 2d, 1767.) 

No. 21. An Act for [Empowering Magistrates and Freehold- 
ers of Charlotte County Occasionally to Prohibit the Selling of 
Bum or Other Strong' Liquors to the Indians. (May 22d, 1767.) 

No. 2 9 . An Act Concerning Attachments and for Regulat- 
ing the Marshal's Proceedings. (June 1st, 1767.) 

No. 23. An Act Appointing Commissioners for Building a 
Market -House, Regulating Markets and for Applying Certain Sums 
of Money for Establishing a Perry at the River Perdido, and To- 
wards Opening a Road from Pensacola to the Bay of Mobile. 
(June 5th, 1767.) 

No. 24. An Act for Granting Certain Duties to His Majesty 
and for Applying the Same to Certain Purposes. (Dec. 31st, 1767.) 

No. 25. An Act to Amend an Act Intitled "An Act Con- 
cerning Coasters" and for Regulating and Improving the Coasting 
Trade. (Dec. 2-ith, 1767.) 

No. 26. An Act to Prerent the Selling of Flour Otherwise 
than by Weight and to Regulate the Assize of Bread. (28th Dec, 

No. 27. An Act to Confirm and Regulate the Court of Re- 
quests. (28th Dec, 1767.) 

No. 2S. An Act to Encourage the Settlement of that Part of 
this Province Lying to the Westward of Charlotte County. (26th 
May, 1769.) 

No. 29. An Act for the Relief of Debtors Who May be Con- 
fined in the Gaol and are Unable to Support Themselves During 
Such Their Confinement. (10th June, 1769.) 

No. 30. An Act for Appointing Vestries and Parish Officers 
for the Towns of Pensacola and Mobile. (27th May, 1769.) 

278 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

No. 31. An Act to Prevent Dangers by Fire and Other Acci- 
dents in the Streets of Pensacola. (27th of May, 1769.) 

No. 32. An Act to Prevent Stealing of Horses and Neat 
Cattle and for the More Effectual Discovery and Punishment of 
Such Persons as Shall Unlawfully Brand, Mark or Kill the Same. 
(June 8th, 1769.) 

No. 33. An Act for Subjecting and Making Liable to At- 
tachment the Estate, Peal and Personal, of Absent Debtors in the 
Custody or Power of any Person or Persons Within this Province. 
29th of May, 1769.) 

No. 34. An Act to Prevent Masters of Vessels from Carry- 
ing Off Persons in Debt from this Province, for Improving the 
Coasting Trade, and for Eepealing the Acts of this Province There- 
in Mentioned. (May 8, 1770.) 

No. 35. An Act for Granting Unto His Majesty Certain 
Duties and for Appropriating the Same to Certain Purposes. 
(May 16th, 1770.) 

No. 36. An Act to Prevent Burning the Grass and Herbage 
of the Woods at Improper Seasons and to Restrain Hunters from 
Leaving the Carcases of Deer near Plantations, and for Extending 
an Act of this Province Intitled An Act to Prevent Dangers by 
Eire and Other Accidents in the Streets of Pensacola to the Town 
of Mobile. (May 18, 1770.) 

No. 37. An Act for Preventing Fraudulent Mortgages and 
Conveyances for Enabling Feme Coverts to Pass Away Their Es- 
tates, and for Making Valid Deeds of Bargain and Sale. (19th of 
March, 1770.) 

No. 38. An Act for the Better Eegulation of the Indian 
Trade in the Province of West Florida. (May 16th, 1770.) 

No. 39. An Act to Amend and Render More Effectual the 
Acts Therein Mentioned. (24th of March, 1770.) 

No. 40. An Act for Punishing all Persons who may Infringe 
any of the Treaties made with the Indians. (16th of May, 1770.) 

No. 41. An Act to Indemnify the Officers or Others Com- 
manding the Forts upon Rose Island and in the Town of Mobile 
from Prosecution in the Cases Therein Mentioned. (31st of March, 

No. 42. An Act to Continue an Act Intitled an Act for 

Acts of the Assembly of British West Florida 279 

Granting unto His Majesty Certain Duties and for Appropriating 
the Same to Certain Purposes. (27th June, 1771.) 

No. 43. An Act for the Punishment of Vagabonds and Other 
Idle and Disorderly Persons; and to Prevent Persons Hunting on 
the Indians' Grounds, and Trespassing on the Lands of the Crown. 
(July 12th, 1771.) 

No. 44. An Act for Establishing the Method of Appoint- 
ing Constables. (Sth July, 1771.) 

No. 45. An Act for the Better Regulation of Taverns and 
Public Houses and for Repealing An Act of the General Assembly 
of this Province Entitled "An Act for Granting of Licenses to Re- 
tailers of Spirituous Liquors, Imposing a Duty on said Licenses, 
and for Regulating of Taverns of Public Houses/' (July 13, 

No. 4G. An Act for Granting unto His Majesty Certain Du- 
ties and for Appropriating the Same to Certain Purposes and to 
Repeal an Act of the General Assembly of this Province Entitled 
"An Act to Continue An Act Entitled An Act for Granting unto 
His Majesty Certain Duties and for Appropriating the Same to 
Certain Purposes." (July 15, 1771.) 

A Bill Entitled An Act for Establishing the Number of Rep- 
resentatives for the Different Towns and Districts or Shires in this 
Colony; for Ascertaining the Rights of the Electors and the Dura- 
tion of the Assemblys. (23d October, 1778.) 

By Reuben T. Durrett, Preside&t, Louisville, Ky. 
The Filson Club is an historical, biographical and literary asso- 
ciation located in Louisville., Kentucky. It was named after John 
Filson, the first historian of Kentucky, whose quaint little octavo 
of one hundred and eighteen pages was published at Wilmington, 
Delaware, in 1784. The Club was organized May 15, 1884, and in- 
corporated October 5, 1891, for the purpose as expressed in its 
charter, of collecting, preserving, and publishing the history of 
Kentucky and adjacent States, and cultivating a taste for historic 
inquiry and study among its members. While its especial field 
of operations was thus theoretically limited, its practical workings 
were confined to no locality. Each member is at liberty to choose 
a subject and prepare a paper and read it to the Club, among 
whose archives it is to be filed. From the papers thus accumulated 
selections are made for publication, and there have now been issued, 
nineteen volumes or numbers of these publications. They are all 
paper-bound quartos, printed with pica old-style type on pure white 
antique paper, with broad margins, untrimmed edges, and half- 
toned illustrations. They have been admired both at home and 
abroad, not only for their original and valuable matter but also for 
their tasteful and comely appearance. They are not printed for 
«ale in the commercial sense of the term, but for distribution 
among the members of the Club. Only limited editions to meet 
the wants of the Club are published, and any numbers which may 
be left over after the members have been supplied are exchanged 
with other associations or sold at about the cost of publication. The 
first six numbers, and the tenth number are out of print. The 
remainder are subject to sale at $3.00 per volume. The follow- 
ing is a brief bibliography of all the Club publications to date: 

1. Johx Filsok, the first historian of Kentucky. An ac- 
count of his life and writings, principally from original sources 
prepared for The Filson Club and read at its second meeting in 
Louisville, Kentucky, June 26, 1884, by Reuben T. Durrett, A. M., 

^Reproduced from published circular issued by Col. Durrett. 

The Filson Club 281 

LL. P., President of the Club. Illustrated with a likeness' of 
Filson, a fac-simile of one of his letters, and a photo-lithographic 
reproduction of Iris map of Kentucky printed at Philadelphia in 
1784. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Ivy., 188-1, 4to, 
132 pages. 

2. The Wilderness Poad: A description of the routes of 
travel by which the pioneers and early settlers first came to Ken- 
tucky. Prepared for The Filson Club by Captain Thomas Speed, 
Secretary of 'the Club. Illustrated with a map showing the roads 
of travel. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 
1886. 4to, 75 pages. 

3. The Pioneer Press of Kentucky, from the printing of 
the first paper west of the Alleghanies, August 11, 1787, to the 
establishment of the daily Press, 1830. Prepared for the Filson 
Club by William Henry Perrin, member of the Club. Illustrated 
with FAC-smiLES of pages of the Kentucky Gazette and the Farm- 
er's Library, a view of the first printing-house in Kentucky, and 
likenesses of John Bradford, Shadrack Penn and George D. Pren- 
tice. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville Kentucky. 
1888. 4to, 93 pages. 

4. Life and Toils of Judge Caleb Wallace, some time a 
Justice of the Court of Appeals of the State of Kentucky. By 
Reverend William H. Whitsitt, D. P., member of The Filson Club. 
John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1888. 
4to, 151 pages. 

5. An Historical Sketch of St. Paul's Church, Louis- 
ville, Kentucky, prepared for the Semi-Centennial Celebration, 
October 6, 1889. By Reuben T. Durrett, A. M., LL. I)., President 
of The Filson Club. Illustrated with likenesses of Reverend Wil- 
liam Jackson and Reverend Edmund T. Perkins, P. P., and views 
of the church as first built in 1S39 and as it appeared in 1SS9. 
John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1889. 4to, 
90 pages. 

6. The Political Beginnings of Kentucky : A narrative 
of-public events bearing on the history of the State up to the time 
of its admission into the American Union. By Colonel John Mason 
Brown, member of The Filson Club. Illustrated with a likeness 

282 The Gulf States Historical Magazine.' 

of the author. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville; Ken- 
tucky. 1389. 4io, 263 pages. 

7. The Centenary oe Kentucky: Proceedings at the cele- 
bration by The Filson Club, Wednesday, June 1, 1892, of the one 
hundredth anniversary of the admission of Kentucky as an inde- 
pendent State into the Federal Union. Prepared for publication by 
Eeuben T. Durrett, A. M., LL. D., President of The Filson Club. 
Illustrated with likenesses of President Durrett, Major Stanton, 
Sieur LaSalle and General Clark, and faosimiees of the music and 
songs at the Centennial banquet. Bobert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati, 
Ohio, and John P Morton & Co., Louisville, Kentucky, Printers. 
1892. 4to, 200 pages. 

8. The Centenary of Louisvieee. A paper read before 
the Southern Historical Association, Saturday, May 1, 1880, in 
commemoration of the one hundredth anniversary of the beginning 
of the city of Louisville as an incorporated town under an act of 
the Virginia Legislature. By Reuben T. Durrett, A. M., LL. D., 
President of The Filson Club. Illustrated with likenesses of Colonel 
Durrett, Sieur LaSalle, and General Clark. John P. Morton & Co., 
Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1.893. 4to, 200 pages. 

9. The Political Club, Danville, Kentucky, 1786-1790. 
Being account of an early Kentucky debating society, from the 
original papers recently found. By Captain Thomas Speed, Secre- 
tary of The Filson Club. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louis- 
ville, Kentucky. 189-1. 4to, XII— 167 pages. 

10. The Life and "Writings of Rafinesque. Prepared for 
The Filson Club and read at its meeting, Monday, April 2, 1891. 
By Richard Ellsworth Call, M. A., M. Sc., M. D., Member of The 
Filson Club. Illustrated with a likeness of Eafinesque and fac- 
similes of pages of his Fishes of the Ohio and Botany of Louis- 
ville. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1895. 
4to, XII— 227 pages. 

11. Transylvania University. Its origin, rise, decline and 
fall. Prepared for The Filson Club by Robert Peter, M. D., and his 
daughter, Miss Johanna Peter, members of The Filson Club. 
Illustrated with a likeness of Doctor Peter, John P. Morton & 
Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1S96. -Ito, 202 pages. 

12. Bryant's Station and the memorial proceedings held on 

The Filson Club 2S3 

its site under the auspices of the Lexington Chapter, D. A. R , 
August 18, 1896, in honor of* its heroic mothers and daughters. 
Prepared for publication by Reuben T. Durrett, A. M*, LL. D., 
President of The Filson Club. Illustrated with likenesses of of- 
ficers of the Lexington Chapter, D. A. P., President Durrett, Major 
Stanton, Professor Banck, Colonel Young, and Doctor Todci, and 
full-page views of Bryant's Station and its spring, and of the battle- 
field of the Blue Licks. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louis- 
ville, Kentucky. 1897. 4to, XII— 277 pages. 

13. The First Explorations of Kentucky. The Journals 
of Doctor Thomas Walker, 1750. and of Colonel Christopher Gist, 
1751. Edited by Colonel J. Stoddard Johnston, Vice-President of 
The Filson Club. Illustrated with a map of Kentucky showing the 
routes of Walker and Gist throughout the State, with a view of 
Castle Hill, the residence of Dr. Walker, and a likeness of Colonel 
Johnston. John P. Morion & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky, 

1898. 4to, 256 pages. 

14. The Clay Faiutly. Part First — -The mother of Henry 
Clay, by Zachary F. Smith, member of The Filson Club; Part 
Second — The Genealogy of the Clays, by Mrs. Mary Rogers Clay, 
member of The Filson Club. Illustrated with a full-page half- 
tone likeness of Henry Clay, of each of the authors, and a full-page 
picture of the Clay coat-of-arms ; also, four full-page grouped illus- 
trations, each containing four likenesses of members of the Clay 
family. Jolin P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 

1899. 4to, YI— 276 pages. ' I 

15. The Battle of Tippecanoe. Part First— The Battle 
and the Battle-Ground : Part Second — Comment of the Press; Part 
Third — Poll of the Army commanded by General Harrison. By 
Captain Albert Pirtle, member of The Filson Club. Illustrated, 
with a likeness of the author and likenesses of General William 
Henry Harrison. Colonel Joseph Hamilton Daveiss and Elks- 
watawa, " the Prophet/ 5 together with three full-page views and a 
plot of the battle-ground. John P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louis- 
ville, Kentucky. 1900., XIX— 158 pages. 

16. Boonesboeougit, a pioneer town of Kentucky; Its origin, 
progress, decline and final extinction. By George W. Banck, his- 
torian of Lexington, Kentucky, etc., and member of The Filson 

2S4 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Club. Illustrated with copious half-tone views of its site and its 
fort, with likenesses of the author and of Daniel Boone, and a 
picture of Boone's principal relics. John P. Morton- & Co., Print- 
ers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1901. 4to, XII— 286 pages. 

17. The Old Masters of the Blue Grass. By General 
Samuel W. Price, member of The Pilson Club. Consisting of 
biographic sketches of the distinguished Kentucky artists, Matthew 
K. Jonett, Joseph H. Bush, John Grimes, Oliver Prazer, Louis 
Morgan, Joel T. Hart and Samuel W. Price, with half tone like- 
nesses of the artists and specimens of their work. John P. Mor- 
ton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1902, 4to, XIII— 181 

18. The Battle of the Thames: By Colonel Bennett H. 
Young, member of The Pilson Club. Presenting a review of the 
causes which led to the battle, the preparations made for it, the 
scene of the conflict and the victory. Illustrated with a steel en- 
graving of the author, half-tone likenesses of the principal actors 
and scenes and relics from the battlefield. To which is added an 
appendix containing a list of the officers and privates engaged. John 
P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1903. 4to, 288 

19. The Battle of Xew Orleans. By Zachary P. Smith, 
member of The Pilson Club. Presenting a full account of the 
forces engaged, the preparations made, the preliminary conflicts 
which led up to the final battle and the victory to the Americans 
on the 8th of January, 13 Iff. Illustrated with full page likenesses 
of the author, of Generals Jackson and Adair, of Governors Shelby 
and Slaughter, and maps of the country and scenes from the battle- 
field. To which, is added a list of Kentuckians in the battle. John 
P. Morton & Co., Printers, Louisville, Kentucky. 1904. 4to, 224 


Compiled By Thomas M. Owen, Director. 

The Anderson Gazette, w. 

Dec. 27, 1844; Feby. 27, 1845. 

Vol. II, Nos. 3 and 9. 

The Camden and Lancaster Beacon, w. 

June 7, 1831, n. s. Vol. I, No. 13. 

Cher aw. 
jFarrners' Gazette, w. 

Sept. 24, 1844. 

Carolina Gazette. 

Sept. 6, Nov. 23, 1831 ; May 30, 1832. 
TJnion and States Rights Gazette. 

Oct. 18, 1831. Vol. I, No. 2. 
The Irisliman Extra, n. d. 

Contains only " Letter " from Rt. Rev. Doctor England to the 

Catholic citizens of Charleston, S. C, dated Aug. 24, 183 1. 
The Courier, d. 

March 7, 8, June 1, 2, July 25, 26, Aug. 15, 16, 22, Sept. 20, 1831. 

Nov. 14, 1838, Dec. 31, 1S40. Irregular. 
Bound with the Mercury, 1840. 

Jan. 1. 1841 — Dec. 31, 1842. 1 book. 

Jan. 2, 1843 — Dec. 31, 1844. 1 book. 

Jan. 1, 1845 — Dec. 31, 1846. 1 book. 

Jan. 1, 1847— -Dec. 29, 184S. 1 book. 

Sept. 17, 1851- Sept. 17, 1853. Sundry numbers. 
The Charleston Mercury, d. 

July 13, 14, Aug. 3, 9, 1831. 

Oct. 3, 1840 — Aug. 12, 1847. Irregular. 
Bound with the Courier, 1838. 

July 2, 1851 — Nov. 1, 1852. Sundry numbers. 

*The collection of newspaper files in the possession of this Department 
is unusually large. The Alabama issues predominate, but there is a rep- 
resentative selection of all Southern and many Northern files. They have 
all been brought together since the establishment of the Department, Feb- 
ruary 27, 1 901. —Editor. 

286 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

The Pal me! to Flag. 

Oct. 22, 2$ y 1851. Vol. I. No?. 16 and 17. 
No more issued after No. 17. 
The Southern Standard. 

July 28, Aug. 1, Sept. 20, Oct. 4, 21, 1851. Jan. 12, 28, July 15, 1852. 
The Evening News. d. 

July 31, Dec. 15, 1S51 ; Jan. 24, March 1, 1852. 
The Sunday News. 

July, 1807 — April, 1898. 


Columbia Telescope. 

May 20, 1831. Vol. XVII, No. 19. 

Jan. 3, 1833- Extra. 
Southern Times and State Gazette, w. 

Jan. II, 1833. Vol: IV, No. 2. 
South Carolina Temperance Advocate. 

Sept. 12, 1839, and Nov. 28, 1844. Vol. I, No. 10, et seq. 

Sept. 11, Oct. 2, 185,1. 
The Southern Chronicle, w. 

July 16 — Aug. 20, 1840. Vol. I, Nos. 3-8. 

Dec. 18, 1844— Sept. 24, 1845. Jan. 1, 1844. 

The last number bound with the Courier, 1838. 

South Carolinian, w. 

Aug. 7, 1840.— Aug 11, 184S. Vol. II, No. 49 — Vol. X, No. 60. 
The Palmetto State Banner. 

Sept. 8, 1846. Vol I, No. 1. 
Daily States-Eights Republican, d. 

May 26, July 5, Dec. 29, 185 1 ; Jan. 3, 5, 27, 1852. 
The Daily South Carolinian, d. 

Dec. 8, 1S52. 


The Carolinian, w. 

March 13, 1830. Vol. II, No. 53. 
Edgefield Advertiser, w. 

July 24, Sept. 18, Oct. 2, 1851. 


The Greenville Republican, w. 

July 26, 1826 — Aug. 11, 1827. Vol. I, No. 3, et seq. 1 book. 
The first paper published in this town. 

South Carolina Newspaper Files 287 

The Mountaineer, w. 

Jan. io, 1829—Xov. 14, x8s3S. Vol. I, No. 1. ci seq. 1 book. 

June 21, 1834— Dec. I 9> I&35- T book. 

Jan. 9, 1S36— April 19, 1844. 1 book. 

Jan. 19, 1844—Oct 29, 184;. I book. ■ 

Dec. 13, 1844—Oct. 18, 1850. 1 book. 

Aug. 5, 19, 1852. 
The Evening Star. 12x16 in. 

Feb. 14, 1848. 

Published by the " Ladies Fair," for the benefit of the Greenville 
Baptist Church. 
The Weekly Southern Patriot, w. 

Feb. 28, 1851— Feb. 19, 1852. Vol. I, Nos. 1-52. 1 book. 

March 11, 1852 — Feb. 10, 1855. 1 book. 
The Tri-Weekly Southern Patriot, t m. 

April 22, j8~i-— Feb. 16, 185?. Vol. I, No. 1, ci seq. 1 book. 


The Hamburg Journal, w. 

Aug. 13, 1845. Vol. VI, No. 11. 
The Republican, w. 

June 19, 1851. ~ 


The Lancaster ledger, w. 

June 2% 30, 1852. Vol. I, No. 21. 

Laurensville. \ 

Laurensville Herald, w. 
Aug. 2c 1852. 


Pendleton Messenger, w. 

March 30, April 6, June 22, 29, Aug. 31. Vol. XXIII, No. 8 et seq. 
Dec. 5, 1850. 


The Spartan, w. 

Dec. 25, 1844. Vol. II, No. 1. 

The Fairfield Herald, w. 

Dec. 25, 1851; Jan. 1, 15, 1852. 
Dec. 25, 1851 ; Jan. 1, 15, 1852. 
Yorkville Miscellaney. w. 

July 5, 185 1. 
The True Remedy, w. 

Jan. 15, 1852. Vol. I, No. 16. 


By Mrs. Jennie S. Perkins, of Washington, D. C. 

The authentic genealogy of the Womack family of Georgia 
and Alabama commences in 1610 with Lawrence Womack, Bishop 
of St. Davids, England; he was second son of Charles Augustus 
Womack, who was a half brother to the Duke of Albemarle- 

The bishop was a voluminous author, and wrote many books on 
theology, mostly of a controversial character. He was esteemed one 
of the ablest bishops of his day. He is buried in St Margaret's 
Church, London, his daughter Anne being buried -by his side. A 
hand some monument marks the place of his burial, with an in- 
scription in Latin of which the following is a translation : 

" Nearby is buried whatever mortal there was of the Reverend 
Father in Christ, Lawrence Womack, Bishop of St. Davids, who, 
after the labor of many years in the Anglican church, exchanged 
his gloriously worn badge for the crown of immortality on the 12th 
cf March, 1G85, aged 73. Likewise what remains of his only daugh- 
ter, Anne, a virgin of nineteen, who on the 30th of the preceding 
October was called away to the fellowship (more glorious than any 
marriage) of the spirits of virgins." 

Edward Womack, son of Lawrence, was born in England, 
March 12, 1653. 

Ashley Womack, son of Edward, was born in England, August 
15, 1683, and emigrated to Virginia in 1716. , 

Kichard Womack, son of Ashley, was born December 7, 1710. 

Abraham Womack, son of Richard, was born April 22, 1742. 

Jacob Womack, son of Richard, was born in 1746. He was 
one of the members of the Wautauga Settlement; was one of the 
thirteen appointed to draft the form of government, and was en- 
gaged in he battle of King's Mountain. 

Mansel Womack, son of Abraham, was bom June 4, 1770, in 
Georgia, and moved to Butler county, Alabama, in 1818. 

John Warburton Womack, son of Mansel, was born in Georgia 
October 15, 1807, and accompanied his father to Alabama in 1S18, 

The Womack Family of Georgia and Alabama 239 

settling at Manningham, Butler county. The place is now owned 
and occuupied by Jacob Lewis Woinack, his great nephew. John 
Warourton Womack married Mrs. Ann Miller Hays, who was 
the daughter of Woodcliffe Beville and Judith his wife, who came 
from Amelia county, Virginia, to Alabama. lie was at one time 
a member <of the legislature of Alabama, but declined other offices, 
both State and Federal. He was a graduate of the University of 
Georgia at Athens, and of the University of Alabama, and was one 
of the. most distinguished lawyers of the State. He died at his 
home in Eutaw, Greene county, August 29, 1SG3. His wife was a 
descendant of Lieutenant-General cle Beville, a French officer who 
served on the staff of General Rocharnbeau in the American Involu- 
tion, and of his son Chevalier de Beville, who was also on the staff 
of Gen, Bocharnbeau. The son remained in Virginia after the Revo- 
lution. The issue of the marriage of John Warburton Womack and 
Ann Miller Hays, nee Beville, were: Lowndes Womack, who was 
a soldier in the Confederate army ; he was quartermaster sergeant in 
the Army of Tennessee. He was born in Alabama, and died there. 
Sidney Womack, who was a lieutenant in the regular Confederate 
army, and on the staff of Brigadier General Marcus J. Wright. He 
was also bom in Alabama and died there. Pauline Womack, who 
married General [Marcus J. Wright, of Tennessee, and Oetavia 
Womack, both of whom reside in Washington' City. 

General Marcus J. Wright, who married Pauline Womack, is 
descended from a line of men whose military prowess is a part of 
the history of our common country. His grandfather, Capt. John 
Wright, commanded in the Revolutionary War a company known 
as the "Georgia Line." His father, Col. Benjamin Wright, was born 
near Savannah, Georgia, April 2, 173-1. Soon after the declaration 
of war by the United States against Great Britain in June, 1S12, 
Benjamin Wright was appointed a lieutenant in the army by Presi- 
dent Madison. , He was soon thereafter detailed for the recruiting 
service, in which he was very successful. Upon the breaking out of 
the Creek War in the summer of 1813, he took an active part, and 
distinguished himself for gallantry in the battle of the Horse Shoe. 
He was promoted several times, reaching eventually to a field 
officer. In the war with Mexico he served under General Scott. 

290 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Marcus J. Wright espoused the eau^e of the South at the begin- 
ing of the Civil War, and soon, became distinguished for his ability 
as an organizer and leader. General Grant, who confronted his 
command at the battle of Shiloh and noted its stubborn resistance, 
asked and obtained the name of his Napoleonic opponent, predict- 
ing that he would yet be placed in command of a brigade. Later 
he was created a brigadier-general, was appointed military governor 
of Columbus, Kentucky, and was in active service till the close of 
the struggle. 

Gen. Wright's life has been one of ceaseless activity since the 
war ended. A tribute to his great abilities and wide knowledge of 
military men and affairs in the South, was his selection by the 
United States Government as Agent for the Collection of Con- 
federate Records, to prepare material for the iC Official Records of 
the Union and Confederate Armies/' This vast work of more than 
a hundred large volumes required his unremitting labors for more 
than twenty years, and is a lasting monument to his painstaking 
zeal, research and industry. In the meantime he has written and 
published several widely read books and contributed to the leading 
magazines, besides carrying on a voluminous correspondence and at- 
tending to the many social duties inseparable from his position. 

One of the most striking characteristics is his affectionate 
loyalty to the people of his native section; and the labor of love 
nearest his heart is the erection of a handsome monument in Me- 
£Tairy county Tennessee, where he was born, on which are inscribed 
the few hundred names of its earliest citizens. This he expects to 
have completed and dedicated with appropriate ceremonies during 
the coming Spring. 

The issue of the marriage of Gen. Marcus J. Wright and Paul- 
ine Womack, are: 

John Womack Wright, who was born in Missouri during the 
temporary residence there of his parents. He was educated in the 
preparatory school of the Columbian University of Washington, 
and at William and Mary College in Virginia, afterwards entering 
the law school of Columbian University. He entered the volunteer 
army of the United States in the Spanish war as first lieutenant of 
the Fifth Volunteer Infantry, and was mustered out as captain. 

The Womack Family of Georgia and Alabama 291 

He was appointed second lien tenant of the 5rli United States 
regular infantry, and was promoted to first -lieutenant. He was 
adjutant of the Fifth Volunteer Regiment, and disbursing officer 
of the Province of Santiago under Gen. Leonard Wood. He served 
four years in Cuba, and one year in the Philippines. Howard Paul 
Wright, born in Washington, D. C, educated in the public schools 
oc Washington, and in the private school of the National Capital 
University School. He is engaged in the office of the Southern EaiL 
road Company in Washington. Pauline Casey Wright, the only 
daughter, was born in Washington D. C, and resides with her 
parents. She is a favorite member of Washington's most select 
circles, and inherits the literary tastes of her distinguished ances- 

A branch of the above mentioned Womack family, and closely 
allied to it, descended from John Howard Dillard Womack. His 
father was James Womack, who came to this country from England 
and settled in North Carolina, moving thence to Tennessee. 

John Howard Dillard Womack was born in Tennessee, moving 
from there to Georgia, where he married Sara McKennie. After 
their marriage they removed to Marengo county, Alabama. He died 
in Dallas county, Alabama, in the 69th year of his age. He was a 
lawyer, and judge of the court for many years. His children were 
Elizabeth, Lucy, and Capt. John Foster Womack who died unmar- 
ried during the war. Sara Elizabeth married W. H. Couch, and they 
had three children, the eldest of whom, Texan a, married W. M. 
Etheridge. Bettie C. married D. R. Van Pelt. John Womack mar- 
ried Miss Izard, of Arkansas. Texana Couch Womack Etheridge 
had four children : Elizabeth, who married Peter Mclntyre; Annie 
Foster Etheridge, who married Sydney Johnston Bowie, who has 
for four years represented the Fourth District of Alabama in Con- 
gress; Emma Love Etheridge, who married ~N. E. Sinclair, and 
Marone Etheridge, now a schoolboy. 



The following letter from General R. E. Lee to President Jefferson 
Davis has been kindly furnished by Charles Edgeworth Jones, Esq., of 
Augusta.. Georgia. It is supposed never to have been published before. 

1. Letter From Gen. Lee to President Davis: 

Camp Orange Ct H., 23 Sept '63. 
His Exe'y Jeffn Davis, 

Pres : Conf States — Richmond:. 

Mr President: — 
I have had the honour to receive your letter of the 
21st inst: — I was rejoiced yesterday to learn by a dispatch 
from the War Dept: of the complete victory gained by Genl Bragg. 
I hope he will be able to follow it up, to concentrate his troops, and 
operate on the enemy's rear. I infer from the accounts I have seen 
that Buckner had not joined him. Unless he is opposing a superior 
force to his own, he ought at ouce to unite with Bragg, that he may 
push the advantage gained. If that can be done, Longstreet can suc- 
cessfully move to Tennessee, open that country where Sam Jones 
can unite with him, and thence rejoin me. — No time ought now 
to be lost or wasted. Ever} r thing should be done that can be done at 
once, so that the troops may be speedily returned to this Dept : As 
far as I can judge, they will not get here too soon. The enemy is 
aware of Longstreet's departure. They report in their papers the day 
he passed through Augusta, and give the positions of Ewell's and 
Hill's Corps. Genl Meade is strengthening himself daily. Our 
last scouts report the return of the troops sent North to enforce the 
draft. Nine trains loaded with troops reached Culpepper Thursday 
night. Three trains arrived en Monday, and three on Tuesday 
last, in addition to between four and five thousand by marching. 
It was apparently expected by the enemy that we would abandon 
the line of the Bapidan on his approach. His advance seems to be 
delayed by doubts as to our strength from the maintenance of our 
position. His reconnoitering parties and Calvary are busy in ob- 
servation. During Monday and Tuesday he quietly massed his 
Cav'y on his right, and moved through Madison to turn our left. — 
Gregg came down the road to Orange Ct House by Barnett's ford, 

Documents 293 

Ivilpatriek the road by Liberty Mills, and Buford the road by Bar- 
boiir.sville leading to Gordonsville. Genl Stuart with our division 
of Cav'y guarding our left flank, opposed so obstinately the progress 
of these three divisions of the enemy, that he brought them to a 
halt last night at EapMan. By that time Genl Fitz Lee had 
hastened from the right, and joined him. During the night, the 
enemy commenced to retire. Genl Stuart showed his usual energy, 
his route back to Culpepper. I presume his next attempt will be 
on our right, unless he determines to move his whole army around 
our left to Gordonsville. Genl. Stuart showed his usual energy, 
promptness and boldness in his operations yesterday. Keeping 
with the front line of his troops, his horse was shot under him. — 
Citizens report the enemy's loss heavy. — I hope ours is not large. 
I have only heard of the death of Col : Eodgers of F. C. Scales' 
Brigade, who was killed by a shell at Bametfs ford, and of Lt 
Col : Deloney of the CaVy wounded. 
I am with great respect 

Your obt Servt 
B. E. Lee 
P. S. — From the details brought by the train today of the Bat- 
tle of Chickamauga, I see that Buckner had united with Bragg. — I 
am grieved to learn the death of Genl Hood. — I fear also from the 
accounts that Genl Wofford is dead. — He was one of Georgia's best 
soldiers. I am gradually losing my best men — Jackson, Pender, 
Hood. There was no braver soldier in the Confederate army than 
Deshler. — I see he is numbered among the dead. 

R. E. L. 

II. Nicaragua^ Caxal Proposed ix 1S26. 

The following letter will doubtless prove very interesting in view of 
the present status of the Isthmian Canal movement. The writer, John 
Williams (son of Col. Jos. Williams of the Revolutionary Army, and wife, 
Elizabeth Lanier) was born in Surry County, N. C, January 29, 1778; 
received a liberal education ; studied law and began practice at Knoxville, 
Tenn. ; served as colonel in the war of 1812 under General Jackson ; elected 
a United States Senator from Tennessee (vice G. W. Campbell, resigned) 
from 1815-1823; appointed charge d' affaires to Central America 1825- 

291 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

26; member of the State Senate; died near Knoxville, Tenn., August 10, 
1837. t 

This letter has been communicated hy Win. D. Williams, Jr., of Knox- 
ville, Tenn., a grandson of Dr. Alexander Williams, one of the addressees, 
Similar evidences of Mr. Williams' interest in Southern history will be 
found in this Magazine, Vol. I., May, 1903, pp. 443-4, and Vol. II., No- 
vember, 1903, pp. 204-214. 

Cuatamala, May 30th 1826. , 
Mr. Wm. Dickson & 
Dr. Alex. Williams. 

On the 23rd of last March I sailed from Hampton Roads on 
the ship John Adams- On the same evening we met the equinoxial 
gale, which continued for five or six clays with much violence. This 
was my first excursion to sea- The terrors of a storm at sea have 
been greatly overrated by mariners- We touched at Matanzas and 
llavaiiiia on the Island of Cuba- At Truxeilo on the continent & 
landed at Amoa, my post (or port) of destination on the 17th of 
April- 1 dispatched the ship John Adams on the 19th for Cartagena- 
On the 20th sailed in a small schooner I had chartered thro' the 
bottom of the bay of Honduras into the Gulph of Dulce & landed 
( at Isabol on the 21st; distant from Amoa 150 miles- I remained 
at Amoa as short a time as possible- it is a perfect grave yard & is 
fatal to many strangers- On the 23rd I left Isabol mounted on a 
mule and a Spanish saddle the like of which neither of you have 
ever seen- And on the 2nd of May arrived in this city, distant 
from Amoa 210 miles- I was detained one day for the want of 
transportation- You will say this was slow traveling- But I as- 
sure you I stated nearly every morning at 2 or 3 o'clock & traveled 
industriously & performed the trip in about half the time usually 
taken- I never traveled less than 18 nor more than 30 miles per 
day- I donbt whether there is so bad a road in the world where 
human creatures pass- There has been but little rain since Decem- 
ber- The clouds of dust, want of water, and vertical rays of a 
blazing sun rendered the journey disagreable- The country thro 
which I passed is an alteration of high mountains mostly without 
timber & rich valleys- For seven days it was excessively hot- The 
air was like the atmosphere of an oven & was difficult of respiration- 
This City is situated in latitude 14 ^Torth, in a valley of rich land 
& in a most delightful climate- The inhabitants scarcely know a 
change of temperature during the year- The weather reminds me 

Documents 295 

of one of our best May days- There is one continued vernal season- 
Yet the people do not live to a great age- Within 20 leagues there is 
every climate- In six leagues & in view is the great Volcano called 
here the Volcano de Aqua', which destroyed the old city of Gnata- 
mala, from which this city is supplied within- Within a few leagues 
from thence on the shores of the Pacific is to be found the climate 
of Africa under the Equator- The Volcano is estimated at 14 or 
15,000 feet high- The population of this city is perhaps 50,000- 
The streets are 36 feet wide, well paved with limestone with a 
rivulet in the centre of each street- There are about 40 churches 
& 4 or 500 Priests of the different orders- Most of the churches 
are magniflcient buildings- Some of them it is said cost more 
than two millions of dollars and few of them less than $50,000. 
The houses are low with thick walls to resist the earth quakes- 
There is ? neatness and uniformity' in this cit3 r which I have never 
seen equaled- Rents are moderate- The house I occupy has 10 
rooms, stable, etc, with two fountains of water & a piazza of 156 
feet- I pay for it $25. per month- I was the first Minister ever 
received at this Court- The Government made considerable prepar- 
ations & gave me a splendid reception- General Morales, Minister 
from Columbia, arrived a few days after I did- The United States 
stand first in the affections of these people- Colo. Beneshe (or 
Baneske) formerly of the French Army but now the Agent of a 
New York Company has obtained the contract to make a ship Com- 
munication between the North and South Seas thro' the Lake 
Nicaragua- There is no doubt of the practicability of this enter- 
prise- The lake is connected with the Atlantic by the river St. 
John which is now navigable for large ships except at a few places 
where sand bars are formed & which can easily be removed- A 
canal of 14 miles thro' low clay ground from the lake to the Pacific 
will complete the communication- The English were extremely 
anxious to obtain this work- Their agents are here yet- Colo. 
Beneshe thinks my arrival contributed to his success- It is for- 
tunate for the commerce & navagation of the United States that 
this channel has not fallen into Brittish hands- The completion 
of this work will give a new direction to the commerce of the 
world- And whilst the contract will be highly beneficial to the Gov- 
ernment it cannot fail to be a source of great profit to the con- 

296 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

tractors- They are to get 10 per cent on the amount expended & 
other advantages equal to that scale- 

I contemplate visiting the United States next winter- If I 
should I will probably reach Tennessee early in February- Ee- 
member me kindly to your two better halfs- Say to Mrs Dickson 
some rogue between Isabol & this place stole the sceptacles she 
gave me- Present my respects also to Mr. John Dickson & his lady- 
I should like to know how you come on farming- I expect my 
wife will beat both of you- I have not heard one word from the 
U. States since I left it- I am looking for the arrival of news with 

With great respect, your Humble Servant- 
John Williams. 
Messrs Dickson & Williams. 

P. S. The canal contract was procrastinated from day to day & 
from week to week & was not finally executed until this day- Colo. 
Beneshe will start for New York in a few days & will take charge 
of this letter. 

John Williams. 
June 16, 1826. 


III. Letter from A. Hanson, of Monrovia, Africa, to Senator James 
R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin. Mr. Hanson was sent to Africa to help in 
colonizing the negroes from the United States. The letter is furnished by 
courtesy of Duane Mowry, Esq., of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 

Monrovia, Liberia, W. C. of Africa, April 30th, 18G3. 
Hon. J. Pt. Doolittle, 

U. S. Senator, &c>, cvc, 
Dear Sir: — An opportunity offers by the departure from this 
port, of the Brig '"Ann," for New York, to send you a line. I wish. 
to inform you of my welfare. From the time of my arrival on this 
coast, Aug. 16, '62, until Feb. 22nd, J 63, I was free from disease. 
On the date last mentioned the African fever attacked me in a mild 
form, but, passing over the intervals, I have to state that on the 
13th inst. I bowed my head under the third, and most fierce and ter- 
rible visitation of that dreadful malady. By the mercy of our 
Father in heaven I have been restored from a state of physical 

Documents 297 

prostration, so extreme, that two physicians pronounced recovery 
doubtful. I am daily gaining strength; and, aitei confinement to 
the home for 18 days, it will be ref resiling, in a day or two, to get 
out and inhale the balmy air ! 

I do not regret coming to Liberia. As a promising field of 
useful toil — to a man of correct principles and humane and gener- 
ous Sympathies — it is all that I conceived it to be. True, a residence 
here involves sacrifices which I will not now enumerate, but there 
is not a place on earth, I apprehend, where work of this nature is to 
be done which does not call for some sort of self-denial. Hence 
I do not utter a complaint. 

The question of my remaining here is one which I can not 
yet settled. The conviction that I had a constitutional adaptation 
to Ciio dimate has been somewhat shaken, and now, the judgment 
of intelligent friends here would induce the conclusion that my stay- 
must be brief. There is one point which is settled to my satisfac- 
tion, i. e., I cannot consistently remain at my present salary. The 
bills of physicians, unavoidable contingent & regular personal ex- 
penses, will fully absorb my $1,000.00 per annum, besides which, 
T have a family at home. From the comparative indigence of this 
people, there is scarcely any one who will move a step, or raise a 
hand, without exorbitant pay> and the white man, above all others, 
must become tributary to their numerous wants. The more intelli- 
gent & independent class do not usually engage in those acts of 
kindness & ministrations to the sick-sojourner, which are so freely 
bestowed by our people at home. Hence, you can see that the hire- 
ling must be called in. I make some allowance for this state of 
things upon the ground that our general treatment of this race of 
people has been such as to impose a restraint upon them, and now, 
under the most inviting circumstances, they are not entirely free 
from diffidence and distrust. Another palliating consideration is 
that the unreasonable profits made by white merchants upon pro- 
visions and other commodities brought to this coast, drives them 
(the citizens of Liberia) to charge for work done, or service render- 
ed, prices that are above, & contrary to all reason. 

I have intimated, in plain terms, in a special dispatch upon 
the subject to the Department of State, my utter inability to meet 
my expenses from my salary. I have explained that engaging in 

298 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

trade, in addition to my official relation, would seriously interfere 
with my efficiency as a servant of my government, and, in conse- 
quence of my being confined to one place might result very disas- 
terously to myself. I have also said that one person, invested with 
proper functions, can, for sometime to come represent our govern- 
ment at this court, and perform all the consular & other duties ; — 
and thus he might be placed upon a. scale of support which would 
afford full indemnity for comfortable maintenance, leaving out of 
the question the expenses of transit and the great risk of life, &c, 
&c. Thus I have done all that self-respect will allow for the pur- 
pose of inducing a change. 

Please do not regard the foregoing as indicating a desire to 
have }'ou assume any more perplexing care on my account. I have 
no doubt but you have done for me, or for Liberia, all that con- 
cictcncy would allow. I will venture to express this wish, viz : that 
some action ras.j be taken in regard to Liberia, that since our 
gov't has decided to open diplomatic intercourse, & the ap- 
propriation of $4,000. has been made for one year's salary of a 
commissioner, this may not all remain a dead letter. Hayti & 
Liberia have been associates in the act of recognition. All the 
provisions in regard to Hayti have been carried out. Not one in 
regard to Liberia, except the ratification of a treaty of friendship 
& commerce, & even of that, your agent here has not had the 
slightest official intimation. Liberia has her Consul General in 
the U. S. Our government has only a commercial agent in Liberia, 
with no legitimate authority to communicate directly with the Li- 
berian government. 

I beg you will not understand me as pleading for myself. I am 
anxious that my government should be consistent, and that proper 
respect should be accorded to Liberia. If the wisdom of the Dept. 
of State selects & appoints some other person than myself to fill 
the offices here it will be one of the most cheerful acts of my life to 
retire and return home. 

I have fallen upon an unexpected topic in this communication 
— pardon me — and now let me say that, for Africans & their de- 
scendants, Liberia — expanding as she is — presents a rich inheri- 
tance, sacredly set apart and carefully guarded, by an inscrutably 
mysterious providence for their possession and enjoyment. A cor- 

Documents 239 j 

red" knowledge of its inexhaustible resources, its free institutions 
& its glorious destiny, it seems to me, is all that Is needed to in- 
duce hundreds of thousands of the colored population of the 
U. S. to flock eagerly to these shores. The climate is generally 
salubrious, the temperature remarkably uniform. I have not ob- 
served a variation, day nor night, since January 1st, of more than 
from 5 degrees to ?' degrees; the thermometer ranging not higher 
than 85 degress or 87 degrees Fahrenheit, in the shade, and during 
the rainy season ending about Dec. 1, '62, I never saw the ther- 
mometer below 60 degrees Fahrenheit. The soil is luxuriant, vege- 
tation starts up as if by magic, fruit bountiful & ripe drops on 
the ground. The trees are clothed in perpetual verdure. Majestic 
rivers & magnificent landscapes cover the face of the country. 
Sugar & co^ee pi nutations greet the eye on the banks of the St. 
Paul's, St. John's, and other rivers, & in every settlement en- 
couraging omens are to be seen in all directions, and the inexpli- 
cable wonder to me is, that with all the agencies & facilities 
of the Colonization Societies of the U. States, for diffusing in- 
formation amongst the colored people of America; with all the 
means within reach of our government of becoming acquainted with 
the wealth and grandeur of this land, the people interested, or 
the government, should spend time in working for another home! 
Bo they not believe what is told them ? 

But I must close, physical debility will not allow me to indulge 
in long letters. May I not hope to have a few lines from you ? The 
Brig ''Ann*' will be in New Work two or three weeks after you re- 
ceive this, and any communication for me, sent to the care of Yates 
& Porterfield, 115 Wall st, New York, will be cheerfully brought 
out by Captain Yates, a right loyal Union-loving man. 

Do not think, that because I have not dwelt upon the condition 
of our beloved country, I am, therefore, uninformed, or uninterest- 
ed. It is the subject of my anxious thought and earnest solicitude, 
by day & by night. But it is a subject upon which I can not tell 
you anything— your heart is full of it. 

With kind rememberances to all friends, I am, with great 
respect and sincere gratitude, Yours, obediently, 

A. Hanson. 


• Hawkins Manuscripts Wanted. — Benjamin Hawkins, son of Phil- 
emon and Delia (Martin) Hawkins, was born in old Bute (now War- 
ren) County, N'. C, August 15, 1754, and died at his residence in the 
Creek Indian Nation, while serving as an Indian Agent, June 6, 1816, 
Col. Hawkins had a long and useful public career. His papers and 
manuscripts are of considerable historical value, and are preserved in 
the Georgia Historical Society at Savannah. Inasmuch as the most 
valuable portions of these manuscripts relate to the Southern Indians, 
and thereby bear upon the early history of parts of the territory now- 
included in Alabama, the Department of Archives and History of Ala- 
bama contemplates their publication. 

If this is done, it is desirable that the collection should be as com- 
plete as possible. I will therefore appreciate copies of any and all 
Hawkins ietiers, papers and documents not embraced in the collection 
of the Georgia Historical Society. All papers sent will be carefully 
preserved and promptly returned. If originals can not be sent, I will 
be glad to have my attention called to their location. Collectors, 
students, librarians, descendants of old families and others, will confer 
u favor by assisting me. 

Thomas M. Owen., Director. 
Department of Archives and History. 

Montgomery, Ala., December 31, 1903. 

Unpublished Lee Letters. — Permission has been granted by the 
Board of Visitors of the University of Virginia to D. W. Thorn, of 
Baltimore, to publish the Lee letters now in the possession of the Uni- 

Tomb of President Taylor. — It is reported in the newspaper press 
that the tomb of President Zachary Taylor, familiarly known as "Rough 
«ind Ready," situated about five miles from Louisville, is rapidly falling 
into decay. For a half century the tomb has been neglected until now 
it presents a weather-beaten, desolate appearance. Few visitors ever 
go out to the spot, and no key has turned the rusty lock for fifty years. 


Tenth Annual Convention, U. D. C. — The Tenth AiMSiial Con- 
vention of the United Daughters of the Confederacy was held in 
Charleston, S. C, November 11-14, 1903. Mrs. Augustin T. Smyth, of 
Charleston, was elected president for the ensuing year. 

Confederate Monument at Charlottesville. — The Ladies' Memo- 
rial Association of Charlottesville are preparing to erect on the grounds 
of the University of Virginia a bronze tablet bearing the names of the 
four hundred alumni and students of that institution who fell in the 
service of the Confederacy. 

Death of Col. Sands. — Col. Robert Martin Sands died in Mobile, 
Ala., November 17, 1903, and is buried in the Magnolia Cemetery. He 
was the last Lieutenant-Colonel of the Third Alabama Regiment, C. S. 
A., and during the later part of the war commanded the regiment. At 
the time of his death he was the oldest representative of the Southern 
branch of the Sands family. See this Magazine, March, 1903, Vol. I, 
PP- 352-354 for genealogy. 

Eighth Annual Reunion United Sons of Confederate Veterans. — 
The Eighth Annual Reunion of the General Confederation, U. S. C. V., 
was held at New Orleans, La., May 19-22, 1903. The Thirteenth 
Annual Reunion of the United Confederate Veterans was held' at the 
same time. The occasion was highly stimulating to the patriotic, histori- 
cal and benevolent purposes of these organizations. The attendance 
was large and satisfactory. Wm. McL. Fayssoux, of New Orleans, was 
elected Commander-in-Chief of the U. S. C. V. The Minutes of the 
Reunion have recently been issued in pamphlet form (8vo, pp. 112, 
illustrated). Sec this Magazine, Vol. I, icx)2-'o3, pp. 163-4. 

Monument to Massachusetts Soldiers Erected at Vicksburg.— On 
the afternoon of November 14, 1903, was unveiled the monument erected 
in the Vicksburg National Military Park to the memory of Massachusetts 
soldiers who participated in the engagements in and around that historic 
point. Gov. John L. Bates and other prominent Massachusetts visitors 
were present. Included in the party was Mrs. Alice Ruggles Kitson, of 
Boston, who designed the monument. 

Monument to Ohio Soldiers Erected at Missionary Ridge. — The 
monument erected on Missionary Ridge to the memory of Ohio's troops, 

302 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

who participated in the battle at that point, was dedicated November 12, 
1903. Fully five hundred veterans, members of the Loyal Legion and 
others, headed by Gov. George K. Nash, Lieut. Gov. Gordon, and other 
State officials of Ohio, were present, as were also Gen. A. P. Stewart 
and other Confederates. Gov. Nash presented the monument to the 
United States in a fitting speech, after it had been turned over to him by 
Maj. W. F. Goodspeed, of the Ohio monument commission. Gen. E. C. 
Corbin, commanding the department of the east, received the monument 
on behalf of the government. Gen. Wheeler, of Chattanooga, spoke on 
behalf of the Ohio residents of that city, and Gen. H. V. Boynton and 
Lieut. Gov. Gordon, of Ohio, delivered orations. Three troops of the 
seventh cavalry, from Camp Thomas, acted as escort to the party on 
their six-mile ride from Chattanooga to Chickamauga, and the regimental 
band furnished music for the exercises. The monument stands near 
Gen. Braxton Bragg's headquarters. 

Memorial Tablet Unveiled at Old Church at Petersburg. — Within 
the historic walls of old Blandford church, at noon, November 12, 
1903, was unveiled a handsome marble tablet which had been placed on 
the south wall of the church by the Francis Bland Randolph Chapter of 
the Daughters of the American Revolution of that city, to the memory 
of the patriots of the Revolutionary war. The tablet is of Italian 
marble, and bears this inscription, which was written by Francis Rives 
Lassiter, of Petersburg: 

"In memory of the patriots who planned, upheld and achieved the 
independence of the United States of America. " 

Mayor W. M. Jones presided, and the exercises consisted of prayer, 
by Rev. 0. S. Bunting, rector of St. Paul's Episcopal church, singing 
of "America," and an address by Rev. J. S. Foster, pastor of Tabb 
Street Presbyterian Church. The tablet, which was hidden from view 
by a large United States flag, was unveiled by little Elizabeth Drewry. 
At night the Daughters of the American Revolution held a brilliant 
reception at the rooms of the Petersburg Club. 

Annual Meeting of the Alabama Historical Society. — The annual 
meeting of the Alabama Historical Society was held on the evening of 
Tuesday, December 22, 1903, in the city council chamber in the city 
of Montgomery. Governor Jelks was re-elected president, and Thomas 
M. Owen, of Montgomery, was re-elected secretary and treasurer. 
There was a large and representative audience of members and visitors. 
Governor Jelks, the president of the Society, presided. The feature of the 
meeting was an address by Col. M. L. Woods, of Montgomery. Promptly 
at 8:15 p. m., the president called the session to order, and a short 
invocation was offered by Rev. Stewart McQueen. ' 

Governor Jelks followed by a narrative of the work accomplished 
by the Society in the past, and a patriotic and earnest appeal to those 

Historical News .303 

interested in the history of the State, to aid the Society in accomplishing 
its worthy objects. "These objects commend themselves to you all," said 
he, "for if ycu do not care for the heroic deeds of your fathers you 
will be unworthy of them." 

Secretary Owen called the roll of the members resident in the city, 
and the meeting was declared ready for business. 

Professor George W. Duncan, of Auburn, moved the appointment by 
the president of a committee of three on nominations to report during 
the latter part of the session. The motion was carried, and Professor 
Duncan, Judge Thomas Bradford and Dr. W. H. Sanders were named 
as the committee. 

The secretary for the executive committee submitted a draft of a 
new constitution. After it had been read at length., on motion of Captain 
R. Tyler Goodwyn, it was adopted in full. 

The reports of the secretary and treasurer were read and referred 
to the executive committee. The work of the Society since the annual 
meeting was set forth, with plans for the future work of the organization. 
Among other plans proposed is the plan for regular monthly meetings 
of the Society, beginning in January, 1904. The report showed the 
loss of the following members by death since the last annual meeting: 
Tennent Lomax, Esq., Prof. Jacob Forney, Leonidas Howard, Henry 
H. Browne, Dr. J. L. M. Curry, John W. Perkins, William Crawford 

Bibb, Captain Robert Goldthwaite, Gen. R. C. Jones and Col. M. L. 

Colonel Michael L. Woods, of Montgomery, then presented the 
annual address, his subject being "Personal Reminiscences of Col. 
Albert James Pickett." Colonel Wood's paper was full of interesting 
facts and memoranda of a personal nature concerning Colonel Pickett. 
The many-sided activity of Colonel Pickett was dwelt upon, with per- 
sonal facts and incidents. The paper will form a valuable addition to 
the information extant concerning Alabama's first historian. At the 
conclusion of the address, a rising vote of thanks was tendered Colonel 
Woods, on motion of Dr. George Petrie, of Auburn. 

Dr. U. B. Phillips, Professor of History in the University of Wis- 
consin, was present and was called on for a talk. He responded in a 
very forcible and interesting talk on historical work in the South, its 
importance, attractiveness and development. Dr. Phillips is a Georgian, 
thoroughly in love with the history of his section, and at the same time 
widely versed in it. He is engaged in extensive researches in the history 
of the plantation system of the South, in its social and economic rela- 
tions to history. His remarks were received with applause. 

The secretary announced that a special train, bearing the members of 
the American Historical Association en route to New Orleans, would reach 
Montgomery Sunday evening, December 27, at 9:30 o'clock, and would 
be in the city two hours. During that time arrangements had been made 

304 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

to carry- the party to the State capitol, which would be illuminated. All 
members of the Society were urged to be at the capitol to meet the vis- 
itors. In the party will be the most distinguished historians of the 

Professor Duncan, for the special committee on nomination of officers 
for 1904, made its report, and the following were elected unanimously: 
President, Governor Jelks. Vice-Presidents, Dr. Reuben Henry Duggar, 
Gallion; Thomas Chalmers McCovey, Professor of History and Philos- 
ophy, University of Alabama; Colonel Samuel Will John, Birmingham; 
Chas. Coleman Thach, President Alabama Polytechnic Institute, Auburn; 
Peter J. Hamilton, Mobile; Oliver Day Street, Guntersville; Rev. Stewart 
McQueen, Montgomery; Clifford Anderson Lanier, Montgomery; Airs. 
Kate Hutcheson Morrissette, Montgomery. Secretary and Treasurer, 
Thomas McAdory Owen, Montgomery. Executive Committee, 
Thomas M. Owen, chairman ex-officio; Michael Leonard Woods, 
Montgomery; Dr. George Petrie, Professor of History, A. P. I., 
Auburn; Professor Joel Campbell DuBose, Birmingham; Robert 
Tyler Goodwyn, Montgomery; William Hardwick Ruth, Montgomery; 
John Talberl Letcher, Montgomery. 

The following resolution, offered by Mr. McQueen, was on motion 
unanimously adopted: 

" Resolved, That we, the members of the Alabama Historical Society, 
do most earnestly commend the organization to the favorable considera- 
tion and interest of the people of this commonwealth, that its purposes 
may be realized in all their perfection and permanency, thus serving as 
an abiding inspiration to our children and children's children to emulate 
in their lives and character all that is good and noble in the history of 
our State.' 

The- Secretary announced that the first of the monthly meetings would 
be held in January, and urged all members to attend. 

The meeting, at 1 > o'clock, adjourned. 


E.. Watson. D. Appleton & Company, Publishers, New York. (Svo. 
pp. xxii and 534, illustrated.) 

In Life and Times of Jefferson, Mr. Watson shows by his interpre- 
tation of the. inner life of the great man a keen insight into the small de- 
tails of every day life which are, when properly explained, greater than 
some of his greater achievements. In fact, when we come to know the 
man as he was, we no longer worship him as the hero, but in the light 
of a friend, and not as an unapproachable superior being. The work, on 
account of its details, with original and matured thoughts, sometimes di- 
gressive, yet suggestive of a wide range in historical knowledge, is valu- 
able. History, when composed of a collection of bare facts, without pol- 
ish and sentiment, may be liked best by the historian, but for the gen- 
eral reader it must be clothed in a readable style, not only for entertain- 
ment, but because most readers prefer to have an opinion rendered by a 
competent interpreter, rather than to form an opinion for themselves. It 
is to be regretted that Mr. Watson has in so personal a maimer created 
the impression that other biographers of Jefferson were quite unreliable — 
especially Mr. Curtis. He may be quite. right in asserting that Mr. Curtis 
made errors, but he may not have been malicious in doing so. The work 
is an able defense of the South' s part in the heroic struggle, and it is to 
the discredit of Northern historians that her share in the honor has not 
been given her. Northerners, weighing the seemingly implied animosity 
toward Northern writers, and believing that they have history more reli- 
able and as free from prejudice, will not be convinced of its truthfulness. 
Outside of these faults, if faults they may be called, it is a good work. It 
shows the men who have been raised to heights above ordinary men to 
have been individuals belonging to the common brotherhood of erring 
humanity. The style is free from rhetorical displays, yet it is plasing in its 
simplicity, and at times sublime. It unearths forgotten lore, and to show 
the true greatness of Jefferson, it gives history which other historians 
thought to be insignificant. E. B. Hardin, M. D. 

From the Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser, Dec. 22, 1903. 

Mr. Watson has broadened our study of Jefferson. He has exposed 
more of the man to view. He has planted a new light upon the majestic 
peak that already stood high above the towering mountains upon the 
horizon of American history. 

There is no purpose here to say much about the book. There is a 
strange feature of it and if the many who read it, intending to culti- 
vate the science of the American idea, may give due attention to the 
apparent collision of the author with his hero upon high ground, enough 
will have been done in this place. Mr. Watson is an enthusiast in 
the teaching of a philosophy, Jefferson's, which he virtually avows was 
badly taught by a philosopher, Thomas Jefferson. We find an astute 
attempt to qualify and moderate the reader's inevitable confusion of 

306 . The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

expectation in the one or more chapters describing most graphically 
the processes through which the Convention of 1787 reached the culmi- 
nation of its work in a Constitution for the United States. In mention 
of these wonderful things, the author says: 

"Two of the youngest members of the Constitutional Convention of 
1787 went there with ready-made Constitutions in their pockets. 
Alexander Hamilton carried one and Edmund Randolph the other." _ (p. 
297). Commenting upon these, the only two pocket-ready constitutions 
mentioned, he says of Hamilton's, " it was so frankly aristocratic and 
monarchial, In body and soul, that it was incontinently set aside,"' and 
of Randolph's, it was " in form Republican, in spirit far from Democratic." 
Why monarchial? Why far from Democratic? Because not Jeffersonian, 
as we shall see. What was the Jefferson idea? The ultimate Republic of 
Republics. Mr. Watson includes a positive faith in the political philosophy 
of Jefferson while he renounces with emphasis trenching upon fierceness 
the principles of American organization, the practiced methods of 
American government, which Jefferson taught as fundamental. It is not 
quite necessary to put on a page to itself that two young men carried 
in their pockets ready-made anti-Republican constitutions to Phila- 
delphia, leaving the careless reader to suspect that these two only did 
c-\rry such preparation along with them and that anti-Republican sentiment 
was thus placed demonstrably in the ascendant. 

Wny not name the third young man and his pocketful? Randolph 
from Virginia was 34 years of age. Hamilton from New York, 30, 
and Charles Piuckney, from South Carolina was 25 years of age. On 
Tuesday, May 29, the Convention having been organized and declared 
ready for business, Mr. Randolph offered his plan and on the same day 
Mr. Pinckney offered his plan. On June 16, Randolph's plan having been 
discussed and rejected, Mr. Patterson of New Jersey, offered his plan, 
which was in effect to preserve the Union under the then existing Articles 
of Confederation, so amended as to correct the discovered defects. That 
w T as essentially Jefferson's preference. Pinckney's plan, nowhere men- 
tioned by Mr. Watson, nor the man even named, was, in its vital points, 

On June 18, Hamilton spoke at great length. At the conclusion of 
his speech he presented his "plan," saying he "did not mean to offer 
the paper he had sketched as a proposition to the Committee. He 
meant to give only a more correct view of his ideas," etc. 

Thus we see the anti- Jefferson theory was advanced by Randolph and 
Hamilton while the Jeffersonian theory was contended for by Pinckney 
and Patterson, each within specific limits. It is necessary to understand 
the scope of the deliberations of the Convention. To speak only of the 
plans of Randolph and Hamilton as presenting a scheme of government 
is a literary lapse. Reduced to the last analysis of the situation, the Con- 
vention of 1787 must have adopted one of three distinct schemes of gov- 
ernment, if any, (1) the limited monarchy; (2) a national government 
of the numerical majority; (3) a federal government, that is to say a 
Republic of Republics. Mr. Jefferson believed the Federal system alone 
capable of preserving the principles of liberty set forth in the Declaration 
of Independence. Mr. Watson differs from his hero in that view. We 
are told that when Mr. Jefferson heard for the first time, in Paris, what 
the Conventions had done, " he was not certain that the good articles pre- 
ponderated over the bad." (p. 303.) So he advised that only nine States 
should ratify, enough to get the government into operation. The four 
States remaining outside could then dictate amendments as the terms of 

Book Notices and Reviews 307 

their accession to the Union, and these amendments should be a kind of 
Bill of Rights, such a? the first ten actually constitute. 

Mr. Watson argues that the theory of a Repubh : of Republics was 
a cute trick to escape the genuine Democratic principles, a national govern- 
ment by the numerical majority. Washington, the President of the Con- 
vention, was so poor a Democrat that he lived in chagrin that the law paid 
a common soldier any wages at all; that the law limited his authority to 
lay lashes upon a common soldier's back to the number of one hundred, 
whereas five hundred would not be an excessive limit. He says the Fed- 
eral theory is equivalent to a government by "privileged classes..' He says 
"men whose determination is to create a centralized government in which 
the form of Democracy is preserved, while all power belongs to the priv- 
ileged classes, could not, under all the circumstances, have framed an in- 
strument better suited to the purpose than the Consitution of the United 
States." Already he said: "Men whose purpose it is to establish a De- 
mocracy, a government of the people, for the people, by the people, do 
not go about it in that way." 

But what were "all the circumstances" at Philadelphia? George III., 
once proprietor, had declared his thirteen colonies independent States, one 
by cue, each after its own name, even as Portugal, Spain, France, Prussia, 
Holland were to him independent States. These American States in con- 
vention decided they would not be a nation, governed either after Hamil- 
ton's plan of elective monarchy, or Randolph's plan of national majority. 
W.'bat next? Eleven per cent, of the population of the United States now 
own 54 per cent, of the assets. It won't do to say that demonstration of 
the power of "privileged classes" is the logical result of election of Sen- 
ators by State Legislatures, election of a President by State, electoral col- 
leges, or the creation of a Supreme Court by the President and the Senate. 

The practical test of the contention of Mr. Watson is in the State gov- 
ernments created by the people, and in the Federal Flouse of Representa- 
tives, created by the people of the States. There is a more startling rad- 
icalism in the direct majority vote than in the moderated vote of the Sen- 
ate upon every question related to privileged classes. Did not the House 
of Representatives vote, three times the Spanishh war tax that the Senate 
accepted? Has not the South been threatened with a bill to reduce South- 
ern representation, while the Senate has no such menace? Did not the 
House in the most critical juncture the country ever endured present the 
President for impeachment, while the Senate saved him and saved the 
land from anarchy unmeasured? There has hardly been a case decided by 
the Supreme Court during the last ^thirty-five years favorable to good gov- 
ernment in the South, that the House of Representatives at Washington 
would have decided in the same way. John Witherspqon DuBose. 

LUCRETIA BORGIA. By Ferdinand Gregorovidele : translated by John 
Leslie Garner. D. Appleton & Company, Publishers, New York, 
(8vo. pp xxiii-378, illustrated.) 

The subject of the work, Lucretia Borgia, about whose historic per- 
sonality there clings such a subtle interest, has been treated by the author 
in a somewhat apologetic spirit. She who is more often thought of as 
steeped in the same cesspool of wickedness as her brother Csesar and her 
father Rodrigo (Pope Alexander VI), is here presented as more sinned 
against than sinning. We view her through a haze of romance as pos- 
sessing all the charms and graces, yet the victim of the most malign in- 
fluences. Under the domination of a profligate father and a cruel and am- 
bitious brother, whose crimes committed in furtherance of their evil de- 
signs caused the world of even that day to stand aghast, Lucretia was used 

308 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 


as a too! to gatfa&r to the standard of the house of Borgia, by repeated 
matrimonial alliances, the influence and power of her respective spouses. 
But through, all the dark and sad history of her life the author maintains 
the purity of her character, and endeavors to refute as hideous calum- 
nies, the charges which tend to make of her a terrible monster. 

Walter E. Urquhart. 

The State Papers and Correspondence Bearing upon the Purchase 
of the Territory of Louisiana (1903; 8vo. pp. 299) has been issued from 
the Government Printing Office under a concurrent resolution of Congress 
in an edition of 6,000 copies. The collection begins with the letter of 
Rufus King, London, March 29, 1801, to the U. S. Secretary of State, and 
includes copies of the treaty. It is hardly probable that the collection is 
complete. Attention is called to the letter of Governor Wm. C. C. Clai- 
borne to James Madison, Secretary of State, to be found in this Magazine, 
vol. I., May, 1903, pp. 403-408, which might with propriety have been 

THE THOUSAND EUGENIA'S. By Airs. Alfred Sidgwick. Longmans, 
Green & Company, Publishers, New York, 1902. (8vo. pp. 328.) 
A story full of romantic interest. It deals with mining ventures, and 
the excitement incident to rise and fall in the values of stock. The hol- 
lowness and treachery of hostess and. host contrasted with the innocence 
and trustfulness of a young lady, give bold relief to the essential elements 
in the characters of the people who enter into the plots of a good novel. 
The scenes are in England and Paris, and the book is of the airy style 
that gives delightful entertainment for a few hours of reading. In addition 
to " The Thousand Eugenias " there are in the book some other admir- 
ably developed short stories. The author's words often sho.v the genius 
of originality. 

*> I 

■-. __. ! . 


_ . ,_ . . . Jf -r.. ■• . . ..___^___^ 




Gulf States Historical 


Vol. II, Nos. 5 and 6. Birmingham, Ala., Mar. -May, 1904. Whole No. 12 


The Gulf States Historical Magazine completes Volume II 
with this issue and will cease publication. The Editor regrets that 
its publication must be discontinued, but the money returns have 
not equalled the expense incurred, and private interests are too 
exacting to allow the time necessary to keep the Magazine up to the 
standard of his judgment. The field of Southern history is rich in 
unpublished material, and the Editor has found great pleasure in 
devoting himself to its development. While there have been no 
money profits, he has been repaid by contact and correspondence 
with history students, by the enlargement of his intellectual stores, 
by a broader and more generous patriotism, and by the conscious- 
ness that the Magazine has served a noble purpose in directing 
attention to the historical resources of the Southern States of our 
great Republic, lie appreciates, gratefully and cordially, the gener- 
ous aid of contributors and subscribers, and he bids adieu to them 
and to the public at large with the hope that other periodicals will 
carry on the work in which he is profoundly interested. He will 
continue historical researches and will publish the results whenever 
he has them in proper form. 


By Walter L. Fleming, Ph.D., Professor of History in West 

Virginia University. 

In the spring of 1862, the Confederate Congress passed the En- 
rolment Act by which all white men between the ages of eighteen 
and thirty-five were made liable to military service at the call of the 
President, and those already in service were retained. The Presi- 
dent was authorized to employ state officials to enrol the men made 
subject to duty, provided the governor of the state gave his consent; 
otherwise he was to employ Confederate officials. The conscripts 
thus secured were to be assigned to the state commands already in 
the field until these organizations were recruited to their full 
strength. Substitutes were allowed under such regulations as the 
Secretary of War might prescribe.* Five days later a law was 
passed exempting certain classes of persons from the operations of 
the enrolment act. These were: Confederate and state officials, 
mail carriers, ferrymen on postoffice routes, pilots, telegraph oper- 
ators, miners, printers, ministers, college professors, teachers with 
twenty pupils or more, teachers of the deaf, dumb and blind, hos- 
pital attendants, one druggist to each drug store, and superintend- 
ents and operatives in cotton and wood factories.! In the fall of 
1862, the enrolment law was extended to include all white men 
from thirty-five to forty-five years of age and all who lacked a few 
months of being eighteen years of age. They were to be enrolled 
for three years, the oldest, if not needed, being left until the last.! 

At this time was begun the practice, which virtually amounted 
to exemption, of making special details from the army to perform 
certain kinds of skilled labor. The first details thus made were 
to manufacture shoes for the army.§ The list of those who might 
claim exemption, in addition to those named in the act of April 21, 

*Act of April 16, 1862. Pub. Laws, C. S. A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess. 
f Act, April 21, 1862, Pub. Lazvs, 1st Cong., 1st Sess. 
tAct, September 27, 1862, Pub. Lazvs, C. S. A., 1st Cong., 2nd Sess. 
§Act, October 9, 1862, Pub. Lazvs. 1st Cong., 2nd Sess. These details 
were still carried on the rolls of the Company. 


1862, was extended to include the following: state militia officers, 
state and Confederate clerks in the civil service, railway employes 
who were not common laborers, steamboat employes, one editor and 
the necessary printers for each newspaper, those morally opposed to 
war, provided they furnished a substitute or paid $500 into the treas- 
ury, physicians/ professors and teachers who had been engaged in 
the profession for two years or more, government artisans, mechan- 
ics and other employes, contractors and their employes furnishing 
arms and supplies to the state or to the Confederacy, factor} 7 own- 
ers, shoemakers, tanners, blacksmiths, wagonmakers, millers and 
engineers. The artisans and manufacturers were granted exemp- 
tion from military service provided the products of their labor were 
sold at not more than seventy-five per cent profit above the cost of 
production. For every plantation of twenty or more negroes one 
white marl was entitled to exemption as overseer.* 

Tii the spring of 1863, mail contractors and drivers of post 
coaches were exempted ;f and it was ordered that those exempted 
under the so-called "20-negro" law should pay $500 into the Con- 
federate treasury; also, that such state officials as were exempted 
by the governor might be exempted by the Confederate authorities. 
The law permitting the hiring of substitutes by men liable to 
service was repealed on December 28, 1863, and a few days later 
even those who had furnished substitutes were made subject to mili- 
tary duty. J 

A law of February 17, 1864:,§ provided that all soldiers between 
the ages of eighteen and forty-five should be retained in service 
during the war. Those between the ages of seventeen and eighteen, 
and forty-five and fifty were called into service as a reserve force for 
the defense of the state. All exemptions were repealed except the 
following: (1) Members of Congress and of the state legislature, 

*Act, October II, 1862, Pub. Laws, 1st Cong., 2nd Sess. 

The exemption of one white for every 20 negroes was called the "20 
nigger law." One peaceable Black Belt citizen wished to stay at home, 
hut he possessed only nineteen negroes. His neighbors thought that he 
ought to .eo to war, and no one would give, lend or sell him a slave, 
unable to purchase even the smallest negro, he was sadly making prepa- 
rations to depart, when one morning he was rejoiced by the welcome news 
that one of the negro women had presented her husband with a fine boy. 
The tale of twenty negroes was complete and the master remained at home. 

tAct of April 14, 1863. Pub. Laws. 1st Cong., 3rd Sess. 

tActs, December 28, 1S63, and January 5, 1S64, Pub. Laws, 1st Cong., 
4th Sess. , 

IPub. Laws, 1st Cong., 4th Sess. 

SI 2 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

and such Confederate and state officers as the President or the gov- 
ernors might certify to be necessary for the proper administration 
of government; (2) ministers regularly employed, superintendents, 
attendants and physicians of asylums for the deaf, dumb and blind, 
insane, and other public hospitals, one editor for each newspaper, 
public printers, one druggist for each drug store which had been 
two years in existence, all physicians who had practiced seven 
years, teachers in colleges of at two years' " standing and in 
schools which had twenty pupils to each teacher; (3) one overseer 
or agriculturist to each farm upon which were fifteen or more 
negroes, in case there was no other exempt on the plantation. The 
object was to leave one white man, and no more, on each planta- 
tion, and the owner or overseer was preferred. In return for such 
exemption, the exempt was bound by bond to deliver to the Confed- 
erate authorities, for each slave on the plantation between the ages 
of sixteen and fifty, 100 pounds of bacon or its equivalent in pro- 
duce, which was paid for by the government at prices fixed by the 
impressment commissioners. In addition, the exempt was to sell 
his surplus produce at prices fixed by the commissioners. 
The Secretary of War was authorized to make special de- 
tails, under the above conditions, of overseers, farmers 
or planters, if the public ' good demanded it; also (4) to 
exempt the higher officials of railroads and not more than one- 
employe for each mile of road; and (5) mail carriers and drivers. 
The President was authorized to make details of old men for special 
services* By an act passed the same day free negroes from 
eighteen to fifty years of age were m,ade liable to service with the 
army as teamsters. These acts of February 17, 1864, were the last 
legislation of importance in regard to conscription and exemption. 
During the year 1864, the Confederate authorities devoted their 
energies to construing away all exemptions possible and to absorb- 
ing the state reserve forces into the Confederate army. 

To return to 1861. The state legislature when providing for 
the state army authorized the governor to exempt from militia 
duty all railway, express, steamboat and telegraph employes, but 
even the fire companies had to serve as militia, f The operation 
of the enrolment law stripped the land of men of militia age, and' 

*Act, February 17, 1864, Pub. Lazes, Tst Cong., 4th Sess. 
fActs, January 31. 1861, 1st Called Session. 

Conscription and Exemption in Alabama. 313 

on November 17, 1862, the legislature ordered to duty on the public 
roads men from sixteen to eighteen years of age, and forty-five to 
fifty-five, and later all from sixteen to fifty, as well as all male 
slaves and free negroes from fourteen to sixty years age.f MiL- 
itia officers between the ages of eighteen and forty-five were de- 
clared subject to the enrolment acts of Congress} as were also jus- 
tices of the peace, notaries public and constables #. 

Yet, instead of making an effective organization of the militia, 
the legislature in 1863, proceeded to frame a law of exemptions pat- 
terned aiter that of the Confederacy. It released from militia 
duty all persons over forty-five years of age, county treasurers, 
physicians of seven years' practice or who were in the public serv- 
ice, ministers, teachers of three years 5 standing, one blacksmith in 
each beat, the city police and fire companies, penitentiary guards, 
general administrators who had been in service five years, Con- 
federate agents, millers, railroad employes, steamboat officials, over- 
seers, managers of foundries, salt makers, who made as much as 
ten bushels a day and who sold it for not more than $15 per bushel. 
Besides, the governor could make special exemptions. § In 1864 
millers who charged not more than one-eighth for toll were ex- 
empted. ft It will be seen that in some respects the state laws went 
further in exemption than the Confederate laws, and thus were in 
conflict with them. But it must be remembered that the Confed- 
eracy had already stripped the country of nearly all able-bodied 
men who did not evade duty. To this time, however, there was no 
conflict between the state and Confederate authorities in regard to 
conscription. An act was also passed providing for the re-organiza- 
tion of the penitentiary guards, and only those not subject to con- 
scription were retained.]] A joint resolution of August 29, 1863, 
called upon Congress to decrease the list of exemptions, since many 
clerks and laborers were doing work that could be clone by negroes. 
At the end of the year 1863, the legislature asked that the con- 
script law be strictly enforced by Congress.* 

fAct of August 29, 1863. 

t November 25, 1862. 

# December 6, 1862. 

$Act of August 20, 1862. 

1 December 13, 1864. This was a measure of obstruction, since the Con- 
federate laws included millers. The legislature elected in 1863 contained 
many obstructionists. 

I! Acts of August 29, 1863. 

*Resolution, December 4, 1863. 

314 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

On the part of the state-rights people there was much opposition 
to the -enrolment or conscription laws on the ground that they were 
unconstitutional. Several cases were brought before the state 
supreme court and all were decided in favor of the constitution- 
ality of the law; furthermore, it was decided that the courts and 
judicial officers of the state had no jurisdiction on habeas corpus to 
discharge from the custody of a Confederate enrolling officer per- 
sons who had been conscripted under the law of Congress. f A test 
case was carried to the state supreme court, which decided that a 
person who had conscientious scruples against bearing arms might 
pay for a substitute in the State Militia and claim exemption from 
state service, but if conscripted he was not exempted from the 
Confederate service unless he belonged to the religious denomina- 
tions specially exempted by the act of Congress.! The court also 
declared constitutional the Confederate law which provided • that 
when a substitute became subject to military duty his principal was 
thereby rendered liable to service. # In 1864, the Supreme Court 
held that the state had a right to subject to militia service persons 
exempted by the Confederate authorities as bonded agriculturists 
under the act of February 17, 1864, and that only those overseers 
were granted exemption from militia service under the act of Con- 
gress in 1863 who at that time were not subject to militia duty, and 
not those exempted from Confederate service by the latter laws,§ and 
that the clause in the act of Congress passed February 17, 1864, re- 
pealing and revoking all exemptions was unconstitutional. ft In 
other cases the court held that a person regularly enrolled and 
sworn into the Confederate service could not raise any question, on 
habeas corpus, of his assignment to any particular command or 
duty,* but that the state courts could discharge on habeas corpus 
from Confederate enrolling officers persons held as conscripts who 
were exempted raider Confederate laws;f that the Confederacy 

tEx parte Hill, In re Willis et al. vs. Confederate States. — 38 Alabama 
Reports (1863), 4^9. All over the state at various times men sought to 
avoid conscription or certain service under every pretext, sometimes "even 
resorting to a habeas corpus before an ignorant justice of the peace who 
had no jurisdiction over such cases." — See Official Records, Ser. I, Vol. 
XXVI, Pt. II, p. 139. Also Governor Shorter to General Johnston, 
August, 1863. 

iDunkards, Quakers, Nazarenes. In re Stringer — ^ Alabama (1863), 


#38 Alabama, 458. §39 Alabama, 367. H39 Alabama, 254. 
*39 Alabama, 457. f39 Alabama, 440. 

Conscription and Exemption in Alabama. 315 

might re-assert its rights to the military service of a citizen, who 
was enrolled as a conscript and after procuring a discharge for 
phvsicdl disability, had enlisted in the state militia, service;*!- and 
finally that the right of the Confederacy to the military services of 
a citizen was paramount to the right of the state. # 

During the year 1864, Governor Thomas IT. Watts had much 
trouble with the Confederate enrolling officers who insisted upon 
conscripting his volunteer and militia organizations, whether they 
were subject to duty under the Confederate laws or not. The 
authorities at Piichxnond held that while a state might keep "troops 
of war" over which the Confederacy could have no control, yet the 
state militia was subject to all the laws of Congress. "Troops of 
war " as the Secretary of War explained, would be troops in active 
and permanent service, § and hence virtually Confederate troops. A 
state with troops of that description would be very willing to give 
them up to the Confederacy to save expense. Thus we find the 
Legislature of Alabama asking the President to receive and pay 
certain irregular organizations which had been used to support the 
Conscript Bureau.^ The Legislature, now (1864) somewhat disaf- 
fected, showed its interest in the operations of the enrolling officers 
by an act providing that conscript officials who forced exempts into 
the Confederate service should be liable to indictment and punish- 
ment by a fine of $1,000 to $6,000, and imprisonment of from 
six months to two years. || It went a step further and nullified the 
laws of Congress by declaring that state officials, civil and military, 
were not subject to conscription by the Confederate authorities. 

Few good soldiers were obtained by conscription,* and the sys- 
tem, as it was organized in Alabama,! cIM more harm than good to 
the Confederacy. The passage of the first law, however, had one 
good effect. During the winter of 1861-3 there had been a reac- 

£39 Alabama, 6n. #39 Alabama, 6og. 

§0. R., Scr. IV., Vol. Ill, pp. 256, 463, et passim. 

^Memorial, October 7, 1864. ^ 

I! Acts, December 12, 1864. 

"December 13, 1864. 

*Curry, Civil History of the Confederate States, 151. 

tThe Conscript Bureau had posts at the following places: Decatur, 
Conrtland, Somerville, Guntersville, Tuscumbia, Fayetteville, Pikeville, 
Camden, Montgomery, Selma, Lebanon, Pollard, Troy, Mobile, West 
Point, (Ga.), Marion, Greensborough, Blountsville, Livingston, Gadsden, 
Cedar Bluff, Jacksonville, Ashville, Carrollton. Tuscaloosa, Eutaw Eu- 
Jaula, Jasper, Newton, Clarksville, Talladega, Elyton— O. R., Ser.' IV., 
Vol. Ill, 819-821. 

316 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

tion from the enthusiastic war feeling of the previous summer. 
Those who thou glit. it would be only a matter of weeks to overrun 
the !\ r oiih now saw their mistake. J Many of the people still had no 
doubt that the North would be glad to make peace and end the 
war if the government at Richmond were willing. Numbers, 
therefore, saw no need of more fighting, and hence did not volun- 
teer. Thousands left the army and went home. A measure like the 
enrolment act was necessary to make the people realize the actual 
situation. Upon the passage of the law all the loyal population 
liable to service made preparations to go to the front, before being 
conscripted, which was deemed a disgrace, and the close of the year 
1862 saw practically all of them in the army. Those who entered 
after 1862 were boys and old men. if Many not subject to service 
volunteered, so that when the age limit was extended but few more 

Great dissatisfaction was expressed among the people at the en-» 
rolment law. Some thought that it was an attack upon the rights 
of the states, and the irritating manner in which it was enforced 
aroused, in some localities, intense popular indignation. Conscrip- 
tion being considered disgraceful, many who would have been glad 
for various good reasons to remain at home a few months longer, 
went at once into service to escape conscription. Yet some loyal 
and honest citizens found it disastrous to leave their homes and 
business without definite arrangements for the safety and support of 
their families. Such men suffered much annoyance from the en- 
rolling officers in spite of the fact that the law was intended for 
their protection. The conscript officials, often men of bad charac- 
ter, persecuted those who were easy to find while neglecting the 
disloyal and refractory who might ntake trouble for them. In 
some sections such weak conduct came near resulting in local in- 
surrections; this was especially the case in Randolph county in 
1862.* The effect of the law was rather to stop volunteering in 

$See DeLeon. Four Years in Rebel Capitals. 

# President Davis visited Mobile in October, 1S63, and upon reviewing 
the Alabama troops recently raised, was much moved at seeing young 
boys and old. grey-haired men in the ranks before him. — See Annual 
Cyclopedia, (1863). p. 8. The A. and I. General of Alabama reported, 
July 29, 1862, that not more than 10,000 conscripts could be secured from 
Alabama unless the enemy could be expelled from the Tennessee valley. 
In that case, 3,000 more men might be secured.-— O. R., Ser. IV., Vol. II, 
p. 21, 

*0. R., Ser. IV., Vol. II, pp. 87, 207, 208, 700; Vol. I, p. 1149- 

Conscription and Exemption in Alabama. SIT 


the state organizations and in reporting to camps of instructions, 
since all who did either were classed as conscripts. ISTot wishing to 
undergo the odium of being conscripted, many thousands in 1862 
and 1S'o3 went directly into the regular serviee.f 

While the conscript law secured few good soldiers who would 
not have joined the army without it, it certainly served as a re- 
minder to the people that all were needed, and as a stimulus to 
volunteering. Three classes of people suffered from its operations : 
(1) those rightfully exempted, who were constantly annoyed by 
the enrolling officers; (2) those soon to become liable to service, 
who were not allowed to volunteer in organizations of their own 
choice; and (3) "dead heads" and malcontents who did not intend 
to fight at all if they could keep from it. It was this last class that 
made nearly all the complaints about conscription, and it was they 
whom the enrolling officers left alone because they were vso trouble- 

The defects in the working of conscription are well set forth in 
a letter from a correspondent of President Davis in December, 
18G2. In this letter it was asserted that the conscript law had 
proven a failure in Mississippi and Alabama since it had stopped 
the volunteering. Governor John G. Shorter of Alabama was re- 
ported to have said that the enforcement of it had been "a humbug 
and a farce." The writer declared that the enrolling officers were 
frequently of bad character; that inefficient men were making at- 
tempts to secure "homb-proof" offices in order to avoid service in the 
army; and that the exemption of slave owners by the "20-negro law" 
had a bad influence upon the poorer classes. He also declared that 
tha system of substitutes was bad, for many men on the hunt 
for substitutes, and others liable to duty were working to secure ex- 
emptions in order to serve as substitutes, while large numbers of men 
connected with the army managed in this way to keep away from the 
fighting. He was sure, he said, that there were too many hangers- 
on about the officers of high rank, and that it was believed that 
social position, wealth and influence served to get young men good 
staff positions.* Another evil complained of was that "paroled" 
men scattered to their homes and never heard of their exchange. 

jSee Curry, Civil History, p. 151. Alabama organized 18 regiments in 
violation of the enrolment laws. 

*James Phelan to President Davis, O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XVII, pt. II, p. 

318 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

To a conscript officer whose duty it was to look after them they 
said that they were "paroled/' and he passed them by. The officers 
were said to be entirely too lenient with the worthless people and 
too rigorous with the better classes, f 

After the passage of the enrolment laws, every man with exces- 
sive regard for the integrity of his person and for his comfort be- 
gan to secure exemption from service. In north Alabama, men of 
little courage and patriotism lost confidence after the invasions of 
the Federals, and resorted to every expedient to escape conscription. 
Strange and terrible diseases were developed, and in all sections of 
the state health began to break down.t It was the day of certifi- 
cates for old age, rheumatism, fits, blindness/ and various other 
physical disabilities.^: Various other pretexts were given for staying 
away from the army, while some men hid out in the woods. The gov- 
ernor asked the people to drive such persons to their duty.§ There 
never was so much skilled labor in the South as now. Harness- 
making, shoemaking, charcoal burning, carpentering, all these 
and numerous other occupations supposed to be in support of the 
cause, secured exemption. Running a tanyard was a favorite way of 
escaping service. A pit was dug in the corner of the backyard, a 
few hides secured, carefully preserved and never finished — for more 
hides might not be available and then the tanner would be no longer 
exempt. There were purchasing agents, sub-purchasing agents and 
sub-sub-agents, cattle drivers, tithe gatherers, agents of the Nitre 
Bureau, agents to examine political prisoners,* and many other Con- 
federate and state agents of various kinds. \\ The class left at home 
for the enrolling officers to contend with, especially after. 1862, 

fO. R. t Ser. I, Vol. XVII, pt. 2, p. 790. 

±C. C. Clay, Jr.. to Sec. of War, O. R.. Ser. IV, Vol. II, 141, 142. 

#1 knew of one man who for two years carried his arm in a sling to 
deceive the enrolling officers. It was sound when he nut it into the 
sling. After the war ended he could never regain the use of it. 

A draft from the Home Guards of Selma was ordered to go to Mobile. 
The roll was made out and opposite his name each man was allowed to 
write his excuse for not wishing to go. One cripple, John Smith, wrote: 
"One leg too short," and was at once excused by the Board. The next 
man had no excuse whatever, but he had seen how Smith's excuse worked, 
so he wrote: "Both le?s too short," but he had to go to Mobile. — The 
Land We Love, Vol. Ill, p. 430. 

§Shorter's Proclamation, Dec. 22, 1862. 

*M. J. Safi'old. afterward a prominent "Scalawag," escaped service as an 
"aeent to examine political prisoners." O. R., Ser. II, Vol. VI, 432. 

(1 The list of pardons given by President Johnson will show a number of 
the titles assumed by the exempts. The chronic exempts were skilled in 

Conscription and Exemption in Alabama. 319 


was a source of weakness, not of strength, to the Confederate cause, j 
The best men had gone to the army, and these people formed the j 
public. Their opinion was public opinion, and with few exceptions 
the home-stayers were a sorry lot. From them came the complaint 
about the favoritism toward the rich. The talk of "a rich man's 
war and a poor man's fight" originated with them, as well as the ] 
criticism of the "20-negro law." In the minds of the soldiers at the j 
front there was no doubt that the slave-holder and the rich man 
were doing their full share. % 

Very few of the slave-holders and wealthy men tried to escape 
service, but when one did he attracted more attention and called 
forth sterner denunciation than ten poor men in similar cases would 
have done. In fact, few able-bodied men tried to secure exemption 
under the "20-negro law." It would have been better for the Con- 
federacv if more planters had stayed at home to direct the produc- 
tion of supplies, and this fact were recognized in 1864,* when a 
"15-negro law" was passed by Congress and other exemptions of 
planters and overseers were encouraged. t 

There is no doubt that those who desired to remain quietly at 
home — to be neutral, so to speak — found it hard to evade the con- 
script officers. One of these declared that the enrolling officers 
"burned the woods and sifted the ashes for conscripts." Another 
who had been caught in the sifting process deserted to the enemy 
at Huntsville. He was asked: "Do they conscript close over the 
river?" "Hell, stranger, I should think they do; they take every 

all the arts of beating out. If a new way of securing exemption were 
discovered, the whole fraternity of "dead heads" soon knew of it. In 
1864, nearly all the exemptions and details made in order to supply the 
Quartermaster's Department were revoked and agents were sent through 
the country to notify the former exempts that they were again subject to 
duty. Before the enrolling officers reached them nearly all of them had 
secured a fresh exemption, and from a large district in middle Alabama, 
I have been informed by the agent who revoked the contracts, not one 
recruit for the armies was secured. Often the exemption was only a detail 
and large numbers of men were carried on the rolls of companies but 
never saw their commands. Often a man when conscripted would have 
sufficient influence to be at once detailed and would never see his company. 
Little attention was paid to the laws regarding exemption. 

JCurry, Civil History, pp. 142-148. The wealthy young men volunteered 
at first, as privates or as officers; the older men of wealth nearly all 
became officers, chosen by their men. One company from Tuskegee 
owned property worth over $2,000,000 — Opelika Post, December 4, 1903. 

*Act of February 17, 1864. 

fCurryj Civil History of the Confederate States, pp. 142-148, 151. 

320 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

man who has not been dead more than two days.t But the "hill 
billy" and "sand mountain" conscripts were of no value when 
captured; there were not enough soldiers in the state to keep them 
in their regiments. The Third Alabama Regiment of Reserves ran 
away almost in a body. There were fifteen or twenty old men in 
each county as a supporting force to the Conscript Bureau, and they 
had old guns some of which would not shoot, and ammunition that 
did not fit.# Thus the best men went into the army, never to re- 
turn, and a class of people the country could well have spared, sur- 
vived to assist a second time in the ruin of their country in the 
darker days of Reconstruction. Often the "fire-eating, die-in-the- 
last-ditch" radical of 1861 remained at home "to take care of the 
ladies ," was an exempt, a "bomb-proof" or a conscript officer, and. 
later became a "'scalawag." 

Some escaped war service by joining the various small indepen- 
dent and irregular commands -formed for frontier service in north 
Alabama by the officers who found field duty too irksome. Though 
these irregular bodies were, as we have seen, gradually absorbed by 
the regular organizations, yet during their day of strength they 
were most unpleasant defenders. The men sometimes enlisted in 
order to have more opportunity for license and plunder, and such 
were hated alike by friend and foe. 

Another kind of irregular organization caused some trouble in 
another way. Before the extension of the age limits to seven- 
teen and fifty, the governor raised small commands of young boys 
to assist in the execution of the state laws, no other force being 
available. Later, when the Confederate Congress extended its laws 
to include these, the conscript officers tried to enroll them, but the 
governor objected. The officers complained that, in order to escape 
the odium of conscription, the young boys who were subject by law 
to duty in the reserves, evaded the law by going at once into the 
army, or by joining some command for special duty. They were 
of the opinion that these boys should be sent to camps of instruc- 
tion. The governor had ten companies of young boys xm&ev 
eighteen years of age raised near Talladega, and really mustered 
into the Confederate service as irregular troops before the law of 
February 17, 1864, was passed. After the passage of the law, the 

*New York World, March 28, 1864. 
#0. /?., Ser. IV, Vol. Ill, 881. 

Conscription and Exemption in Alabama. 321 

enrolling officers wished, to disband tliese companies and send 'the 
men to the reserve. Governor Watts was angered, and sharply ] 
criticised the whole policy of conscription. He said that 
much harm was done by the methods of the conscript officers; that 
it was nonsense to take men from the fields and put them in camps 
of instruction when there were no arms for them, and no active 
service was intended; they had better stay at home, drill once a 
week with volunteer organizations, and work the rest of the time; 
to assemble the farmers in camps for useless drill while the crops 
were being destroyed was "most egregious folly." The governor 
also attacked the policy of the Conscript Bureau in refusing to 
allow the enrolment in the same companies of bo} ? s under 
eighteen and men over forty-five.* In regard to the attempts to 
disband his small force of militia, in active service, the governor 
used strong language. To Seddon, the Secretary of War, he wrote 
in May, 1864: "It must not be forgotten that the states have some 
rights left, and that the rights to troops in time of war is guaranteed 
by the Constitution. These rights, on the part of Alabama, I am J 
determined shall be respected. Unless you order the Commandant 
of Conscripts to stop interfering with [certain volunteer compan- 
ies], there will be a conflict between the Confederate General^ and 
the State authorities"! Watts carried the day and the Confederate 
authorities yielded. 

The enrolment law provided that state officials should be exempt 
from enrolment upon presenting a certificate from the governor 
stating that they were necessary to the proper administration of 
the government. In r^ovember, 1864, Governor Watts complained to 
General Jones M. Withers, who commanded the Confederate reserve 
forces in Alabama, that the conscript officers had been enrolling by 
force state officials who held certificates from the governor and also 
from the Commandant, of Conscripts, and, he added : "This state of 
things can not last long without a conflict between the Confederate 
and state authorities. I shall be compelled to protect my state offi- 
cers with all the forces of the state at my command." The enroll- 

*The law of February 17, 1864, provided for the separate enrolment of 
these two classes, and the enrolling officers interpreted it as requiring 
separate service. Such an interpretation would practically prohibit the 
formation of volunteer commands and would leave the reserves to the 
enrolling officers to be organized in camp. 

t General Withers. 

tO. R., Ser. IV, Vol. Ill, pp. 322, 323, 463, 466, 1059, 1060. 

322 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

mg officers referred hrm to a decision of the Secretary of War in the 
•■case of a state official in Lowndes comity: that by the act of Feb- 
ruary 17, IS 64, ail men between the ages of seventeen and fifty were 
taken at once into the Confederate service, and that stale officials 
elected later could not claim exemption. Governor Watts then 
wrote to Seddon : "Unless yon interfere there will be a conflict be- 
tween the Confederate and state authorities." He denied the 
right of Confederate officers to conscript state officials elected 
•after February 17, 1864; "t deny such right and will resist it with 
all the forces of the state." J The Secretary of War replied by 
commending the Confederate officers for the way in which they had 
done their duty, insisting that it was not a political nor a constitu- 
tional question, but one involving private rights and should be left 
to the courts. This was receding from the confident ruling made 
in the case of the Lowndes county man. There was no more dis- 
pute and it is to be presumed that the governor retained his offic- 
ials. :#: Iso wonder that Colonel Preston, the chief of the Bureau 
of Conscription, wrote to the Secretary of War that, "from one end 
of the Confederacy to the other every constituted authority, every 
officer, every man and woman was engaged in opposing the enroll- 
ing officer in the execution of his duties."* 

But these officers had only themselves to blame. They pursued 
a short-sighted, nagging policy, wonying those who were exempt 
— the state officials and the militia — because they were easy to 
reach, and neglecting the real conscript material.! The work was 
known to be useless and the whole system was irritating to the 
last degree to all who came in contact with it. It was useless be- 
cause there was little good material for conscription, except in the 
frontier country where no authority could be exerted. During 1862 
and 1863, practically nothing was done by the Bureau in Alabama, 
and at the end of the latter year, Colonel E. D. Blake, the Super- 
intendent of Special Begistration, reported that there were only 
13,000 men in the state between the ages of seventeen and forty- 
five, and of these lie estimated 4,000 were under eighteen years of 

±0. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III. pp. 817, 819, Q20. 

#0. R., Ser. IV, Vol. Ill, pp. 821, 848. At this time there were in the 
state 1,223 officials who had the governor's certificate of exemption. There 
were 1,012 in Georgia, 1,422 in Virginia, 14,675 in North Carolina, and 
much smaller numbers in the other States. See O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. Ill, 
p. 851. 

*0. R., Ser. IV, Vol. IIT, 224. (March 18, 1864.) 


age, and hence, at that time, beyond the reach of the enrolling 
officers. More than 8,000$ were exempt under the laws and orders. 
This left, he said, only 1,000 subject to enrolment. JSTowhere, in. 
any of the estimates, are found allowances for those physically and 
mentally disqualified. The number then exempted in Alabama by 
medical boards is unknown. In other states this number was 
sometimes more and sometimes less than the number exempted by 
law and by order. 

A year later, after all exemptions had been revoked, the num- 
ber disqualified for physical disability by the examining boards 
amounted to 3933. Besides these there were the lame, the halt, 
the blind, and the insane, who were so clearly unfit for service 
that no enrolling officer ever brought them before the medical 
board. The 4,000 between the ages of seventeen and eighteen, and 
also the 4,600 between sixteen and seventeen, came under the en- 
rolment law of February 17, 1864, as also several thousand who 
were over forty-five. But it is certain that many of these, especially 
the younger ones, were already in the Confederate service as volun- 
teers. It is also certain that many hundreds of all ages, who were 
liable to service, escaped conscription, especially in north Ala- 
bama. In a way, their places in the ranks were filled by those 
who did not become liable to enrolment until 1864, or even not at 
all, but who volunteered nevertheless. 

From April 1862 to February 1865, there had been enrolled at 
the camps in Alabama 14,875 men who had been classed in the ie- 

fAn ex-Confecleratc related to me his experiences with the conscript 
officers. In 1864, he was at' home on furlough and was taken by the 
'"buttermilk" cavalry, carried to Camp Watts, at Notasulga, and enrolled as 
a conscript, no attention being paid to his furlough. To Camp Watts were 
brought daily squads of conscripts rounded up by the "buttermilk" cavalry 
They were guarded by conscripts. When rested, the new recruits would 
leave, the guards often going with them. Then another squad would be 
brought in, who in a day or two would desert. This soldier came home 
again with a discharge for disability. The conscript officials again took 
him to Camp Watts. He presented his discharge papers ; the commandant 
tore them up before his face, and a few days later this soldier with a 
friend boarded the cowcatcher of a passing train and rode to Chehaw. 
The commandant sent guards after the fugitives, who captured the guards 
and then went to Tuskesree, where they swore out, as he said, a "habeas cor- 
pus" before a justice of the peace and started for their homes with their 
papers. They found the swamps filled with deserters, who did not molest 
them after finding that they too were "deserters." 

$8,835 to January, 1864. See report of Colonel Preston, April, 1864, in 
O. R., Scr. IV, Vol. Ill, pp. 355, 063- 

324 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

ports as conscripts. This number included all men who volunteered 
at the camps, all of military age that the officers could find or catch 
before they went into the volunteer service, details made as soon, 
as enrolled, irregular commands formed before the men were liable 
to duty, ami a few hundred genuine conscripts who had to be 
guarded to keep them from r mining away. It was reported that for 
two years not a recruit was sent by the Bureau from Alabama to 
the army of Tennessee or to the army of Northern Virginia, but 
that the men were enrolled in the organizations of the state. This 
means that much of the enrolment of 14,875 was only nominal, and 
that this number included the regiments sent to the front from 
Alabama, in 1862, after the passage of the enrolment act in April. 
Eighteen regiments were organized in Alabama after that date, 
in violation of the enrolment act, many of the men evading con- 
scription, as the Bureau reported, by going at once into the general 
service. The number of such enlisted in these regiments was esti- 
mated at more than 10,000. § 

It is possible to ascertain the number exempted by law and by 
order before 1865. A report by Colonel Preston, dated April, 
1864, gives the number of exempts in Alabama as 8,835 to January, 
1864.* A month later, all exemptions were revoked.! In Feb- 
ruary, 18G5, a complete report places the total number exempted 
by law and by order in Alabama at 10,218, of whom 3,933 were ex- 
empted by medical boards. The state officials exempted numbered 
1,333 1 and Confederate officials, 21; ministers, 726; editors, 33, 
and their employes, 155; public printers, 3; druggists, 81; 
physcians, 796; teachers, 352; overseers and agriculturists, 1,447; 
railway officials and employes, 1,090 ; mail carriers and contractors, 
60; foreigners, 167; agricultural details, 38; pilots, telegraphers, 
shoemakers, tanners and blacksmiths, 86; government contractors, 
44; details of artisans and mechanics, 570; details for government 
services (not specified), 218. There were 1,046 men incapable of 
field service who were assigned to duty in the above details, chiefly 
in the conscript bureau, quartermaster's department, and eom- 
misariat.# It is certain that many others were exempted and 

§0. R., Ser. IV, Vol. Til, pp. ioi, 103, et passim. 

*0. R., Ser. IV, Vol. Ill, pp. 355, 303- 

f February 17, 1864. 

JThere were 1,223 to November 30, 1864. 

#0. R., Ser. IV, Vol. Ill, 1,103-9. 

Conscription and Exemption in Alabama. 325 

detailed from service in the army. The list of those pardoned in 
18G5 and 1866 by President Johnson shows many non-military 
occupations not mentioned above. 

It is interesting to notice the fate of the conscript officers when 
captured by the Federals. Bradford Hambrick was tried by a 
military commission in ISTashville, Tenn., in January, 1864, charged 
with being a Confederate conscript officer and with forcing "peace- 
able citizens of the United States in Madison county, Alabama, to 
enter the Confederate army." He was convicted and sentenced to 
imprisonment at hard labor for one year, and to pay a fine of 
$2,000, or serve an additional imprisonment of 1,000 days.§ 

To sum np : The early enrolment laws served to stimulate 
enlistment; the later ones probably had no effect at all, except to 
give the Bureau something to do and the law officers something on 
which to exercise their wits. The conscript service also served as 
an exemption board. It secured few, if any, enlistments that the 
state could not have secured, and certainly lost more than it gained 
by harassing the people. The laws were constantly violated by 
the state; this is proved by the enlistment of eighteen new regi- 
ments contrary to the law. It finally drove the state authorities 
into an attitude of nullification by its construction of the enrol- 
ment acts. Neither the state nor the Confederate government had 
an efficient machinery for securing enlistments. If there ever were 
laws regarded only in the breaking, the enrolment acts were such 

The conscripts and exempts, like the deserters, tories and 
Peace Society men, are important, not only because they so weak- 
ened the Confederacy, but also because they formed the party that 
would have carried out, or at least begun, reconstruction accord- 
ing to the plans of Lincoln and Johnson, as first proclaimed. 
Johnson so modified it that a better class was admitted. The 
"scalawags" of Reconstruction times came principally from this 
class, probably influenced to some extent by the scorn of their 

§C7. O., No. 114, Dept. of the Cumberland, Atlanta, Georgia, October 4, 
1S64, in War Department Archives. There were other similar cases, but I 
found record of no other conviction. The "tories" were sometimes in 
league with the conscript officers, and sometimes they shot them at sight. 

By Jesse "Weight Bqyd. 

Our war with Spain and the problems resulting from it have 
aroused public interest in Cuba. Numerous books and magazine 
articles have been written about Cuba, but they chiefly deal with 
events that are quite recent, and the reader who depends on them 
for his ideas of Cuba's past history is apt to get little more than a 
confused impression of ever-recurring insurrections without suf- 
ficient detail to give them a sense of reality or explanation enough 
to make them intelligible. 

Yet this history has strong claims upon our attention. If we are 
to deal wisely with Cuba, we must know the conditions which for 
years have moulded the Cuban character, for a people and their 
problems are not to be understood apart from their past. More- 
over, the island has long played a prominent part in our own poli- 
tics, both foreign and domestic, and seems likely to continue to- 
do so. Its history is therefore, in a sense, a part of our own. 

The expeditions of Lopez, the Filibuster, in 1850 and 1831, 
illustrate these statements. ~No one can study in contemporary 
accounts the injustice and oppression which furnished the occasion 
for them without getting a clearer conception of recent events. 
On the other hand, they were closely connected with prominent 
names and important issues in our own history, and they led to 
serious complications which threatened to bring on the Spanish 
war half a century ago. 

Xarcisso Lopez* was born in Venezuela, but entered the Spanish 
array at an early age and soon attained the rank of Major-Gen- 
eral. He went to Cuba in 1843 and was 1 well received by Governor- 
General Valde^ 3 . After some vicissitudes of fortune he retired to 
private life. This may have given him a better chance to observe 
the real condition of the native Cubans. Possibly some personal 

*For a sketch of the life of Lopez see J. M. Callahan's Cuba and Inter- 
national Relations, page 222. Also, an extremely interesting outline in 
The Southern Quarterly Review for January, 1852, pages 1 ct seq. The 
Montgomery Advertiser and Gazette for June 4, 1850, contains an account 
of his life. See also New Orleans Delta, May 13, 1850, for a four column 

Lopez's Expeditions to Cuba.' 327 

pique may have started hkA dislike of the Spanish authority. At 
any rate, about this time he seems to have begun his plans to free 
Cuba from the oppression of the. Spanish rule. 

While trying to carry out these schemes three distinct filibuster- 
ing expeditions from the United States were organized in the 
years 1849, 1850- and 1851, respectively. The only excuse for these 
lay in the condition of the Cubans. It is, therefore, proper to en- 
quire into thi3 at once before discussing the expeditions them- 
selves. Information about the real situation in the island at that 
time is derived chiefly from three contemporary sources :* the 
declarations of the insurgent Cubans themselves, books of con- 
temporary travel, and miscellaneous information contained in the 
newspapers of the day. 

In 1849 Lopez in an interview with John C. Calhoun and four 
other senators described the condition of the islandf. It may be 
summarized as follows: — 

(1) The Cubans were allowed no share in public affairst. All 
positions of trust in church and state were given to Spaniards in 
preference to native Cubans. There were no Cuban representatives 

*The first and second sources are often hard to separate. Much of 
the miscellaneous news in the papers of the day bears evidence of Cuban 
origin, while some of what is said to come from the insurgents has a 
suspiciously American flavor. Among the books of travel should be especi- 
ally mentioned J. G. Taylor's The United States and Cuba, London, 1851. 

IT. F. PI. Claiborne : Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, 
Vol. II, page 53. 

tThe accuracy of these statements of Lopez in regard to the Spanish 
rule is confirmed by the following extracts from the declaration of in- 
dependence of the citizens of Puerto Principe of July 4, 1851 : 

"Publicly and by a legislative act, was Cuba declared to be deprived 
of the rights enjoyed by all Spaniards, and conceded by nature and the 
laws to nations the least advanced in civilization. 

"Publicly have the sons of Cuba been cut off from all admission to the 
commands and lucrative employments of the State. 

"The government has publicly and officially declared, and the journals 
in its pay have labored to sustain the declaration with foul commentary, 
that the inhabitants of Cuba have no organ nor right of action, even for 
the purpose of directing an humble prayer to the feet of the sovereign. 

"For having dared to give utterance to principles and opinions, which 
to other nations constitute the foundation of their moral progress and 
glory, the Cubans most distinguished for their virtues and talents, have 
found themselves wanderers and exiles." 

This declaration of Puerto Principe was published in the New Orleans 
and other Southern papers. Its genuineness was disputed by some, but 
there seems no really good reason to doubt its substantial accuracy. 

An incident which brings vividly to mind the fact that the Cubans were 
allowed no voice in the administration of their own affairs, is the 
dismissal from office of the corporation of Puerto Principe. This corpor- 
ation, with the authorization of the governor who presided over the 

328 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

in the Spanish Cortes. There was no freedom of speech or of 
the press. 

(2) An army of 20,000 Soldiers was maintained to overawe the 
people, beside? a strong marine force and numerous spies whose 
duty it was to inform the authorities of any illegal or suspicious 
movements of the Cubans*. For this and other reasons taxation 
was exceedingly heavy. From a population of 1,000,000, includ- 
ing slaves, revenues were exacted to the amount of $24,000,000. 

(3) Many restrictions were placed on personal liberty. ]STo 
guest even could be entertained, nor could a journey be made, or 
one's residence be changed, without a permitf. 

(4) The power of the Captain General wa,s absolute; he could 
set aside or make laws at will. J 

These statements are in harmony with the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence of the citizens of Puerto Principe dated July 4, 1851. 
One paragraph in the latter sums' up the whole situation vigor- 
ously : 

"Human reason revolts at the idea that the social and political 
condition of a people can be prolonged in which man, stripped 
•of all rights and guarantees, with no security of person or property, 
no hope in the future, lives only by the will and under the con- 
ditions imposed by the pleasure of his tyrants; where a vile cal- 

province, addressed a memorial to the queen, requesting that the royal 
court should not be suppressed in the district. For this they were removed 
from office with the declaration that the government was not bound in 
its proceedings to consult the opinion and interests of the country. 

*The declaration referred to previously says : "Public is the constant 
augmentation of the army, and the creation of new bodies of mercenaries, 
which, under the pretext of the public security, serve only to increase 
the burdens oi Cuba, and add still more harassing vexation to the espion- 
age practised against her people." 

Taylor gives a vivid description of Cuban taxation and its results on 
page 304. Other books of travel agree with him as to the main facts. 

tThe declaration says: "Public are the impediments and difficulties 
imposed upon every individual, to restrain him from moving from place 
to place, and from exercising any branch of industry; no one being safe 
from arrest and fine, for some deficiency of authority or license, at 
every step he may take." 

^Callahan points out on page 15 that the Spanish movement toward 
liberal government in 1812 had little real effect in Cuba, and that since 
1825 the captain general's word ihad been the law of the island. 
Taylor gives on pages 298 and 311 some interesting fact's about the 
arbitrary power of the Spainsh officials. The declaration says : "Public 
are the unlimited powers of every description granted to the captains 
general of Cuba, who can refuse to those whom they condemn even the 
right of a trial and the privilege of being sentenced by a tribunal." 

Lopez's Expeditions to Cuba. 329' 

umny, a prisoner's denunciation, a despot's suspicion, a ward caught 
up by surprise in the sanctuary of home, or even the violated privacy 
of a letter, furnishes ample grounds for tearing a man from his 
hearth, and casting him forth to die of destitution or despair on 
a foreign soil; if he escapes being subjected to the insulting forms 
of a barbarous arbitrary tribunal, where his persecutors are them- 
selves the judges who condemn him, and where instead of their 
proving his offense, he is required to prove his innocence." 
Two other causes which tended to widen the breach, were : 

(1) The threat of the government to emancipate the numer- 
ous slaves and to turn them against the revolutionists. 

(2) The strong race antipathy between the native Cubans and 
the Spaniards. 

Such were the conditions which Lopez and his companions wished 
to reform. The Spanish authorities soon became suspicious of him 
and he was forced to flee. He passed to the United States, and find- 
ing there many men. willing to undergo the trials of any dangerous 
or adventurous undertaking, he immediately began to make prepa- 
rations and to collect men for a descent on Cuba. 

Among the many well known Americans whom he visited was 
Jefferson Davis,* of Mississippi. This accomplished gentleman 
had recently made a national reputation by his brilliant and con- 
spicuous career in the Mexican war. Lopez visited Mr. Davis in 
the summer of 1849, with the view of inducing him to take com- 
mand of an expedition to free Cuba. Mr. Davis declined. 
The command seems next to have been offered to Robert E. Lee, 
then an officer in the Up ''ted States Army; but he also declined it. 

While in Washington in the Spring of 1849, General Lopez 
visited Hon. John C. Calhoun. During the conversation Calhoun 
expressed his sympathy with Cuba and the hope for her speedy 
independence]-. He favored the cause of Cuban independence, 

*See Callahan, page 226. Also see Rhodes, History of United States, 
Vol. I, page 217, and the references there given as authorities for these 
statements about Davis and Lee. 

tFrom the New Orleans Weekly Delta of September 5, 1851, we quote 
the following extract in regard to Calhoun's attitude towards Cuban 
affairs. The extract is taken from a letter printed in the Charleston 
Mercury, August 24, 185 1 : 

Charleston, August 24, 185 1. 
To the Editors of the Mercury : 

"When General Lopez made his visit to Washington in the spring of 
1849, the Hon. J. C. Calhoun was the first gentleman in that city who 

"330 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

declaring that assistance would be lawfully offered by Americans 
in case of insurrection, and that he had no apprehension, of Euro- 
pean interference. 

Later Calhoun became absorbed in the issues connected with 
the compromises of 1850, and was unwilling to take any definite 
steps in regard to Cuba, not wishing to distract the attention of 
the South to external affairs. In he meantime Lopez was gather- 
ing men to carry out his plans. He declared that his purpose was 
the advancement and happiness of the Cuban people, and the 
acquisition by them of free institutions. Of course, this meant 
independence. To gain this he considered it necessary to bring to 
her assistaiice a force from abroad, around which the Cuban patriots 
could rally. This course he deemed absolutely essential, since the 
Cubans were without military equipment, and their movements 
were hampered by Spanish soldiers and by the all-pervading system 
of Spanish espionage. 

Lopez first attempted to invade Cuba in August 1849, but was 

called on the General. He even carried his civility to the extent of making 
a second call before the first had been returned. In his conversation with 
General Lopez, through Mr. Sanchez and myself, he expressed himself 
as warmly in behalf of Cuba and her annexation as has any other man 
in the country, either before or since. 

"A short time after a prominent Southern Senator favored me with an 
appointment in the recess room of the Senate. Mr. Calhoun was invited 
there, as were also four other Senators, three Democrats and one Whig. 
. The purpose of the gentlemen, as it seemed to me, was principally to 
learn Mr. Calhoun's views upon a subject of such vital importance to 
the country. Mr. Calhoun then expressed himself as decidedly as to 
the justice of our cause, the assistance which would be lawfully proffered 
hy the American people in case of insurrection, and his nonapprehension 
of European interference, as he had done on former occasions. The 
gentlemen present fully coincided with his views. 

"Such were the sentiments of John C. Calhoun in the spring of 1849. 
The Wilmot proviso question then assumed increased gravity, and as the 
contest became fiercer, Mr. Calhoun's views underwent a visible change. 
H;e was no longer for action, but for procrastination. He felt, no doubt, 
that the Cuba question would draw the minds of the people from an 
internal to an external contest, and that his issue, his 'threshold' issue, 
might be postponed, if not abandoned. Then, but not 'till then, did Mr. 
Calhoun express himself as quoted by the correspondent of the Journal of 
Commerce. But Mr. Calhoun's hopes were not realized. The South did 
not unite even in the absence of the Cuba excitement. Were he now 
living every consideration invites the belief that, having failed to unite 
the South upon the admission of California, he would strive to do so, 
with greater probabilities of success, upon the Cuba platform, thus 
obtaining for her that 'equilibrium' with which alone can this Union 
he preserved, through the union of the South. 

"I am, gentlemen, very respectfully, 

"Your obedient servant, 

"Ambrosia Jose Gonzales, of Cuba." 

Lopez's Expeditions to Cuba. 331 

frustrated by President Taylor who ordered the entire expedition 
to be seized as it was on the point of departure*. 

Lopez now traveled through the South and Southwest enlisting 
men for a second descent on Cuba. Many of these men had seen 
service in the Mexican war. Quite a number served afterwards 
under Walker in Central America. 

He considered it highly important to secure as leader some Amer- 
ican whose ability and influence would draw hearty support in men 
and money from the United States. In the spring of 1850 he 
visited John A. Quitman, then Governor of Mississippi.! He of- 
fered him the leadership. He showed letters of encouragement 
from distinguished men in the United States, and painted in bril- 
liant colors the prospects of success and the effect it would have on 
Mexico and the neighboring governments. The idea appealed 
strongly to the high-strung and susceptible nature of Quitman. 
But owing to the menacing condition of public affairs, he thought 
his first duty was to the State of which he was governor. He 
therefore declined the leadership, but gave the plan his hearty sym- 
pathy and encouragement. He advised Lopez to carry a strong and 
well organized force to Cuba, and cautioned him against treachery. 

The second expedition assembled at N"ew Orleans, || in the early 
spring of 1850, and on May 7, Lopez and his party set sail for Cuba 

* President Zachary Taylor issued a proclamation dated August ii, 1849. 
It said that information obtained pointed "to Cuba as the object of this 
expedition." It emphatically stated that no persons engaged in it "must 
expect the interference of this Government in any form on their behalf, 
no matter to what extremities they may be reduced." 

In the excitement of the moment the importance of the movement was 
greatly exaggerated. The St. Louis Republican had the following sum- 
mary of the information from New Orleans, upon an authentic report of 
which was supposed General Taylor's proclamation had been issued: 
"'Mysterious Movement in New Orleans. The papers of New Orleans 
are silent about a movement that is going on in that city, which has, if 
we are correctly informed, the appearance of a military movement against 
some neighboring country, and is for this reason, contrary to our laws. It 
is stated to us that a company of fifteen hundred men is being enrolled 
m that city, who are to serve for twelve months, and to be paid $1,000 
each for the year. They are told that they are to fight, but they have not 
been informed against whom their warfare is to be directed. It is said 
that half a million dollars are on deposit in the Canal Bank to use on 
the enterprise." Quoted in Southern Advocate of Huntsville, Ala., 
August 24, 1849. 

fLife of Quitman, Vol. I, page 55. 

i'On the 7th of May the President was informed in a letter by W. L. 
Dodge: "The last of the Cubans leave this evening. The whole force 
is probably between 6,000 and 8,000 of the very best kind of material, 
«! procured and organized in the interior." 

332 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

on the steamer Creole. The Spanish Consul at New Orleans sent 
a fast sailing schooner to Havana to inform the Captain General 
of the departure of the Cuban Expedition.! Others had previously 
sailed from the United States in the Georgiana and the Susan 

After leaving New Orleans Lopez met others at Contoy, Yucatan, 
and made final preparations for his invasion of Cuba. Contoy was 
without the jurisdiction of the United States and of Spain. Here 
unmolested the revolutionists could make warlike preparations. 
General Lopez now gave permission to all who were indisposed to 
continue in the expedition, to withdraw. About twenty-five did so, 
and took passage in the Georgiana for Chagres.|| 

Lopez in an address to the command promised them the co-opefa- 
tion of the Cubans. Every private was to receive four thousand 
dollars at the end of the first year, or sooner if the revolution should 
succeed before the expiration of that time. The men, however, 
were actuated more from a spirit of adventure than of gain. 

Lopez had at first decided to attack Matanzas, but hearing that 
the Spanish expected this movement, it was decided to land at 
Cardenas,* which was taken after a stubborn but brief resistance. 
When the barracks were carried by assault, the Spanish soldiers 
threw down their arms and many joined the army of invasion. 
Lopez now issued a strong appeal for volunteers, but the Cubans 
did not respond. Either from apathy or dread of Spanish punish- 
ment they seemed unwilling to risk their lives. 

The Spanish troops began to close in on Cardenas, and Lopez 
saw that without native co-operation its occupation was useless and 
dangerous. He ordered the troops to re-embark, with a view of 
attacking Manianzas. Some of the party objected, a council of 
war was held on board, and it was declared that no further attempt 

^Montgomery Advertiser and State Gazette, May 21, 1850. 

j|T\vo ships, the Georgiana and the Susan Loud, both supposed to belong 
to Lopez's party, were seized by the Spanish ship Pizzaro off Contoy. 
Their crews and passengers were tried by a marine court, and the British 
Consul was, on invitation, present at the examination, while Mr. Campbell, 
the American Consul, had no official information of the fact, and was not 
allowed to see them. 

*In the Advertiser and State Gazette of June 4, 1850, Lopez is quoted! as 
saying that the attack on Cardenas was meant as a feint to draw the 
Spanish soldiers to that point. Then the attack was to be made elsewhere. 
But there was a delay at Cardenas, the ship grounded on leaving the 
harbor, and the men refused to make another attack on Cuba. Lopez 
was therefore obliged to sail for Key West. 

Lopez's Expeditions to Cuba. 333 

to land on the island was practicable, because of the indecision of 
the native population. To this decision Lopez would not agree, 
and wished to land an attaching party. When the men refused to 
follow him he resigned command. The steamer then put to sea 
with the purpose of reaching Key West, and at nightfall came to 
anchor within forty miles of that port. 

The. Spanish authorities sent the Pizarro, a fast steamer, in pur- 
suit of the filibusters, and offered a reward of $50,000 for the cap- 
ture of Lopez. 

The Pizarro set out in pursuit of the Creole and ran into Key 
West while the Creole was lying at anchor. She set out again in 
search of her at daybreak. The people of the town having found 
6ut the purpose of the Pizarro, thronged the pier and hills to watch 
the issue. Soon they recognized the Creole closely pursued by the 
huge Pizarro, which was throwing out volumes of smoke and rapidly 
gaining. At this juncture the fuel of the steamer gave out, and the 
Pizarro was raipidly gaining. The chances of escape for the Creole 
seemed hopeless, but by using the cargo and the wood work of the 
ship for fuel, she outdistanced her pursuer and dropped anchor 
under the guns of the fort. The Pizzaro was restrained from taking 
possession of the Creole by the presence of the United States offi- 
cers, who took charge of the steamer.* 

Most of the men of the expedition then returned to their homes. 
The loss of the expedition was fourteen killed and thirty wounded. 
Lopez, with. General John Henderson f and others, was tried for 

*A spirited account of this expedition is given by J. J. Roche in his 
By-Ways of War, page 35, et seq. 

fThe New Orleans Weekly Delta for January 27, 1851, contains some 
interesting statements about the points involved in the trial of Henderson. 
A test case was made against him, and when it failed the cases of Lopez 
and the others were dropped. In the trial of Henderson, therefore, the 
fate of Lopez and the others was virtually being settled. The Delta says: 

"Lopez, Henderson and others were tried for violation of the neutrality 
laws. The act under which this prosecution was instituted was the act 
of April 20, 1818. 

The sixth section of the act is as follows: 

" 'That if any person shall, within the territory and the jurisdiction of 
the United States, begin or set on foot, or provide, or prepare the means 
for, any military expedition or enterprise, to be carried on from thence 
against the territory or dominions of any foreign prince or State, or of 
any colony, district, or people, with whom the United States are at peace, 
every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, 
and shall be fined not exceeding $3,000, and imprisoned not more than 
three years.' 

/'The third section pronounced penalties against any person, whether 
citizen of the United States or not, who 'shall, within the limits of 

334 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

violation of the neutrality laws, but they all escaped conviction by 
technicalities of the law, and on account of the sympathy of the 
people in the section where they were tried. 

The United States sent a warship to Havana, demanding the 
release of the men captured by Spanish authorities off the coast 
of Mexico. In case any Americans were unjustly put to death, 
Secretary Clayton informed the Spanish minister that it would in 
all probability lead to war. J The prisoners were finally released 
by Spain. 

The failure of this expedition did not discourage Lopez and his 

the United States, fit out and arm, or attempt to fit out and arm, any 
ship or vessel with intent that such ship or vessel shall be employed in 
the service of a foreign prince, etc. * * * to commit hostilities against 
the people of a foreign State with whom the United States are at peace/ 
"General Henderson, in a speech in his own defense, spoke as follows : 
v f I contend there was no violation of our neutrality law, because there 
was no military expedition carried on, or intended to be carried on, from 
tie territory of the United States, and the district of Louisiana, against 
Cuba. The expedition which went to Cuba was constituted, I admit, from 
three several bodies of men which went to Mugeres in the Georgiana 
Susan Loud, and the steamer Creole; but these people had no connection 
here in the United States, nor had they any type, form or shape 
of military organization. True, the men who became officers and those 
who became privates, went from the United States. So, too, of the 
arms and amunition with which they were supplied at Mugeres. So, too. 
of their food and other supplies there furnished. But all these went from 
the United States as crude materials, and were combined and organized 
beyond the territory of the United States, and in a foreign jurisdiction. 
A law of Congress which would forbid the exportation of cotton cloth 
does not interdict the exportation of every article of which it is composed. 
The raw cotton, the machinery, and the men and women to manufacture 
it may all go to Mugeres and make cotton cloth, and sell it abroad, without 
violating such a law. And this is true of every conceivable thing, which 
consists of aggregate materials. * .* • * It is shown from evidence that 
I provided no means for any expedition, whether a military expedition, 
carried on from the United States or not, as General Lopez, by the sale 
and proceeds of his bonds, provided all the means. *■**.. | negotiated 
for the steamer Creole, and paid her price, $10,000 in cash, $2,000 in my 
note as cash and $4,000 in Cuban bonds. But the fact, as proved, is that 
all these expenditures were paid for in Cuban bonds or their proceeds, 
and nothing was contributed by me. Now the means provided by Lopez 
from the sale of his bonds are as direct as if raised by the sale of a bill 
of exchange brought with him from Cuba, and just as direct as if he had 
handed me the money in gold to pay for* the Creole so bought. * * * 
The offender under this law must be an actor, and guilty of an action 
made penal by the statute. He must responsibly participate in a forbidden 
act. He must have begun, or set on foot, or provided, or prepared the 
means for a military expedition, to be carried on from the United States, 
etc. I have done neither ; and, therefore, have I not offended the law.' " 
$"Warn him," said Clayton, * * * "that if he unjustly sheds one 
drop of American blood at this exciting period, it may cost the two 
countries a sanguinary war." Von Hoist, History of United States, Vol. 
1850-54, page 54- 

Lopez's Expeditions to Cuba. 335 

sympathizers. In some respects it could scarce!}* be called a failure. 
The invaders had shown bravery, had defeated the Spanish soldiers 
within a few miles of Havana, and had withdrawn only because 
they had not been supported by the natives — a fact for which they 
readily found explanations that were at least plausible. They had 
evaded and escaped the Spanish warships and. been given protection 
and a hearty welcome home by the United States garrison at Key 
West. To crown it all, the leaders had been tried before a United 
States court, and had come forth with flying colors. Moreover, in 
Cuba itself there were encouraging signs. In the summer of 1851 
the revolutionary movement became more general, especially in the 
central and eastern departments. The citizens of Puerto Principe 
drew up a formal declaration of independence. Trinidad and Villa 
Clara did likewise. 

Lopez was as much a hero as ever, and set to work organizing a 
third expedition. Kew Orleans was again the point of departure, 
and here in the summer of 1851 he gathered his force. Many of 
the men had already seen active service, some of them! in the Mexi- 
can war. There were also many men who joined from youthful 
enthusiasm and recklessness. 

The organization* of this force was confided to General Pragay, 
formerly Adjutant-General in the Hungarian Army. There was 
also a complete corps of engineers, composed chiefly of Hungarians 
under Major Pugendorf. This Hungarian contingent was com- 
posed of Kossuth's compatriots, who like himself were forced to 
flee from their country after the termination of their unsuccessful 
revolution. There was a company composed exclusively of Creoles 
and Spaniards, including the soldiers who deserted to General Lopez 
at Cardenas, all under the command of Captain Gotay. The rest 
of the comma rid were Americans, mostly from jSTew Orleans and 
Mississippi. There were men in the expedition from all the South- 
ern States, and there were a few from the cities of the North. 
These were commanded by Colonel Crittenden, a nephew of the 
Attorney-General of the United States, a graduate of the West 
Point Military Academy, and by Colonel P. L. Downman of Georgia, 
with Major J. A. Kelly, Captains Saunders, Brigham, Stewart, 
Ellis, Victor Kerr and others. 

There were large parties formed throughout the South for the 

*See New York Tribune, September 2, 1851. 

33G The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

purpose of going to Cuba. Many of these, on account of lack of 
transportation, were unable to join the expedition. f Others reached 
New Orleans too late to join Lopez. Among the latter was a body 
of Iventuckians, tinder Colonels Pickett, Bell and Hawkins. 

Lopez having completed his plans for the third expedition, | sailed 
from New Orleans on the Pampero early in the morning of August 
3, 1851. Touching at Key West he was informed that the Cuban 
revolutionists were anxious and ready to join him.* He immedi- 
ately set sail and landed at Morrillos, Bahia Honda, about fifty 
miles from Havana. Knowing his force to be too small to engage 
the Spanish reinforcements, which were coming, Lopez decided to 
march to the interior, to Las Pozas. 

His purpose was to reach the mountains from which he thought 
he could beat back the Spaniards, while he organized a strong and 
effective fighting force, around whose standards the Cuban in- 
surgents could rally. This was probably the correct movement. 
His fatal mistake was the separation of his forces, which resulted 
in the capture of Crittenden's party, thus giving an early impres- 
sion of his weakness and destroying all hope of assistance from the 
Cuban insurgents. 

Orders were given Crittenden to remain with one hundred and 
fourteen men and guard the extra guns and ammunition. The 
plan was for Lopez with the rest of the command to proceed to Las 

tThe New Orleans Delta of August 26, 1851, stated that there were three 
thousand men in the city desiring transportation to Cuba. The number 
probably was greatly exaggerated, but there is no doubt that many more 
men would have gone had the transportation facilities been greater. 

SThe account of this expedition given hy President Fillmore in his second 
annual message, December 2, 1851, is interesting, as it gives very fully 
the standpoint of the administration. See Messages and Papers of the 
Presidents, Vol. V, page 113. The best original sources of information in 
regard to this expedition are long letters by Kelly and Summers, both 
officers in the pariy. These are to be found in the New York Tribune of 
September 23, 1851. Many other letters can be found in the papers of the 
time. Of these one by Van Vetchen is interesting, but seems strongly 

*The New York Tribune of September o, 185 1, said. "One of the 
rumors that have reached us in connection with this disastrous expedition 
is that when it sailed from New Orleans the intention was to proceed 
to Puerto Principe, but that on arriving at Key West, Lopez found there 
a letter from a well-known speculator at Havana, with whom he had 
before had some correspondence, informing him falsely that the Vuelta 
de Abaja and Pinas del Rio were in full revolt, and that he would accord- 
ingly do well to go there with his forces. This advice he decided to 
follow, not suspecting its treachery, and so fell into a snare set for him 
by Concha." 

Lopez's Expeditions to Cuba. 337 

Pozas and thence transmit wagons tliat night, so that Crittenden 
could come on with the stores early next morning. 

Lopez arrived at Las Pozas about twelve o'clock that day, and 
having procured some carts sent them towards Crittenden's party. 
He believed, and assured his men, that they would not be attacked 
for two or three days, and the men gave themselves up to careless 
ease- and enjoy m en t. On the next day at Las Pozas they were 
attacked by a large body of Spanish troops. The Spanish were 
repulsed and retreated in the direction, of Crittenden's command. 
But Lopez's party lost a number of men, including General Pragay. 
Colonel Lownman and Captain Gotay. 

Tn this engagement the men fought as they thought best, few 
orders being given. General Lopez was in the thickest of the 
fight. Although he was insensible to fear, it was quite perceptible 
that he was oppressed by the aspect of affairs. After the battle 
he ordered Captain Ellis's company and another to pursue the 
enemy, and to go through to Crittenden. They attempted to do 
so, but finding the enemy too strong, they returned to Las Pozas. 

Meanwhile Crittenden's party/'" having been ordered to join 
Lopez at once, set out for Las Pozas. While they were breakfast- 
in;; on the roadside without proper precautions, they were sud- 
denly attacked by a superior body of Spanish troops. These were 
repulsed, but the surprise taught them no lesson, and before they 
were ready for the march and while still unprepared, they were 
again attacked by a large body of troops. 

After beating off the attack, Colonel Crittenden took eighty men 
and started off to charge the enemy, leaving Captain Kelly with 
orders to maintain his position until his return. Kelly waited 
several hours, and then thinking he must have formed a junction 
with Lopez, set out for Las Pozas, and after a difficult march, 
joined Lopez just before the evacuation of that town. 
___Cnttenden, after leaving Kelly, attacked the Spanish, but was 

i *The New York Tribune of September 3, 1851, quotes the following from 

« ^, Ciia i* 1 regard to Crittenden. The writer's name is not given: 

"YYc knew him first in the Mexican War, and in many a bivouac 

scared his blanket. * * * A few days before he left we met him, 

ami a wish that we could accompany him was expressed. We earnestly 

advised against embarking in the enterprise; we spoke our incredulity 

J* the report that the Cubans had risen. He answered that he was nd 

freebooter; that he could not be induced to join the expedition were not 

ln« people of Cuba in arms against their rulers. That a revolution had 

V„ ,Ua ' lIy comrncnce d, that the Cubans were in the field, he assured us hq 

•'•'•v.* from statements of parties who had given him their confidence." 

338 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

finally defeated and forced to flee. He was now without ammuni- 
tion or supplies., and without any knowledge of the country. With 
a small band of followers he wandered about for two days and 
nights, without a morsel of food or a drop of water. At last they 
reached the beach and embarked upon four small vessels, with the 
intention of returning to the United States.* While on the water 
they were overhauled by Spanish warships and carried as prison- 
ers to Havana ? where they were at once condemned to death and 
executed, f Claiborne, who seems to have been in close touch with 
the expedition, gives the following vivid description of the 

"Stripped to the shirt, their hands bound behind their backs, 
they were carried in front of the castle of Atares, guarded by the 
Spanish troops, and dogged by the ferocious rabble. * * * 
Pale as ghosts, attenuated by exposure and fatigue, they fearlessly 
faced their grim, executioners, and calmly surveyed the apparatus 
of death — the leveled muskets and the file of dead-carts waiting 
for their remains. No invocation for delay, no cry for mercy, no 
last promise of treacherous revelation with the hope of pardon, 
was heard from them during the protracted ordeal. In squads of 
six they were successively shot down, the officers being reserved for 
the last. When ordered to his knees Crittenden replied, 'Amer- 
icans kneel only to their God/ They were ordered to reverse their 
position. 'No/ said Victor Kerr, 'we look death in the face/ 
'Cowards,' cried Stanford, 'our friends will avenge us/ 'Liberty 

*See letters of Crittenden, New Orleans De^ia, October 12, 185 1. 

Also see Stanford's letter, Delta, August 25, 1851. 

tA full description of the execution is given in the Delta of September 
I, 1851. Claiborne gives the names of those who were shot. 

When the news of this execution reached New Orleans there was great 
excitement. The Delta of August 22, 1851, said: "The men who had 
come to New Orleans too late to go to Cuba not only took no part in 
this violence, but volunteered their services to preserve order. Amongst 
these was a party of Kentuckians under Colonels Pickett, Bell, and 
Hawkins. The first act of vengeance on the part of the mob was the 
destruction of the printing office of the Spanish paper, La Union, which 
had taken the part of the Spanish authorities and had denounced the 
filibusters. The office was destroyed, but no violence was used upon the 
inmates. The shops of several Spaniards in the city were destroyed. The 
rioters next visited the office of the Spanish Consul. The Consul's sign 
was torn down and burnt, and his headless elhgy borne by the crowds 
through the streets of the city." His papers were scattered and the 
picture of the Spanish monarch was defaced. For the injury done to the 
Consul and his office our Congress afterwards granted an indemnity. 

XLife and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, Vol. II, page 90. 

Lopez's Expeditions to Cuba. 339 

forever!' exclaimed Lieutenant James, and his last words 
mingled with the crash of musketry, and echoed oyer the sea. The 
corpses of the fifty lay upon the ground. " 

Lopez, meanwhile, remained at Las Pozas until Captain Kelly 
arrived with about thirty men and assured him that it was vain 
to wait longer for Crittenden. The army was then put in motion 
for the mountains. About midday on the 17th they marched to a 
plantation formerly owned by Lopez. While here they were ap- 
proached by a strong body of troops. Lopez did not wait for the 
Spanish to attack him, hut led his men in a wild charge against 
them. After a spirited engagement, in which General Enna, the 
second ranking Spanish officer in Cuba, was killed, the Spanish 
retired, and Lopez continued his march into the interior. 

Several days were spent in marching, and as it was during the 
rainy season, much damage was done to the arms and ammunition 
of the command by the heavy and incessant rains. The food sup- 
ply was inadequate, the store of ammunition was very low, and the 
men for the first time became discouraged. When they arrived 
at Rosario they demanded of the General what prospects of aid he 
had, and not being satisfied with his assurances, determined to 
leave him and proceed toward the coast. The next day they were 
surprised and attacked by the Spanish. The greater part of their 
muskets being damaged by the storms, they were unable to with- 
stand the attack, but scattered and retreated to the mountains. 

The command was now entirely without food, their arms and 
ammunition were made useless, and still the rains continued. In 
this condition the}' were again attacked. Scattered in small bands 
they continued their wanderings, being in the most deplorable 
condition from exhaustion and hunger. Soon all of them were 
either captured, or surrendered from exhaustion. 

The little band with Lopez numbered but thirty, and these were 
reduced to the lowest stage of suffering and starvation. He begged 
these to leave him and surrender, because there would be no chance 
for them if caught with him. Finally he left them, accompanied 
by one faithful friend. Wounded and exhausted from fatigue he 
was pursued and captured by some Catalans. lie surrendered, 
Claiming, "Kill me, but pardon my men." On the 31st he was 
taken in the Pizarro to Havana, and the order for his execution 

340 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

The Nbv York papers give the following account of his exe- 

"At the fatal hour General Lopez was brought out and ascended 
the platform with a firm, step. His person was enveloped in. a 
white shroud. The executioner then removed the shroud, and 
there stood the General in his full military uniform before the 
assembled multitude. His appearance was calm, dignified and 
heroic. Xot a muscle quivered. He looked upon the preparations 
for death unmoved; his countenance changed not, and his whole 
bearing was firm and manly. 

The executioner now removed his embroidered coat, his sash, 
cravat, and all the insignia of his military rank, in token of dis- 
grace. General Lopez, with his hands tightly bound together in 
front, stepped forward, and in a strong, clear voice slowly spoke 
to those around as follows: 

a "1 pray the persons who have compromised me to pardon me 
as I pardon them;. 

ec< %iy death will not change the destinies of Cuba.' (The ex- 
ecutioner, standing a little behind, here interrupted him in an in- 
sulting tone, with 'Come, be quick, be quick. 5 ) 

"General Lopez, turning his head partly around, fixed his eye on 
the man, and said sternly, gritting his teeth, 'Wait, sir/ He then 
continued : 

"'Adieu, my beloved Cuba. Adieu, my brethren.' 

"The General then stepped back, seated himseli on the stool. 
A priest with the crucifix and taper stood on one side of him, the 
executioner on the other. The collar was then placed around the 
prisoner's neck. The priest now placed the crucifix between t> a . 
General's hands, and, just as he was in the act of inclining i^ 
head to kiss it, the executioner swung the fatal screw, and the 
head of the unfortunate man at the same instant dropped forward, 
touching the crucifix. He never moved again. There sat the body 
of one of the bravest men that ever drew breath, but a moment ago 
alive, now a ghastly corpse. 

"The execution was conducted in the most orderly manner and 
in perfect silence. No shouting or any other exhibition of applause 
was manifest. Whether this was the result of the news from New 

*New York Tribune of September Q, 1851. 

Lopez's Expeditions to Cuba. 341 

Orleans or the express orders of the Captain-General, is not 

After the failure of this third and last expedition under Lopez, 
the United States and Spain were engaged in diplomatic dis- 
cussion in regard to the execution of Crittenden's party, and also 
as to the disposal of the prisoners remaining in Spanish hands. 
The President's policy had from the first been as conciliatory 
toward Spain as any reasonable person could ask. By proclama- 
tions, by instructions to the civil officers, and by the use of the 
navy, every effort had been made to stop the expeditions. The 
President's vigorous denunciation of the filibusters was cited by 
the Spanish Governor of Cuba as an excuse for his immediate 
execution of Crittenden's party, and was also given by the United 
States Consul at Havana, Mr. Owen, as an explanation of his 
failure to extend to them either sympathy or assistance.* He 
publicly expressed his regret at the New Orleans riot, and recom- 
mended to Congress that an indemnity be granted to the Spanish 
Consul there.f After the execution of Crittenden's party was 
announced, he took measures to ascertain whether any of them 
were American citizens, and if they were, by what evidence their 
guilt of a crime deserving so summary a punishment had been 
established; and also to ascertain the facts in relation to the 
alleged firing on the United States mail steamer, Falcon, by a 
Spanish ship of war, and how far this proceeding was approved by 
public authority. For this purpose Commodore Foxhall A. Parker, 
commanding the Home Squadron, was sent to Havana in the 

The diplomatic situation was a difficult one, but the President's 
course was a conciliator} 7 one, and was in the end successful. The 

*Great mass meetings were held throughout the United States to express 
sympathy with the Cuban revolutionists and to denounce the conduct of 
^pain. Many were held in New Orleans, which was the center of the 
anti-Spanish feeling. An immense gathering assembled in Philadelphia, 
numbering it was said 12,000. Large crowds gathered also in Savannah 
and Mobile. In New York the crowd was estimated by the Herald to 
«*vceed 4,000. In the evening there was a procession. '"On the whole," 
— s*l the Herald, ''the meeting passed off very well; at least 15,000 persons 
*cre in attendance." 

On April 25, 183-f, he had warned those engaged in these enterprises 
Inat they would "forfeit their claim to the protection of this Government 
«>i any interference in their behalf, no matter to what extremities they 
may be reduced in consequence of their illegal conduct." 
-. . ^ his second annual message, Messages and Papers of the Presidents,, 
Vol. V, page 118. 

342 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Americans captured subsequently to the execution of Crittenden's 
party were carried to Havana. % Some were released here, but most I 
of them were transported to Spain. After a short captivity these 
were all released. || 

The chief cause which led to the failure of Lopez's plans was 
undoubtedly the lack of Cuban support, but this was itself due, 
at least in part, to the incompetence of the Cuban leaders. Men 
of discretion were needed, who would know the proper time to 
strike and would comprehend the combinations necessary for a 
revolutionary movement. Furthermore, the Cubans were desti- 
tute of arms and ammunition. The extensive system of espionage 
enabled the Spanish authorities to pounce upon any suspected 
person with such promptness as to cut him oil from all com- 
munication with his friends. 

The small size of the force carried to Cuba by Lopez was, 
moreover, a fatal blunder. Had he carried a sufficient force to 
hold tlie Spanish in check for a reasonable time, it is not im- 
possible that the Cubans might have rallied around his standard 
and their cause might have been successful. 

Unfortunate also was the division of the forces and the de- 
struction of Crittenden's command early in the campaign. The 
report of this, exaggerated as it was, dampened the ardor of the 
Cubans. They took it to be a failure of the whole enterprise, and 
those who had gathered at various points dispersed. 

After the failure of the expedition of Lopez, there is easily 
perceptible a change in the attitude of the American people toward 
Cuban Independence. The desire for annexation was still wide- 
spread in the South, and indignation at the treatment of the 
prisoners by the Spanish authorities was slow in dying out; but | 

the Cubans had failed to strike for their independence at the 
critical moment, and American sympathy for them was greatly 

tFor an account of the diplomatic negotiations see Curtis, Life of Daniel 
Webster, Vol. II, pages 547 et seq. 

■ li The New York Tribune of September 23, 185 1, gives a list of the cap- 
tives, but the spelling is so inaccurate as to throw doubt on its trust- 


By David Y. Thomas, Ph.D., of Hcndrix College, Arkansas. 

Recent political events and the celebration of the century of the 
acquisition of Louisiana have lent additional charm to the always 
interesting struggle made by Mr. Jefferson for the control of the 
Misslssipi river. This chapter of history has long been a favorite 
theme with historians, but the beginnings of the struggle have 
received scant notice at the hands of our writers. The closing of 
the river by the Spanish commandant when the territory was 
acquired from France has necessitated an explanation that we had 
secured the right of navigation by a treaty with Spain in 1795; 
but very few of our historians have given more than a passing 
notice to the negotiations leading up to that treaty, though they 
form one of the most interesting chapters in our diplomatic his- 
tory. Some have begun their account with the year 1784, but, in 
order to understand it fully, it is necessary to go back of that period 
several years. The position of Spain will then be better under- 
stood and the important bearing of the dispute on the subsequent 
course of American history will be more apparent. 

At the outbreak of the American Revolution Great Britain had 
undisputed possession of all territory east of the Mississippi, in- 
cluding the Floridas, except the island of ]STew Orleans. Early 
in 1778 Prance joined the colonies in tbeir struggle with England, 
and then the active friendship of Spain was eagerly sought. So 
early as 1776 she had given assistance to the extent of one million 
francs through France, but this was simply to keep up the dis- 
affection of the colonies as a source of irritation to her ancient 
enemy. In spirit she really was hostile to their independence; 
consequently, as the war progressed and independence was gener- 
ally understood to be the issue, she became less and less inclined 
to render assistance. But after the rupture between France and 
England, she was hually (June, 1779) drawn into the circle of 
**av, apparently by the hope of avenging her wrongs and of re- 
covering her lost possessions. 

The final rupture was brought about by an offer of mediation on 

344 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

the part of Spain between Great Britain and her revolting colonies, 
which offer was based on the independence of the latter. But 
in spite of this and of the fact that M. de Kayneval was instructed 
by Spain to insist on the independence of the United States as a 
preliminary condition for peace in 1782 there is not much evi- 
dence that American interests were ever dear to the Spanish heart. 
Indeed, there is no little to the contrary. The Federal Congress 
were very anxious to secure the accession of Spain to their treaty 
with France, offering as an inducement to guarantee her the pos- 
session of the Floridas, hut claiming at the same time the right 
to navigate the Mississippi Biver. In September, 1779, Mr. John 
Jay was chosen minister plenipotentiary to Madrid and instructed 
to treat on the foregoing basis. That he was coldly received may 
be inferred from the following : 

Before the news of Jay's appointment reached Spain his Catholic 
Majesty instructed the French minister to inform Congress that 
he would treat on the following basis : (1) A precise and invariable 
western boundary to the United States; (2) the exclusive navi- 
gation of the Mississippi; (3) the possession of the Floridas; and 
(4) of the lands on the eastern bank of the Mississippi. With 
regard to boundary the cabinet of Madrid thought that the United 
States extended no farther west than settlements were permitted 
by the royal proclamation bearing date the 7th day of [October], 
1763. It was further advised that the southern states be restrained 
from making settlements in the country bordering on the Missis- 
sippi, as it was British territory which Spain intended to conquer. 
In reply Congress unanimously reaffirmed the right to the Miss- 
issippi and declared that they could not assign the people who had 
settled near the river to any other power, as they w T ere citizens of 
the United Slates and friendly to the Bevolution. Mr. Jay was 
further instructed to try to secure the right to navigate the rivers 
flowing through West Florida, should Spain come into possession 
of that territory. But in the winter of 1780-81 the tide of war 
was running against the Americans, and the delegates from South 
Carolina and Georgia, fearing that their country might be held 
by the British on the principle of a uti possidetis, should a sudden 
peace become necessary, asked that further concessions be made to 
Spain. To this Congress agreed February 15, 1781, and instructed 
Jay to recede from their claim to the free navigation of so much of 

The Diplomatic Struggle for the Mississippi River. 345 

the Mississippi as lay below the thirty-first parallel, provided the 
same was guaranteed to that above, but at the same time ordered 
him to use every effort to secure the right to the whole. But Spain 
showed no disposition to yield, and Congress in turn repealed this 
limitation and left our ambassador to pursue the course prescribed 
in his original instructions. 

In May, 1783, Jay left Madrid for Paris, where he went to enter 
upon peace negotiations with England's representative. While 
there, however, he often met and talked with the Count d'Aranda, 
who had been empowered by the Spanish Court to continue nego- 
tiations. That gentleman boldly declared that the western country 
had never belonged to the ancient colonies; that previous to 1763 
it had belonged to France; and that after its cession to Great 
Britain it had remained a distinct part of her possessions until, 
by conquest of certain posts, it became vested in Spain ; and further, 
if the Spanisli rigM did not extend to ail of said territory, it was 
possessed by free Indians whose land belonged to neither of the 
disputants. When Jay asked him to indicate the western boundary 
on the map he drew a line from a lake east of the Flint River in 
Georgia to the mouth of the Kanawha Biver, and from there to 
the western shores of Lakes Erie and Huron. In a note dated 
September 10, Jay informed d'Aranda that he had no authority 
to cede territory belonging to the United States and that he 
could do nothing more in regard to the proposed line than wait 
for and follow the instructions of Congress||. A short reply from 
the Count closed the exchange of notes; nor did later conferences 
bring them any nearer to an agreement. 

Extravagant as the claims of the Count may seem they were not 
without the shadow of a basis. Although he does not seem to have 
mentioned it, this line probably was based on the royal proclama- 
tion referred to by the king in his instructions to the French min- 
ister quoted above. By this proclamation the British king forbade 
his "loving subjects to make any settlements or purchases what- 
ever westward of the rivers which fall into the sea." He announced 
that the western lands were to be reserved for the Indians. But 
the colonies regarded such a change in their boundaries as be- 
yond the royal prerogative and paid no attention to it. However, 
Spain probably cared very little about the proclamation; this 

Wip. Cor. Amcr. Rev. (Wharton) VI, 25 f. 

34t> The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

claim was only a part of the general policy which she and several 
other European nations pursued in their effort to coop up the 
United States between the Appalachian Mountains and the sea. 

Mr. Jay and his colleagues were more successful in their ne- 
gotiations with England, for by November 30, 1782, provisional 
articles for a treaty of peace had been agreed upon. In this treaty 
it was stipulated that the southern boundary of he United States 
should be defined "by a line to be drawn, due east from the Miss- 
issippi river in the latitude of 31 degrees north of the equator, 
to the middle of the river Appalachicola or Catahouche; thence 
along the middle thereof to its junction with the Flint River; 
thence straight to the head of St, Mary's River; thence down along 
the middle of St. Mary's River to the Atlantic Ocean. By a separate 
secret article it was agreed that the line should run due east from 
the mouth of the Yazoo river to the Appalachicola, in case Great- 
Britain should recover, or be put in possession of West Florida at 
the conclusion of the war. January 20, 1783, preliminary articles 
were signed by Great Britain and Spain by which the former ceded 
East and West Florida to the latter. September 3, Great Britain 
signed definitive treaties with both powers. In that with the United 
States our boundaries were described as in the preliminary treaty; 
neither in the preliminary nor in the definite treaty with Spain 
was anything said about the boundaries of the Floridas. 

The next communication with Spain was only semi-official. In 
February, 1783, Lafayette, in response to a request from Mr. 
Carmichael, went to Madrid to assist him in getting recognition 
as charge d'affaires for the United States. In a few days he had a 
conversation with Florida Blanca, a member of the Spanish cab- 
inet, in which more friendliness was manifested toward the new- 
nation than had been shown hitherto. But Lafayette wanted some- 
thing in black and white, and forthwith addressed a note to the 
Count, giving Spain's position as he had understood him to rep- 
resent it, and asking him if his impression was correct. It was 
to the effect that his Catholic Majesty had adopted the limits as 
determined by the preliminary treaty of November 30, and that the 
fear of raising an object of dissension was the only objection the 
king had to the free navigation of the Mississippi. $. In three days 
the Count replied in the affirmative, but added that "although 

%Dip. Cor. Amer. Rev. p. 257. 

The Diplomatic Struggle fox the Mississippi River. 347" 

his Majesty intends to abide by said limits, yet he intends to in- 
form himself particularly whether it can be by any ways incon- 
venient or prejudicial to settle that affair amicably with the United 
States/' On the same day Lafayette addressed another note to 
the Count, asking for an explanation of this addition. In the 
presence of the French ambassador he was informed that this re- 
ferred only to some unimportant details which would be amicably 
regulated and would by no means oppose the general principle. 

But we ma)' very well doubt if the Count was correct in his 
representations. About the only fixed principle we can feel sure 
the Spanish Court had in regard to the United States was one 
of hostility to 'their real interests. At the same time the Count de 
Montmorin, the French minister at Madrid, had a conversation 
with the King on American affairs, but his only answer to the 
Count's representations was, Vercrnos.\ Kor did the other ministers 
seem so well disposed as Florida Blanca. M. de Galvez, who had 
charge of the Department of the Indies, told Lafayette that he had 
sent orders to the Spanish Governors to abide by the limits 
claimed for the present, but was of the opinion that those limits 
would not do. However, the "favorable disposition" of the King 
was continually held out. March 29, Jay was informed by the 
Spanish ambassador at Paris that the Court desired him to return 
to. Madrid and there complete the treaty. July 19, and again 
August 30, Mr. Carmichael wrote that Florida Blanca still assured 
him of the King's "favorable disposition," but added that de Galvez 
wished the whole American continent at the bottom of the ocean. 

In less than a year this "favorable disposition" of the King was 
manifested in a remarkable way. In a communication to Fran- 
cisco Ken don, agent of the Court of Madrid, dated June 26, 1784, 
Joseph de Galvez says: "His majesty commands you to give the 
States and Congress to understand that they are not to expose to 
process and confiscation their vessels on the Mississippi, inasmuch 
as a treaty concluded between the United States and England, on 
which the former ground their pretensions to the navigation of that 
river, could not fix limits in a territory which that power did not 
possess, the two borders of the river being already conquered and 
possessed by our arms the day the treaty was made, namely the 
30th of November, 1782." 

Wip. Cor. Atncr. Rev. (Wharton) VI, 259. 

348 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Some of our historians take this manifesto for their text in dis- 
cussing the dispute, and then proceed to lay the blame for it on the 
separate article in our treaty with Great Britain. But there are 
several things which cause us to doubt the correctness of this view. 
In the first place the purport of that article was known to the King 
nearly a year before he took this step. As early as March, 1783, it 
was not regarded as a secret in America, nor did the Americans 
suppose it to be unknown in Europe, England, as it seems, having 
taken no precaution to conceal it. Again, the King makes no di- 
rect reference to it, nor was it ever afterwards seriously made the 
basis of a claim for the southern boundary. So late as August, 
1786, Jay declared that he could not reduce the Spauish claims to 
definiteness. The main thing about which the King was concerned 
was our western limits and the navigation of the Mississippi. Those 
questions settled to his satisfaction, the southern boundary would 
take care of itself, for there would hardly be any at all. Still 
further, the dispute was a very old one, dating from the settlement 
of Carolina and Florida. In all of their treaties Spain and Great 
Britain never agreed upon any boundary between these colonies. 
In the treaty of 1670 it was agreed that Great Britain should re- 
tain "what she possessed" in America., but this boundary line still 
remained the subject of dispute. Nor did Spain ever recede from 
her claims, in spite of the fact that Great Britain's were backed by 
long years of possession. What was more natural then than that 
she should press them when the country had fallen into the hands 
of a weaker power? As for the navigation of the Mississippi, Gar- 
doqui subsequently declared to Jay that it was and always had 
been the policy of Spain to exclude all mankind from the Gulf — - 
from her American shores. 

But whatever may have been the immediate cause of this note of 
defiance, it struck Congress like a thunderbolt. The country, too, 
was thoroughly aroused. Some were for bidding defiance to Spain 
at once, but others thought the Mississippi of far less importance 
than Spanish trade, and proposed to give it up; still others recog-- 
nized the importance of trade with Spain, but were unwilling to 
purchase it at the sacrifice of a western empire, and favored further 
negotiations. This sentiment prevailed in Congress, which body 
had already (Juue 3, 1784) instructed our ministers plenipoten- 
tiary for negotiating commercial treaties with foreign powers not 
to relinquish or cede, in any event, the right to navigate the Missis- 

The Diplomatic Struggle for the Mississippi River. 349 

sippi from its source to the ocean. They now (December 17), 
178-i) resolved to send a special minister to Madrid to adjust the 
Mississippi and "other matters/ 5 and ordered the committee on 
foreign affairs to prepare a draft of instructions. But before Mr. 
Jay, the chosen minister, set out, a communication was received 
from Florida Blanca, dated October 8, In which he informed Con- 
gress that M. Gardoqui had been appointed charge d J affaires to 
the United States. Four days later Mr. Carmiehael wrote that 
Gardoqui was in fact a minister empowered to treat, and sent what 
he considered documentary evidence that the navigation of the 
Mississippi was a subject open to discussion, despite representations 
that had been made and would again be made to the contrary. 

Gardoqui himself arrived in July, 1785. Congress, finding him 
very agreeable, and no doubt remembering CarmichaePs letter, in- 
structed Jay to be very firm in his demand for the Mississippi. 
But Gardoqui could be as firm as he was engaging. His master 
would yield many tilings to the States, said he, but it was a waste 
of time to discuss that question. 

Mr. Jay declared, in the course of his negotiations, that he found 
himself much hampered by certain restrictions that had been laid 
upon him by Congress. The first was an order (July 20, 1785) to 
make known to them all propositions to he made or received by him 
before agreeing to the same. This was soon afterwards repealed, 
but on the same day (August 25) Congress passed another reso- 
lution which proved to be the real obstacle to the conclusion of the 
treaty. After nearly a year of fruitless negotiation Jay wrote to 
Congress (May 29) stating that he experienced certain difficulties 
which he thought should be so managed that even their existence 
should remain a secret for the present, and asking for the appoint- 
ment of a eorinnittee to instruct him: on every point. This letter 
was referred to a committee, and later (August 3), Jay himself was 
ordered to appear in person and explain to Congress his troubles 
and desires. His trouble was the resolution of August 25, wherein 
he was instructed to hold to the boundary and right of navigation 
as stipulated in the treaty with Great Britain. The question of 
navigation, said he, was the real bone of contention, and this was 
not important now. Spain now excluded us and we could secure 
the right only by war, for which we were not prepared. 

The Spanish representative also found causes of irritation. In 

3o0 The Gulf Siates Historical Magazine. 

1782, said he, Thomas Green went from Georgia and settled at 
Natchez under Spanish authority. Afterwards he was appointed 
Governor of those parts by Georgia and was troubling the Spanish. 
The delegates from Georgia disavowed (October 3, 1785) his ap- 
pointment as "Governor of those parts," though it could not be 
denied that Georgia had erected the Yazoo district into the county 
of Bourbon, and declared that emigrants were expressly inhibited 
from molesting the Spanish or others in possession there. June 
30, 1786, Gardoqui again complained of troubles in the Southwest, 
referring in particular to Indians friendly to the Spanish. Congress 
ordered a copy of his note to be sent to the Governor of Georgia, 
and expressed, in a resolution, the hope that negotiations would 
not be hindered by irritating measures on either side. At a still 
later date (August, 1787) Gardoqui's ire was raised by an open 
letter to himself published in the Charleston Gazette by one John 
Sullivan, threatening to turn the whole West against Natchez and 
.New Orleans. § 

Up to the time of the reception of the King's manifesto (1784) 
the votes on the question at issue had hardly shown any signs of 
sectional cleavage. But when Jay's proposition was laid before 
Congress it at once brought into prominence the lines of separation 
which ultimately rent the Union in twain, August 28, 1786, his 
instructions were taken up in Congress and brought on a spirited 
discussion which lasted several days. The South had lost confi- 
dence in Jay and favored revoking his commission. The delegates 
from Virginia presented a severe arraignment of his proposition, 
showing that no commercial advantage would be gained by it, as 
we already had every right that Spain agreed to grant in the treaty, 
hence the surrender of the Mississippi on that ground was inad- 
missible. Besides, the surrender of navigation would depreciate the 
value of the western lands, which were held as a fund for the pay- 
ment of the public debt, and would injure the public creditors. The 
proposed treaty, abridging the right of navigation, would violate 
the Articles of Confederation, because rights not delegated were 
reserved to the States. That they had the right to navigate the 
Mississippi was too well established to need inquiry. The resolu- 
tion closed with a demand for the revocation of Jay's commission 
and the appointment of five commissioners to act with him, but it 
was supported by only five States from Maryland to Georgia. 

Wip. Cor. 1783-S9 (Edit. 1837) HI, 255 I 

The Diplomatic Struggle for the Mississippi River. 861 

But the Eastern States could not see that the navigation of the 
Mississippi was a matter of immediate concern, especially to them- 
selves, and they were anxious for the conclusion of a commercial 
treaty, regardless of the West, in the hope that it would revive their 
languishing commerce. The report of the committee of the whole, 
which instructed Jay to obtain all he could, but authorized him to 
surrender the right of navigation below the thirty-first parallel and 
forbade him to agree to any boundary except that line, received the 
assent of seven States (August 31), all the Southern States dis- 
senting. The dissenting delegates, led by Pinckney and Monroe, 
made a stubborn fight against accepting this as the decision of 
Congress. They pointed out that the assent of nine States was 
necessary for the ratification of a treaty (Art. IX.), and offered 
a resolution to the effect that Jay's original instructions were still 
in force. The truth of this proposition ought to have been too 
evident to admit of discussion, but the vote stood five for, to seven 
against. September 28, Pinckney renewed this motion but was ruled 
out of order. On appeal, the chair was sustained, the Southern 
delegates dividing. Jay was eager enough to accept the decision of 
the majority, and he renewed negotiations on the basis of his new" 

But while the negotiations were being carried on the West was 
becoming more and more aroused. A trader named Amis had been 
stopped at Natchez by the Spanish authorities, who still held that 
place, and his goods had been confiscated.! The story of his wrongs 
soon spread over the West, and when rumors that Jay intended to 
surrender the navigation of the Mississippi reached that section, 
indignation burst into a flame. The Kentucky delegates who sat 
in the Virginia Assembly presented a petition to that body in which 
they vigorously protested against Jay's proposition, and boldly 
maintained the right of the United States to the river. 

Internal, as well as foreign, affairs were now approaching a 
crisis, and it is hardly too much to say that this petition was not 
without some influence in shaping our national destiny. The 
Federal Government was becoming more impotent every day. The 
Annapolis Convention had met and adjourned, but no State had 
followed its recommendations. Madison was now busy laying plans 
to have his State lead off by adopting its report and electing dele- 

Wip. Cor. 1783-89 (Edit. 1837) HI, 248 f. 

352 The Guef States Historical Magazine. 

gates. To his dismay, however, he found that many Virginians 
who had been zealous supporters of the Federal authority had had 
their ardor cooled by the behavior of Congress toward the West. 
On going to Richmond he found (November 1) that the Mississippi 
affair was imperfectly known there, and he decided to hurry through 
the report of the deputies to the Annapolis Convention, before it 
began to ferment. This report was adopted unanimously. But he 
had no disposition to avoid the Mississippi question. On the con- 
trary he saw -that it would be useless to hold a convention unless 
that matter was disposed of in some way, for between the right of 
navigation and union the South would not hesitate to choose. He 
had already expressed his amazement in a letter to Monroe (June 
26, 1786) that the thought of surrendering the Mississippi should 
even be entertained. Therefore, when a resolution embodying the 
ideas of the Kentucky petition, but less violent in language, was in- 
troduced he gave it his hearty support, and it too was unanimously 
adopted. Soon after this he returned to Congress (February 12) 
with this resolution in his pocket, mainly, as he himself says, to 
defeat Jay's proposed treaty. 

Early in March the Virginia delegates had a conversation with 
Gardoqui in which that gentleman had the audacity, though not 
without hesitation, to put forward the King's old claim, not only 
to the river, but also to territory on its eastern bank to the Ohio. 
April 11, Jay, in obedience to an order of Congress, reported the 
state of his negotiations. Gardoqui, he said, would not agree even 
to a clause clearly implying our right to navigate the Mississippi 
but yielding it for twenty-five years. The best that he would 
agree to was the right of common navigation down to the southern 
boundary of the United States, below which they could not go. As 
for the boundary, he might be induced to accept that described in 
the separate article of the preliminary treaty with Great Britain.* 
But later events proved that the wily Spaniard had over-reached 
himself. As he became more inflexible and unreasonable in his 
demands, relying upon a threatening attitude to intimidate the 
impotent Confederation, the country became more and more 
aroused. The reception of new instructions and the appearance 
of new delegates changed the attitude of Congress, and its pliant 
majority disappeared. Even Jay was growing less ardent for the 

*Dip. Cor. 1783-89 (Edit. 1837) III, 231 f. 

The Diplomatic Struggle for the Mississippi River. 353 

Spanish. In his report to Congress he seemed not to be inclined 
to accede to Gardoqui's demands and actually spoke of war to secure 
the Mississippi. Madison, the leader of the Southern view, now 
commanded a majority of the States present, but not a majority 
of the Confederation, consequently no motion could be passed. But 
he at least had the satisfaction of knowing that no such treaty as 
Jay had proposed would receive the assent of Congress. After 
several days of spirited debate that body finally adjourned without 
taking any action in regard to the matter. About seventeen months 
afterwards the question again came up and Congress then resolved, 
September 16, 1788: "That the free navigation of the river Mis- 
sissippi is a clear and essential right of the United States, and 
that the same ought to be considered and supported as such. That 
no further progress be made in the negotiations with Spain by 
the Secretary of Foreign Affairs; but that the subject to which they 
relate be referred to the Federal Government, which is to assemble 
in March next/'f The next month Jay informed Gardoqui of this 
action. July 24, 1789, he wrote to President Washington that he 
had permission to return home and would avail himself of the first 
opportunity to sail for Spain. After his departure nothing more 
was heard of the matter for several years. 

The attitude of Spain in dealing with the States is not hard to 
understand. Her persistent refusal to recognize their independence, 
even after she had made such recognition on the part of England 
a preliminary condition for the treaty of peace in 1782, was not 
wholly without object. Their separation from England would 
weaken her ancient enemy, but the acknowledgment of their in- 
dependence might be taken as a quasi acknowledgment of their ter- 
ritorial extent and throw diplomatic obstacles in the way of estab- 
lishing her eld claims and extending her borders at their ex- 
pense. The long drawn-out negotiations accorded with her ten- 
dency to put off what was troublesome and vexatious. The con- 
duct of Gardoqui may have had something more of design in it. 
Jay complained that the debates in Congress and the conversation 
of members out of doors were not unknown to the Spaniard.* 
Gardoqui really knew the divided sentiment of the country as well 
as Jay, and probably hoped to aggravate the troubles between the 

fSee Joum. Cong. IV. 433, Dip. Cor. 1783-84 (Edit. 1837) III, 276. 
*Dip. Cor. 1783-84 (Edit. 1837) HI, 253. 

354: The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

North and South by holding out promises of commercial advan- 
tages to the one and assuming a threatening attitude toward the 
other. The dissolution of the Union might prove more advan- 
tageous to Spain than the most favorable treaty he could now ob- 
tain from Jay; and so, the more impotent Congress grew, the 
more his hopes were raised. It was when the signs of the times 
pointed to an early dissolution of that moribund body that lie 
ventured to claim territory to the Ohio. 

Just here it will be worth while to bring into one view the his- 
torical grounds upon which the respective claims of the United 
States and Spain were based. It has already been stated that the 
boundary dispute began with the settlement of Carolina and 
Florida. Whatever had been the claims and rights of Great Britain 
had fallen by inheritance to the United States. 

In the first charter of Carolina (1630) the southern bound- 
ary was declared to be at the thirtieth parallel. Later 
(1063) it was put at the thirty-first by Charles II, and then (1665) 
pushed down to the twenty-ninth. But Spain never agreed to any 
of these lines. In the treaty of 1670 she did agree for England to 
retain "what she possessed" in America, hut this settled nothing 
and the dispute continued. The charter of Georgia (1732) ex- 
tended her territory only to the Altamaha, but South Carolina still 
claimed jurisdiction south of that. By the treaty of Paris (prelim- 
inary, November 3, 1762; definitive, February 10, 1763) France 
surrendered to Great Britain all of her territory east of the Missis- 
sippi River down to the Iberville, thence along the middle of that 
and of Lakes Maurepas and Fonichartrain to the sea. In specific 
terms she retained the city and island of New Orleans, 
but the navigation of the Mississippi was to be equally 
free to the subjects of both countries, the part between 
the right bank and the island of New Orleans being 
expressly mentioned. On the same day on which the 
preliminary articles were signed, France, by a secret convention, 
ceded New Orleans and Louisiana to Spain to indemnify her for 
the loss of Florida and all of her possessions east of the Mississippi, 
which she surrendered to Great Britain. In this cession Florida 
was received with no mention of boundary, for such mention 
would have been superfluous. October 7, 1763, King George, by a 
royal proclamation, divided his newly acquired territory into East 

The Diplomatic Struggle for the Mississippi River, 355 

and West Florida, fixing the northern boundary of the latter at 
the thirty-first parallel, and annexing the lands hetween the St. 
Marys and the Altam&ha to Georgia. March 23, 1764, the British 
Board of memorialized the King, praying him to move the 
northern boundary up to the mouth of the Yazoo River so as to 
include the settlements in the intervening territory. June 6, a new 
commission was issued to George Johnstone, Governor of West 
Florida, in which the hounds of that province were altered in ac- 
cordance with the above mentioned petition. No change seems to 
have been made subsequent to this, for the commission to Peter 
Chester, dated March 2, 1770, describes the nothern boundary as 
marked by a line drawn due east from the mouth of the Yazoo 
to the Appalachicola. 

We have already sketched the diplomatic proceedings up to the 
close of 1788. The new government had been in operation more 
than a year before another step was taken in the affair with 
Spain. In 1790, President Washington thought that the situation 
of affairs in Europe might make it possible to arrange unsettled 
matters at Madrid and accordingly he sent new and secret instruc- 
tion:* to M3r. Carmichael. However, events took a different turn, 
and the opportunity did not arise. About the close of the follow- 
ing year the comlmissioners of Spain made it known that their 
government was willing to renew negotiations at Madrid. Soon 
after this the President nominated Messrs. Carmichael and Short 
to he commissioners plenipotentiary to the Spanish Court. In their 
instructions, dated March 18, 1792, and signed by Thomas Jeffer- 
son, they were informed that the subjects of negotiations were (1) 
the boundary; (2) the navigation of the Mississippi; (3) com- 

In the presentation of Spain's case her commissioners argued 
that all now claimed by her was comprehended in the cession to her 
of the Florid as. Those lands were in a state of conquest and not 
in the possession of either Great Britain or the United States when 
(they were disposed of by them. The treaty of November 30, 1782, 
could not fix the limits of countries not in their possession, and 
until Spain acknowledged the independence of the United States 
she had a right to make conquests within their limits, as they were 
the subjects of her enemy. As for the navigation of the Mississippi, 
the treaty by which Great Britain conferred that right on the 

856 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

United States was not obligatory on Spain as she was not a party to 
it. .The law of natural right she denied, and declared that the 
custom which obtained with regard to rivers flowing through two 
countries was against it 

In his letter of instruction to the American commissioners Mr. 
Jefferson suggested, as a basis for argument on boundary, that 
the southern limits of Georgia depended on (1) the charter of 
Carolina, 1663; (2) the proclamation of the British King, 1763; 
(3) the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, 
1782-3. The commissioners, however, do not seem to have noticed, 
the first suggestion. The arguments presented by them, and later 
reinforced by Mr. Thomas Pinckney, who had been commissioned 
(November 24, 1794) as envoy extraordinary to Madrid, were 
substantially as follows : That Great Britain cannot be understood 
to have ceded to Spain more than the two Floridas as fixed by 
proclamation in 1763 when the boundary between them and Georgia 
was legally defined to be the thirty-first parallel by the only power 
having any claim to the territory through which it ran; that 
Spain cannot have been ignorant of this proclamation, nor of the 
terms of peace between the United States and Great Britain, when 
she signed her definite treaty with the latter; and that if not 
satisfied with said limits, she ought to have opened negotiations 
for a change between the signing of the preliminary and definitive 
treaties. That Spain cannot claim the territory by right of con- 
quest, for she could not conquer it from the United States, a 
nation with which, she had not been at war; and if it belonged to 
Great Britain, she had agreed to give up all she had conquered 
from that nation except the island of Minorca and the Floridas, 
whose boundaries were all well known as described in the proclama- 
tion of 1763. 

Pursuant to instructions the arguments for the navigation of 
the Mississippi were based on (1) the treaty of Paris, 1763; (2) 
the Revolutionary treaty of 1782; (3) the law of nature and na- 
tions. By the treaty of 1763 the. right to navigate the river was 
mutually guaranteed by Great Britain and France, who were sole 
proprietors, to the subjects of each. At that time the United States 
were a constituent part of the British Empire; indeed, they were 
the one? most interested in the navigation of the river. Spain had 
acquired Louisiana and the Mississippi subject to the conditions 

The Diplomatic Struggle for the Mississippi River. 35? 

imposed by original proprietors. Now France, one of the orig- 
inal proprietors, could not take away the right to the river without 
breaking the treaty of 17G3 and her treaty of alliance with the 
United States. Neither can Great Britain take away the right be- 
cause of the treaties of 1763 and of 1782-3, by which she guaran- 
teed it to them. If, then, they did not have the right to exclude 
the United States from the river, they could not cede that right 
to Spain. Nor could she claim it by conquest from Great Britain, 
for conquest gives only an inchoate right which must be confirmed 
by treaty; nor from the United States, with, whom she had not 
been at war. The law of nature and nations — that seas are free to 
all men and navigable rivers to their riparian inhabitants — is sanc- 
tioned by all civilized countries and strengthened by the morality 
of sovereigns. An abridgment of this right by a political society- 
is an abridgment of natural right. 

It is hardly wortli our while to enter upon an academic discussion 
of the relative merits of the respective arguments, but there are 
some things in regard to the American representations which one 
can hardly forbear to notice. If the King could "legally fix" the* 
boundary at the thirty-first parallel in 1763, one is curious to 
knovv why he should not "legally fix" it at the mouth of the Yazoo 
at a later date. This ehangn seems to have been ignored by our 
commissioners, for we do not find them saying that the King could 
change the boundary again in the treaty of 1782-3. And, in holding 
to the thirty-first parallel, why did they not, instead of stopping 
with the King's proclamation of 1763, base their claims upon the 
charters of South Carolina and Georgia? Did they even then have 
designs against the latter state? For when the territory was ac- 
quired it was regarded by many as belonging, not to Georgia, but to 
the United States, and commissioners had to be appointed to set- 
tle this dispute. The argument to support this claim was that, by* 
surrender of their charters, South Carolina and Georgia had be- 
come royal provinces whose boundaries were subject to change at 
the will of the crown. Yet curiously enough, our peace commis- 
sioners, when resisting the claims of Mr. Oswald to this territory, 
denied the legality of a royal change in boundary such as that 
embodied in the commission to Governor Johnstone, which had 
been laid before them. But the strangest thing of all is that the 
King, by proclamation, could "legally fix" the southern boundary, 

358 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

but could not, by that same proclamation, "legally forbid" the col- 
onies to extend "westward of the rivers which fall into the sea. 77 It 
was fortunate indeed that the same men did not have to treat with 
England,, Spain, and Georgia,, else they would have found them- 
selves in a maze of inconsistencies. 

So much for an aside. V\ natever the merits of the respective 
■claims, Spain finally yielded to all the American demands and the 
treaty was signed October 27, 1795, Ratifications were exchanged 
at Aranjuez, April 25, 1796. By the provisions of the treaty the 
Spanish troops were to be withdrawn within six months after its 
ratification, and commissioners and surveyors were to be appointed 
by each government to run and mark the boundary. 

In September the American commissioner, Mr. Andrew Ellicott, 
left Philadelphia, accompanied by a number of assistants and by 
Lieutenant Pope with a military escort of twenty-five men. Feb- 
ruary 2-1, 1797, Mr. Ellicott, after suffering various prearranged 
delays at the hands of the Spanish commandants on the upper Mis- 
sissippi, arrived at Natchez and announced to the Spanish governor 
that he was ready to begin the work for which he had been ap- 

But the Spaniards were not so ready for the business at hand. 
They were very ready, however, in the invention of means and 
pretexts for delay. The first of these was an effort on the part of 
the Spanish commissioner, Baron de Carondelet, to draw Mr. El- 
licott away from the appointed place of meeting. Failing in this 
the Baron deputized the governor of the Natchez district, Manuel 
Gayoso de Lemos, commonly spoken of as Governor Gayoso, to act in 
his stead. This gentleman then assumed the role of dilator, begin- 
ning with a protest against the hoisting of our flag, the coming of 
the troops under Lieutenant Pope, and the arrest of deserters, and 
by telling alarming stories about the hostile disposition of the 
Indians. An apparent evacuation was begun about March 15, 
but in a few days the artillery was hurried back to the forts and 
remounted. March 29, Governor Gayoso issued a proclamation 
in which he announced his intention to keep possession of the 
country until an additional article, which he said was then being 
negotiated, should secure the inhabitants in the possession of their 
i-eal property, and until assured that the Indians would be pacific. 
Two days later the further pretext was added that the general-in- 

The Diplomatic Struggle for the Mississippi River. 359 

chief of the province found it necessary to consult His Majesty as 
to whether the forts were to be demolished or left standing. 

No', long after this the whole Spanish commission for running 

J. ° 

ilie boundary arrived at Xatchez, but instead of beginning work on 
the line, the surveyor and engineer took a boat load of entrenching 
tools and left for Walnut Hills (Yicksburg) where they proceeded 
to put the forts in a state of defense. The garrison, also, was re- 
enforced, and Governor Gayoso announced (May 1) that it must be 
maintained to repel a threatened attack upon Louisiana by the 
British from Canada. May 31, Carondelet issued a proclamation 
hacking up this pretext and adding another in the prospective rup- 
ture between the United States and France, and the consequent 
fear of an attack by the former upon Spain, the intimate ally of 
France. In support of this fear he cited the presence of troops on 
the Ohio who, he was informed, would march by Hoi stein toward 
Natchez. Meanwhile the garrisons were being strengthened. These 
proceedings alarmed such of the inhabitants as were friendly to the 
United States, and they began to form themselves into companies 
and to select officers. This naturally threw suspicion upon the 
Americans. June 13, Mr. Ellicott and Lieutenant Pope answered 
a, communication from Governor Gayoso, categorically denying that 
they were in any way concerned in a plot to capture the forts; at 
the same time he gave notice that the landing of any more troops on 
the east bank of the Mississippi above the thirty-first parallel would 
be regarded as a violation of the treaty and an attack upon the 
honor and dignity of the LTnited States. A personal interview con- 
vinced the governor that they were in earnest, and no more troops 
were brought in. 

While these things were taking place in the far southwest, our 
Secretary of State, Mr. Timothy Pickering, and the Spanish minis- 
ter, Don Yrujo, were exchanging notes at Philadelphia. March 2, 
1797, the latter expressed his fears of an attack on the Spanish 
possessions by the British from Canada, and requested that meas- 
ures be taken to protect the neutrality of the United States terri- 
tory. Mr. Pickering said that he had no knowledge of such an in- 
tended attack, but that did not allay the fears of the Spaniard 
who addressed him another note on the subject. The secretary then 
wrote to the British minister, who denied (April 28) that such a 
violation of neutrality had been or would be contemplated, though 

360 The Gulp States Historical Magazine. 

acknowledging (July 2) thai propositions for an attack on the 
Florida* had been made to Kim, the particulars of which he could 
not give. To Mr. Pickering's inquiry (March 15) whether the 
posts on the Mississippi had been surrendered, Don Yrujo replied 
(June 24) by complaining of Mr. Ellieott's conduct and defending 
that of the Spanish officers. May G, he had lodged a formal pro- 
test against the Jay treaty with England, dwelling at length on the 
stipulation that the Mississippi River should be open to both. July 
11, in the course of a lengthy note, he said: "The assurance 
given you by the British minister that no attack from Canada 
was contemplated * * * did not inspire the servants of His 
Catholic Majesty with the same blind confidence which it produced 
in you. Me know from daily experience how religiously the Brit- 
ish nation observes the rights of neutrality." He then cited a 
number of such, violations. The discovery of Blount's conspiracy, 
he declared, now justified his every suspicion. In view of the fact 
then that the "United States had not only taken no measure to 
protect the neutrality of their territory, but had actually given the 
freedom of the Mississippi to Great Britain, the enemy of Spain, 
the retention of the posts was justified as a measure of defense. 

Jn reply (August 8) to this note Mr. Pickering declared that 
some of the excuses for delay did not merit the title even of pre- 
tences. "It is probably the first time that, to withdraw, or re- 
tire from a place, has been imagined to intend its destruction," 
was his reply to Yrujo's declaration that the treaty did not make 
it clear whether the forts were to be demolished or not. He also 
quoted several treaties to sustain his position and explained how 
they had been carried out. However, to remove this pretext, orders 

were given that the destruction of the forts should be left to the { 
... ' 

discretion of the Spanish. Announ cement was also made that 

property rights would be properly regarded. As for the violation 

of neutral territory, he declared that every precaution which could 

reasonably be expected had been taken to prevent it. Attention 

was called to the troops stationed in the northwest, and to the 

President's declaration that he could not consent that either should 

march troops through the territory of the United States to attack 

the other. As for the Blount conspiracy, it could not have had 

any connection with the attack apprehended from Canada. 

Several notes were exchanged but nothing new of particular in- 

The Diplomatic Struggle for the Mississippi River. 8^31 

terest was brought out. The correspondence cannot be said to have 
been marked by any studied diplomatic politeness; it was sharp and 
cutting. The candid critic who reads the letters must confess that 
Mr. Pickering had the better of it in the use of facts, logic, and in- 
ternational law, except in reference to the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi Eiver, which was already a settled question; on the other 
hand, when he remembers the actual state of affairs, he must yield 
no little sympathy to the Spanish. At the close of the correspond- 
ence (January 20, 1798) Mir. Pickering said: "I ma}', doubtless, 
be justified in saying that their [Carondelet and Gayoso's] reten- 
tion of the posts, and delays to run the boundary lines have been 
unauthorized by the King." 

Now it is hard to think that Mr. Pickering really believed this ; 
rather, we must ascribe it to diplomatic politeness — a politeness so 
very questionable, however, that the Spaniards might reasonably have 
taken offense at it. The secretary himself had previously (August 
6) quoted a letter from General Wilkinson of June 2, to the fol- 
lowing effect: "I have information through a confidential chan- 
nel, that it was determined, as early as September last [1796], not 
to give up the posts on the Mississippi.'* Is it probable that such 
a determination to violate a treaty, or at least to suspend its oper- 
ation and call for additional articles, would have been taken by 
mere subordinates on their own responsibility? In July, 1797, 
Governor Gayoso received notice of his appointment to be Governor- 
General in place of Baron de Carondelet, "In November, 1797, 
the appointment of Colonel Graiidpre by the Court of Madrid to 
the government of Natchez, and its dependencies was publicly 
announced" at Natchez. As a usual thing, governors of territories 
are appointed by the nations that expect to own and control them. 
Nor is it customary for officials to be promoted, as were Caronde- 
let and Gayoso, for disobedience to orders, when such orders are 
given in good faith. Yrujo's letters, too, sound like the produc- 
tions of a man sure of his backing. He even speaks of express 
instructions from the King on some of the points discussed. 

If then the Spanish government was responsible for the delay, 
what were the motives that prompted it? In a report to the 
President, dated three days after the last note to Don Yrujo, Mr. 
Pickering said: "The true reason is doubtless * * * the ex- 
pectation of an immediate rupture between France, the intimate 

362 The Gui.f States Historical Magazine. 

ally of Spain, and the United Stales."' And herein we must be- 
lieve that the secretary has given a partial,, but not complete, ex- 
planation of the delays. Other foreign relations also must be con- 

It will be recalled that the treaty of boundary and navigation 
was consummated suddenly after long and tedious negotiations. 
Godoy himself admitted that it was made in the hope of counter- 
acting the influence of the Jay treaty with Great Britain. If the 
determination not to carry it out was reached so early as Septem- 
ber, 1795, but little more than, a month after it was proclaimed, it 
is not unreasonable to suppose that the relations of Great Britain 
to both had much to do with it. When the articles of the Spanish- 
American treaty were being discussed, Godoy tried to get in- 
serted a mutual stipulation to exclude the British from the Mis- 
sissippi, but this Mr. Pickering refused as contrary to existing 
treaties. However, the navigation clause was so worded that 
Spain could easily interpret it to mean British exclusion. Conse- 
quently, when another article was added (May 4, 1796) to the 
Jay treaty re-affirming the British rights over any subsequent 
treaties, it must have caused no little irritation in Spain, although 
the said article really did nothing more than engage that the 
United States should offer no objection to British navigation. As 
Spain was at war with Gfreat Britain it might seem, at first 
thought, that the proper policy for her would have been to sur- 
render the posts and keep the United States out of the British 
camp by preserving their friendship. On the other hand, if she 
was to be attacked from Canada, with the possibility of a popular 
attack from the United States, this would be surrendering in ad- 
vance. A way out of the dilemma was found by playing a waiting 
game, at which the Spanish were past masters. 

Another reason, slightly different, was given in a letter said by 
Stoddard to have been written by Governor Gayoso in June, 1797. 
It was to the effect that, as the Jay treaty had failed to consoli- 
date the interests of the United States and Great Britain, it was 
not the policy of Spain to regard her stipulations. This statement 
docs not harmonize very well with the reasons given by Godoy for 
making the treaty, nor has it any meaning unless it signifies that 
the Jay Treaty had failed of itself, and that any action Spain 
might take would have no effect. The truth ptobably is that she now 

The Diplomatic Struggle for the Mississippi River. 3U3 

saw the commercial advantages she had hoped to gain over this 
treaty by her own would not be realized. In fact, this was the 
burden of Yrujo's letter of 3$ay 6. As it was for this that she had 
made the concessions on the Mississippi, how could it possibly be 
to her interest to stand by them now? Diplomatic relations be- 
tween the United States and France had already been broken off, 
mainly because of the Jay treaty. With the help of France, and a 
plentiful use of gold in the West, Spain probably hoped to dismem- 
ber the Union, which was then very much divided in British and 
French sentiment, and recover all, or even more than, she had 
yielded in her treaty. So late as the winter of 1797-8, says Mar- 
tin, Spanish emissaries returned to Xew Orleans, after an eventful 
sojourn in Tennessee and Kentucky, bearing news which convinced 
the officials that there was no longer any hope of Spanish domina- 
tion in those regions. 

Whatever may have been the cause, it was about this time that 
preparations for the actual evacuation began. January 10, 1798, 
Governor Gayoso wrote to inform Mr. Ellicott that he had just 
received orders from Madrid to evacuate Natchez and Walnut Hills, 
and that it would be done as soon as possible. But this did not 
mean the next day. Nor did the evacuation take place* until March 
29, when the garrison dropped down the river under cover of 
darkness. Before day the last Spaniard, with his ever ready 
liasta manana, was gone, and Americans were no longer molested 
as they "went down to the sea in ships." 


Br Pe. Tbiomas M. Owen, Montgomery, Alabama. 

The emotions of personal pleasure I have in taking part in these 
exercises are lost in the suggestions of noble purpose which under- 
lies and gives them meaning. This occasion is one of rare and 
fieep significance, and I doubt whether you — all of you 
at least — appreciate in the fullest sense its wide import. We are 
the participants in the formal office of giving and receiving, hut 
back of this and looking beyond it is the exalted sentiment and 
resolution, for which your organization stands, that heroism and 
heroic conduct and the memory of them shall not perish from the 
earth. The full meaning of this lesson gained, and we have a value 

in life beyond heroic incidents themselves, or their preservation on 



In the fall of 1861, the armies of the Federals, advancing from 
Tennessee, invaded North Alabama, and excepting a few months, 
continued its occupation until 1865. To their shame be it said, 
that they burned and pillaged the homes of defenseless women 
and children, whose shrieks could oftentimes be heard, as by the 
light of their burning dwellings they were turned, half clad and 
starving, into the snowy midnight. During these years of occu- 
pation, with their horrors of foray and raid, occurred numbers of 

unparalleled incidents of personal bravery. And one of these we 
now commemorate. 

In the latter part of April, 1863, Col. A. D. Streight, with a 
picked command of about two thousand officers and men, left Tus- 
cumbia for the interior of Alabama and Georgia for the purpose 
of destroying the railroads in that country. His objective point 
was Rome, Georgia. The expedition had been deliberately planned 
by the Eederal commanders, and was considered of much importance 
by them. Advised of the. enemy's movements Gen. Braxton Bragg 

> *An address delivered, May 14. 1902, before the Sixth Annual Conven- 
tion of the Alabama Division, United Daughters of the Confederacy, in 
session at Demopolis, Ala., accepting a life size, bust, oil portrait of Emma 
Sansom, presented by the Division to the Department of Archives and 
History of the State, of which Mr. Owen is director — See Montgomery 
Advertiser, May 14, 15 and 18, and June I, 1902. 

Emma Sansom, An Alabama Heroine. 305 

directed Gen. Nathan Bedford Forrest to check their advance. 
This was what Colonel Streight most dreaded, because he knew 
that Forrest was "at the head of a determined lot of fighters, made I 
veterans under his iron hand and absolutely devoted to his service.** 

It may be of more than passing interest here to take a glance 
at Forrest through the pages of Dr. John Allan Wyeth, whose i 
superb biography of him is more thrilling than the pages of ro- 
mance. He says that "some of the notable features in Forrest's | 
method of warfare were: the reckless courage in attack; the almost 
invariable movement on the flank and rear, so demoralizing to 
an enemy, and especially so when made, as he usually did it, 
under cover, which concealed the strength of the flanking forces; 
the quick dismounting of his men to fight under cover of every 
object which afforded protection; the use of his artillery, which 
he often carried along with the troops in line and always placed 
close to the enemy; and > finally,, the fierce and relentless pursuit 
when his antagonist yielded/' 

The raiding party having set out, they pushed boldly through 
the mountains of Lawrence, Blount and Cherokee (now Etowah) 
counties, with the relentless "wizard of the saddle" at their back, 
harrying them, and so interrupting their march that they made 
but slow progress. Within my limits I cannot recount the many 
thrilling engagements which took place, and the numberless daring 
deeds of pursuer and pursued. 

On the morning of the 2d of May, despite Forrest's "persistent 
rush" at Streight's rear guard, the latter had reached Black Creek, 
in the present Etowah county, and had crossed that "crooked, deep 
and sluggish stream, with precipitous clay banks and mud bottom," 
on the only safe bridge in this section. The Federal commander 
had placed his hope of escape on the destruction of this bridge; and 
just as Forrest came dashing up, it was enveloped in the smoke of 

The country around was exceedingly wild and rugged, and the 
banks of the creek too steep for passage on horseback. In this ex- 
tremity General Forrest rode up to a modest little farmhouse on 
the highway, not far from the burning bridge, and, seeing a young 
girl standing upon the steps in front of the dwelling, he accosted 
her, and inquired if there was any ford or passage across the creek 
above or below the destroyed bridge, which his men could use. 

56G The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

This young girl was Epma Sansom, who was born in Social 
Circle, Georgia, in 1817, and who had been brought by her parents 
to Cherokee county in 1852. Pier father had died in 1859. She 
had a brother who was a soldier in the Confederate army. She 
and her sister lived alone with their mother in this modest coun- 
try home. 

On this memorable morning in May as she stood in animated 
converse with General Forrest, it was a scene for a painter. The 
young Southern girl, her bright eyes flashing and rosy cheeks 
glowing ; her mother, attracted by the presence of the troops, stand- 
ing in the door gazing over her venerable spectacles ; the great leader 
with eager and impatient look, his face expectant and determined, 
his staff drawn up around him, and his veterans near by in groups, 
some actually nodding in their saddles from sheer exhaustion. 
After a few hurried inquiries, General Forrest asked the young 
girl if she would not mount behind hini and show him the ford. 
Turning to her mother she saw that the delicacy of the prudent 
parent was opposed. However, she did not hesitate, but, forming her 
own resolution, jumped on the roots of a fallen tree, General For- 
rest drew his horse near, she sprang behind him, grasping him 
about the waist, and off they dashed. The way was a difficult one, 
even for a practiced rider like General Forrest, but his guide 
held her seat without the slightest evidence of fear. Drawing near 
the ford the quick eye of General Forrest detected the Yankee 
sharpshooters, springing frorri tree to tree, and suddenly an angry 
minie whistled by his ear. The density of the undergrowth finally 
compelled them to dismount. The General hitched his horse. The 
girl then started out ahead, saying that the Yankees would not 
fire on her, and they might fire if he went first. To this he objected, 
declaring that he did not wish to screen himself behind her, that 
she was a guide, not a shield. The ford was presently discovered 
and they returned in safety. General Forrest then brought up his 
axemen, cleared out a road, and safely crossed his whole column. 

On the morning of the next day, Colonel Streight surrendered, 
and thus ended one of the most remarkable cavalry pursuits and 
captures known in military annals. And herein lies the value and 
significance of the heroic conduct of Emma Sansom, and which 
makes it enduring and perpetual. "Her presence of mind and 
coolness, under circumstances which would have paralyzed the 

Emma Sansom, An Alabama Heroine. 367 

faculties of most women, enabled Forrest to overcome a very 
formidable obstacle in bis pursuit of Strcight, arid gained for him 
at least tbree hours in time, inestimable in value, since it enabled 
hirn to overtake and compel Strcight's surrender almost within 
sight of Borne/'* 

At its session in November the General Assembly of Alabama 
adopted a series of joint resolutions donating her a section of land 
and. a gold medal "in consideration of public services rendered by 
her." The lofty and animated preamble deliberately written at 
the time by grave legislators will bear recital : 

"A nation's history is not complete which does not record the 
names and deeds of its heroines with those of its heroes, and revo- 
lutions sometimes throw the two in such close proximity that the 
history of the manly bearing of the one is imperfect unless coupled 
with the more delicate yet no less brilliant achievement of the 
other, and such must ever be the history of the most gallant cmd 
successful victory of the intrepid Forrest, unless embellished with 
the name and heroic acts of Emma Sansom. 

"Upon discovering the difficulties which embarrassed the ad- 
vance of our brave army in pursuit of a Yankee raid under the 
lead of Colonel Streight, produced by the burning of a bridge 
across Black Creek, near the residence of her mother, in Cherokee 
(now Etowah) county, Emma Sansom, inspired with love of coun- 
try, indignant at Yankee insolence, and flushed with hope inspired 
by the arrival of a pursuing force, exalted herself c above the fears of 
her nature and the timidity of her sex/ with a maiden's modesty 
and more than woman's courage, tendered her services as a guide, 
and, in the face of an enemy's fire, and amid the cannon's roar, 
safely conducted our gallant forces by a circuitous route to an easy 
and safe crossing, and left them in eager pursuit of a fleeing foe, 
which resulted in a complete and brilliant victory to our arms 
within the confines of our own State. By her courage, her patriot- 
ism, her devotion to our cause, and by the great public service she 
has rendered, she has secured to herself the admiration, esteem 
and gratitude of our people, and a place in history as the heroine 
of Alabama." t 

*Wyeth's Life of Forrest (iooi), p. 212. 

tActs of the General Assembly, 1863, pp. 213-214. 

368 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

A certified copy of this resolution was presented to Miss Sansom 
by Hon. Thomas B. Cooper, of Cherokee. Hon. Burwell T. Pope, 
of St. Clair, responded for her. The ceremony took place at Tur- 
keytown, in Cherokee county, in the presence of a large concourse 
of* people. "The lands were surveyed and a portion sold for Con- j 
federate scrip, which soon lost all value, while the adverse issue of | 
the struggle caused the loss of the medal and the other portion of 
the lands." j In further recognition of the debt of gratitude due 
her, the Legislature of Alabama, in 1899, passed an act in which, 
she was donated six hundred and forty acres of land. In 1864 
Miss Sansom married C. B. Johnson, of the Tenth. Alabama Regi- 
ment, C. S. A., in 1879 they removed to Texas, and in 1887 her 
husband died, leaving her with five boys and two girls. On August 
22, 1900, at Calloway, Texas, she passed "to where beyond these 
voices there is peace," leaving a name which will linger long in his- 

This heroic incident has been the subject of song and story, and 
it is but calling your attention to facts perfectly familiar to refer to 
the earnest and persistent efforts of Hon. John W. A. Sanford, who 
has honored you with his presence during these exercises, to secure 
a change in the design of the Great Seal of Alabama, so that one 
"commemorative of the heroism of Emma Sansom" might be 
adopted. The details of his proposed design are "the figure of an 
officer on horseback, fully armed, and a young woman seated be- 
hind him with her left hand pointing forward, and the legend 'I 
will show you the way.' " 

Dr. Wyeth has dedicated his "Life" of General Forrest to her as 
a woman worthy of being remembered by her countrymen as long 
as courage is deemed a virtue." And in the text of his immortal 
work he declares that "as long as the fame of Nathan Bedford 
Forrest shall last among men — and it must endure forever — 
coupled with it in artless womanhood and heroic pose will be the 
name of Emma Sansom." § 

Now that I have passed in hurried review the dramatic incidents 
in the life of one woman, whom we now pedestal in hope of per- 
petual memory, I must not close until I give you the wider applica- 
tion of the lesson of her life. This portrait stands not only in per- 

JBrewer's Alabama (1872), pp. 248-251. 
§ Wyeth, p. 209. 

Emma Sansom, An Alabama Heroine. 360 

petuation of an incident of 1863, but it stands as well for the 
embodiment of the collective aspiration and appreciation of the 
women of Alabama of 1902. 

It is said that woman's heroism is reserved for revolutions. 
Therefore, we find the epic period of our history, the four tragic 
years from 1S61 to 1865, filled with examples of the splendid con- 
duet and sublime heroism of the daughters of Alabama, similar to 
the conspicuous instance, the details of which I have recited. Dur- 
ing the period of public and private discussion which preceded the 
precipitation of the conflict, she counselled resistance to the ag- 
gressions of the North. On the fateful eleventh day of January, 
1861, when, amidst the most extraordinary and exciting scenes in 
our political history, the bonds which held Alabama in the Union 
were dissolved by an ordinance of a convention of the sovereign 
people, she was present, "the love songs of yesterday' 5 swelling into 
political hosannas, in commemoration of the event. Her hands 
fashioned the State flag, which on the same day was flung to the 
breezes as the Star Spangled Banner came down. Her voice whis- 
pered courage when later the first tocsin of war sounded. In the 
camps of organization and instruction she was a ministering angel 
to the sick, and an inspiration to the faltering and despondent. 
Daily her prayers ascended in behalf of loved ones at the front and 
for the success of our brave armies. In the hospitals where the 
mangled and bleeding soldiers in groans and agony lay, her gentle 
hands tenderly bound up their gaping wounds, and brushed the 
death damp from the brow of the dying. With husband, or father, 
or son in the army, the management of the household and of the 
farm, with the slaves, devolved on her, and in economy of admin- 
istration right well did she demonstrate her fitness for business 
affairs. Upon her faithful energies largely fell the burden of sup- 
plying clothing for the army, and in its manufacture she toiled 
with sacrificial zeal. In meeting the demands for material she sub- 
jected herself to privations and self-denial which are now incredi- 
ble. The jewels were torn from her neck, rings from her fingers, 
and in many cases she sold the hair of her head, to aid in raising 
supplies for our struggling armies. 

Hardly had the smoke of battle cleared away when she organized 
memorial associations for the care of the soldiers' graves, and inau- 
gurated the beautiful exercises of Memorial Day. And to her zeal, 

370 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

fidelity and persistent efforts is principally due the erection of our' 
beautiful Confederate monument on Capitol Hill in Montgomery, 
as well as those in other towns of Alabama. 

And after the terrible ordeal by combat had closed, "with a 
change of social and domestic conditions so abrupt as to be simply 
appalling, the women of the State, bowing heroically to fate, read- 
justed their lives to the new order. Thousands of them, reared 
in luxury, schooled only in the arts, learning and accomplishments 
of the higher walks of life, bereft suddenly of all domestic help and 
labor, found themselves the only resource of their families for the 
support and maintenance of home. Did they repine? j^o. Did 
they falter or hesitate? No. With the same lofty courage with 
which they urged their husbands and sons to battle, and the same 
fortitude and resignation with which they saw them laid away in 
soldiers* graves, they moved forward in me course of duty. And 
now after the lapse of thirty-five years, how faithfully they have 
struggled and how well they have met all emergencies are known and . 
read of the whole world. 

Turning now from the past to a consideration of her condition 
and achievement in the present, a happy outlook greets us. The 
restrictions of an arbitrary body of laws have been practically torn 
away. All of the honorable avocations of business life are open to 
her, and no questions of propriety embarrass her selection. Many 
of these she has entered, and her success lias onlv shown her emi- I 

nent fitness for all. The official positions of postmaster, notary 
public and register in chancery are at her command. The oppor- 
tunities for advanced education, which have been enlarged to her 
through necessary pressure, were never greater. She is admitted to 
our State University and the Alabama Polytechnic Institute; the 
special institutions for her particular instruction have increased 
in number and standard, and the State has provided an "Alabama 
Girls' Industrial School" for particular domestic and polytechnic 
training, as well as training in the branches of polite learning. 
The erroneous opinion which has hitherto obtained that woman is 
without skill in the deliberative assembly and does not possess the 
cohesiveness necessary for organized effort has been safely dispelled, 
and no more healthy and successful organizations exist anywhere 
than the women's clubs of Alabama, the Daughters of the American 
Revolution, the Art Leagues, the Woman's Christian Temperance 

Emma Sansom, an Alabama Heroine. 371 

Union, the Colonial Dames, and the United Daughters of the Con- 

And now ladies of the Alabama Division of the United Daugh- 
ters of the Confederacy, to yon who are doing so much through 
your organization in drawing into closer bonds of friendship the 
descendants of the soldiers in gTay, in stimulating the commemora- 
tion of the heroic deeds of our Southern dead, in rendering 
charity to the needy survivors of oar Lost Cause and their families, 
and in obtaining an impartial history of the struggle, that the 
children of our Southland may be taught to reverence the brave 
men of their own families, who laid down their lives in defense of 
the purest principles of patriotism from 1861 to 1865, in the name 
of the State of Alabama, in whose service I am, and to which your 
lives and conduct add such luster, I accept this portrait as a fur- 
ther evidence of your progress in thought and aspiration. The 
grateful appreciation of our people is yours. 

Hung in the State Capitol, surrounded by the likenesses of the 
great ones of our past, this painting will serve as an inspiration, 
a memorial both to your enlightened appreciation, and to the fair 
fame of one who in blissful unconsciousness wrote her name high 
on the roll of the immortals. 

By Joel C. DuBose, of Birmingham, Ala. 

The romances of knights of the Middle Ages are not more thrill- 
ing than the life of Aaron Burr. His eighty years spanned the 
French war in America, the Declaration of Independence, the 
American Revolution, the establishment of the United States, the 
War of 1812, and the Independence of Texas. The grandson of 
Jonathan Edwards and the son of the Reverend Aaron Burr, both 
of whom were presidents of the College of New Jersey, he bore 
in his veins the blood of noble lineage. Bereft of parents in his 
infancy, he spent his boyhood in the home of his uncle, the Rev- 
erend Timothy Edwards, in Elizabethtown, New Jersey. He was 
prepared to enter Princeton at eleven years of age, but was refused 
admission on account of his youth. At thirteen he entered the 
Sophomore class, being excluded by youth from the Junior. A 
year of hard work put him so far ahead of his class that he lost the 
incentives to ttudy. Thereafter he neglected his lessons and de- 
voted himself to general reading. He was graduated at sixteen 
years of age, spent some three years in reading and the desultory 
study of theology, joined the Quebec expedition of Arnold, won 
the confidence and approbation of men and officers, rose rapidly 
in rank, bore in his arms the brave General Richard Montgomery, 
mortally wounded, from the battle lines of Quebec, endured man- 
fully, dared bravely, and added glory to the prestige of American 

The law became his profession. Mrs. Prevost, ten years his 
senior, and the widow of an English officer, became his wife. She 
brought him twelve happy years of sweetest domestic felicities, 
prosperity and popularity, and bore him Theodosia, the idolized 
daughter who sustained him in his misfortunes until the ocean 
claimed her as his bride. 

He shied his castor before the bar of our great metropolis at 
the mouth of the Hudson, and achieved fame and fortune. As a 
legislator, he left the imprint of his legal brain upon the statutes 
of the Empire State. Uniting the influences of the Clintons and 

Aaron Burr. 373- 

Livingstons he secured election to the United Slates Senate over 
General Schuyler, the friend and father-in-law of Hamilton. His 
conspicuous services in the Senate and his political leadership in 
New York made Mm Vice-President of the United States. 

Hamilton was Ids bitterest foe, and for many years, as leader 
of the Federalists, had directed the policies of the government. 
Burr had "taught the Democratic party how to succeed/' and, as 
arbiter of the political destinies, his elevation stood between Hamil- 
ton and power. This was galling to the proud spirit of his im- 
perious antagonist, who, in the mad delirium of disappointment 
and defeat, stabbed at every turn the plans and character of Burr. 
"On the field of honor," July 11th, 1804, these two distinguished 
rivals met for mortal duel. Hamilton fell. 

By press and pulpit bitterly condemned, the Vice-President, 
Aaron Burr, awoke from the dream of the popular hero to find 
himself execrated and ostracised. He fled from the State and 
found a welcome in the South, where it was believed the funeral 
demonstrations and eulogies of Hamilton had created an unnatural 
and morbid sympathy which vented itself in the unjust condemna- 
tion of Burr. 

Burr returned to Washington in due time to preside over the 
Senate of the ensuing Congress. He performed the duties of this 
high office with consummate grace and justice, and received the 
thanks of the Senate for his services. His farewell speech was so full 
of noble dignity and patriotism as to throw the Senate into tears. 
But he had passed the meridian of his splendor, and he left the Sen- 
ate a doomed man. He defeated and imperiled the political aspi- 
rations of leading men in both parties, and the power of the govern- 
ment henceforth lent itself to the influences that would involve his 
ruin. In youth he had rejected the religion of his fathers, and 
the sweet restraints of piety offered no barriers to his passions. 
The irregularities of his life formed a background for the vilest 
slanders, and his enemies reveled in the exaggerated rumors of his 

Duelling was common among gentlemen, and Burr was soured 
by the sudden bursts of indignation from press and pulpit as he 
was charged with Hamilton's "foul and most unnatural murder." 
He looked upon it as a matter of course, that, if duelling were a 
crime, it was graced by the brightest names in the history of the 

374 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

period, and lie felt it a great injustice that he should be singled 
out for the public scorn. 

To the restless Southwest Burr journeyed, lionized and feted I 
wherever he stopped, welcomed by Clay and Jackson, endorsed j 
by the public and encouraged by friends. He enlisted Hermann ! 
Blennerhassett, General James Wilkinson, and many other notables j 
of that day in a mysterious scheme of adventure, which his enemies I 
construed as involving the dismemberment of the Union, and j 
which his friends have explained as embracing only the conquest ; 
of Texas and Mexico, and his establishment upon the throne of 
the conquered empire. Kumors of his military preparations and j 
bold utterances against the United States Government reached ! 
Washington. President Jefferson ordered his arrest. At Frank- I 
fort, Ky., Henry Clay* defended him against the charge of treason 1 
■and secured his release from arrest. ISTear jSTatchez he was arrested ; 
<a<pin.> He made a $10,000 bond and appeared for trial, but, failing ! 
to secure release of his bondsmen, he fled on horseback through | 
the wilderness. Dressed in copperas colored jeans pantaloons and i 
a drab round-about, wearing an old slouched hat, attended by a 
solitary guide (Chester Ashley), this Vice-President of the United 
States, now a fugitive from the law and shorn of all his honors, 
slipped from house to house of his friends, trying to reach Pensa- 
cola and take ship for Europe. Robert Williams, the governor of 
Mississippi Territory, offered two thousand dollars for his appre- 

Two travellers rode into the village of Wakefield, in Washington 
county, Alabama, on a cold night in February, 1807. Attracted by 
a light in a cabin they approached it and discovered two gentle- 
men intently occupied in a game of back-gammon. Of these gen- 
tlemen the travellers inquired for the tavern, and then for the road 
to Colonel IT in son's. They were informed that a difficult path 
over a dangerous creek led seven miles away to Colonel Hinson's 
home. During this conversation the light of the lire had flashed 
upon Burr, revealing his wondrously brilliant eyes and his attrac- 
tive face. A pair of finely shaped boots protruded from beneath 
his coarse pantaloons. He sat upon his splendid horse with the 

*Mr. Clay at first believed Burr innocent, but after returning to the 
Senate and reading President Jefferson's Report and Proclamation, Mr. 
Clay believed Burr guilty and would never again speak to him. 

Aaron Burr. 375 

grace and pride of the cavalier. He and his companion rode off 
into the night. One of the gentlemen, Nicholas Perkins, a law- 
yer, had eagerly observed him. Thomas M'alone, clerk of the court, 
was the other gentleman questioned. As soon as the travellers rode 
away Perkins remarked to his friend, "That is Aaron Burr; I 
have read a description of him in the proclamation; I cannot be 
mistaken. Let us follow him to Hinson's and take measures for 
his arrest." 

The night was very cold, and Malone refused to go with Perkins. 
He suggested the danger and folly of pursuing a traveller on such 
a night, and that, too, without any proof that he was the man 
wanted. Perkins was not deterred. He rushed to the home of 
Sheriff Brightwell, and the two were soon in their saddles in pur- 
suit of the travellers. About midnight, just as the moon was rising, 
Burr and his guide reached Colonel Hinson's and hallooed. Mrs. Hin- 
son peeped through the window, and, observing they were strangers, 
went back to bed. Colonel Hinson was not at home. The trav- 
ellers dismounted and went into the kitchen, where a bright fire 
was still burning. Ashley accompanied a negro to attend the horses. 
Burr took a seat before the fire. 

Perkins and Brightwell now rode up and hallooed. Brightwell 
was a relative of Mrs. Hinson. She recognized his voice, arose 
from bed and hastily prepared supper. As Perkins had been seen 
at Wakefield, he would, not enter the house, but waited in the 
surrounding woods for Brightwell to make discoveries and report. 

At supper Burr was very entertaining to Mrs. Hinson, thank- 
ing her courteously for her kindness. He watched the sheriff 
closely. Finishing his supper, he arose from the table, bowed to 
the madam, and retired to the fire in the kitchen. By suggestion 
of Brightwell, Mrs. Hinson asked Ashley, the guide, still sitting 
at the table, "Have I not, sir, the honor of entertaining Colonel 
Burr, the gentleman who has just walked out?" 

Ashley did not answer. He was evidently much embarrassed 
and immediately reported the question to Burr. 

Brightwell did not return to Perkins. Burr's magnetism had 
disarmed him. Perkins shivered in the cold until his patience was 
exhausted. Bightly guessing that Brightwell had fallen a prey 
to the captivating powers of Burr, he rode off to the house of 
Joseph Bates, procured a negro and a skiff, rowed down to Port 

376 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Stoddert, aroused Captain Edmund P. Gaiues, the commandant, 
and made known his suspicions. Captain Gaines at once prepared 
to pursue. With Perkins and a file of mounted soldiers he rode oil! 
toward Colonel Hinson's. He met Burr and his companion, with 
Brightwell, at the Wolf Pen* on tine road to Pensacola. Accost- 
ing the distinguished stranger, Captain Gaines said: "I presume, 
sir, that I have the honor of addressing Colonel Burr." 

"I am a traveller in the country/ 5 replied the stranger, "and do 
not recognize your right to ask such a question." 

Captain Gaines responded, "I arrest you at the instance of the 
Federal Government." 

"By what authority," retorted the stranger; "do you arrest a 
traveller upon the highway, on his own private business?" 

"I am an officer of the army," said Captain Gaines; "I hold 
in my hands the proclamation of the President and the Governor, 
directing your arrest." 

"You are a young man," said the stranger, "and may not be 
aware of the responsibilities which result from arresting trav- 

Captain Gaines responded, "I am aware of the responsibilities, 
but know my duty." 

Burr now eloquently denounced the proclamation as originating 
in the malevolence of his enemies, and founded in unjust charges 
against his innocence. He could neither frighten nor dissuade 
Captain Gaines, who firmly addressed him as follows, "My mind 
is made up: you must accompany me to Fort Stoddert, where yon 
shall be treated with all the respect due the ex- Vice-President of the 
United States, so long as you make no attempt to escape from me." 

Burr looked sternly at the young officer for a moment, and then, 
with a wave of his hand, yielded to his fate, wheeled his horse 
into line and rode with Captain Gaines back to Fort Stoddert. 
Bright well and his companion rode away in the opposite direction. 

At Fort Stoddert Burr was treated with marked courtesy. His 
suavity of manner, his ready address, his noble dignity won him 
all hearts. He was free, and yet reserved. Without apparent re- 
straint he conversed cheerfully, but never alluded to his arrest nor 
to his past nor future plans, and, of course, his captors were too 

fA Methodist church now stands near the spot For full account of this 
arrest, see Pickett's Alabama^ pp. 483-502. 

Aaron Burr. 377 

considerate to obtrude. Colonel George S, Gaines, the Choctaw 
factor, was sick in a room adjoining Burr's on the first night of 
his imprisonment. He groaned. Burr entered his room, felt his 
pulse, suggested remedies, and daily visited his patient, asking many 
questions about the Indians and. the surrounding country, receiving 
and giving much valuable information, He was presented to Mrs. 
E. P. Gaines, who was the daughter of Judge Harry Toulmin, and 
he frequently joined her in the game of chess. 

In about two weeks Captain Gaines completed arrangements to 
forward his distinguished prisoner. He sent him by boat up to 
the settlement on the Tensas river, where he was committed to 
the guards that were to be his silent attendants for the next three 

The ladies were always Burr's friends, and wept over his mis- 
fortunes. jSTicholas Perkins commanded, the deputed guard, which 
was composed of Thomas Malone, Henry B. Slade, John Mills, 
John Henry, two brothers named McCormack and two federal 
soldiers. Perkins dreaded so much the magnetic powers of Burr, 
that he bound by oaths every man of the guard not to be in- 
fluenced by him, and to assure this control he forbade conversation 
with him. 

Burr mounted the same steed that bore him on the day of his 
arrest, bade an audible adieu to the sorrowful witnesses of his 
humiliation, and surrounded by his guard, started off on his long 
journey to his trial at Richmond. This route was along paths 
and Indian trails. The order of travel put Burr in the middle, with 
gnards, heavily armed, in his front and rear. His few wants were 
promptly supplied. 

Here was the genius of victory to the party in power, led to 
the scene of his triumphs to bear the scoffs of enemies and the 
scorn of those whom he had raised to power. 

Who can tell the agonies that wrung his proud heart — £he "nurse 
of such mighty dreams" — as he surrendered hope and beheld the 
wrecks of his ambition? 

The nation justly condemned his lack of moral principle, but 
we must admire the noble fortitude with which he bore his 

On the march he displayed the qualities of the soldier and the 
gentleman. He endured, without a murmur, the fatigues of travel, 

37S The Gulf States Histokical Magazine. 

the discomfort of his nightly pallet, and the inclemency of the 

weather. I 

At Fort Wilkinson, on the Oconee, the company stopped at the 
hotel of Mr. Kevin, This was the first time on their journey that 
they slept under a roof. Mr. ISfevin was elated, but he mortified the 
guard by pertinent questions about Aaron Burr, expressing the 
wish to meet the "rascal," as he called him. Burr sternly ad- 
dressed him, "I am Aaron Burr ; now what do you want T y 

The astonished Nevin was humbled immediately, and for the 
rest of their stay the company had the best of attention from the 
silenced host. 

Theodosia had married Colonel Joseph Allston, a very wealthy 
and popular South Carolinian, who afterward was Governor of 
the State. "Upon reaching South Carolina, Perkins directed his 
course so as to avoid the large cities, fearing an effort to release 
Colonel Burr. He met with no accident until passing a hotel in 
Chester. Music and dancing were within; a few gentlemen were 
standing without the hotel. Burr leaped from his horse and 
shouted, "I am Aaron Burr, under military arrest, and I claim 
the protection of the civil authorities." 

Perkins bounded with drawn pistols to his side and ordered 
him to remount. "I will not," shouted Burr defiantly. Perkins 
dropped his pistols, grabbed Burr around the waist and threw 
him back info the saddle. A guide led on his horse. Burr wept — 
the first and only sign of weakness. 

The next day he was placed in a gig with Thomas Malone and 
driven to Richmond. Here he was tried and acquitted. Here his 
beloved Theodosia visited him, and the ladies and gentlemen of 
the city extended him the most delicate courtesies. For years 
afterward lie wandered in the countries of Europe, alternately 
caressed and scorned; but, broken in spirit and beggared in purse, 
he beat his way back to his native land, and began again the 
practice of law in the city of New York. Business came to him with 
fair promises of success; but his dear little "Gampa" had died, 
the grandchild in whom he expected his virtues and his fame to 
survive. Then the ship that started to ISTew York, bearing the 
sorrowing Theodosia to her father, went down in a storm. His 
marriage with Madame Jitmel was uncongenial and soon dissolved. 

A few friends, faithful to the last, paid fitting tributes to his 

Aaron Burr. 379 

closing years, and wheal he died, laid him to rest by the side of 
his fathers, in the cemetery at Princeton. 

Two rears afterward, on a calm, still night, a. beautiful marble 
shaft, simple yet not inexpensive, was mysteriously placed over his 
grave. It bore the inscription: 


Born Feb. 6ih, 1756 

Died Sept. 14th, 1836 

Colonel in the Army of the Revolution. 

Vice-President of the United States from 1801 to 1805. 

Any one wishing to investigate fully the history of Burr, will find much 
matter in this list of the more important works relating to him, for which 
the editor is largely indebted to Mr. A. P. C. Griffin, chief bibliographer in 
the Library of Congress. 

Burr, Aaron. The private journal of Aaron Burr, during his residence of 
tour years in Europe ; with selections from his correspondence. Edited 
by Matthew L. Davis. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1838. 2 vols. 8°. 

The private journal of Aaron Burr, reprinted in full from the original 
manuscript in the library of Mr. William K. Bixby, of St. Louis, Mo., 
with an introduction, explanatory notes, and a glossary. Rochester, N. 
Y. : The Post-Express Printing Co., 1903. 2 vols. Portrait. 8°. 

[Cheetham, James.] A narrative of the suppression, by Col. Burr, of the 
History of the administration of John Adams, late President of the 
United States, written by John Wood. .. .To which is added a biography 
of Thomas Jefferson. . . .and of General Hamilton: with strictures on the 
conduct of John Adams, and on the character of General C. C. Pinck- 
ney. Extracted verbatim from the suppressed history. By a citizen of 
New York. Ntw York: Printed by Denniston & Cheetham, 1802. 72 
pp. 8°. (Miscellaneous pamphlets, vol. 246, No. 4). 

Davis, Matthew L. Memoirs of Aaron Burr. With miscellaneous selec- 
tions from his correspondence. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1836- 
1837. 2 vols. Frontispiece. Facsimile. 8°. 

Jenkinson, Isaac. Aaron Burr, his personal and political relations with 
Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton. Richmond, Ind. : M. Cul- 
laton & Co., 1902. viii, 389 pp. 12 . 

Knapp, Samuel L. The Life of Aaron Burr. New York: Wiley & Long, 

l835; 2(j0 pp. 1 6°. 

Merwin, Henry Childs. Aaron Burr. Boston: Small, Maynard & Co., 
1899. xvi, (2), 150 pp. 16 . (Beacon Biographies of Eminent Amer- 
icans). Biography, pp. 148-150. 

McCaleb, Walter Flavius. The Aaron Burr Conspiracy; a history largely 
from original and hitherto unused sources. New York: Dodd, Mead 
& Company, 1903. xix, 377 pp. Folded map. 8°. 

Parton, James. The Life and Times of Aaron Burr. English edition with 
numerous appendices, containing new and interesting information. Bos- 
ton and New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Company, 1892. 2 vols. Por- 
traits. 8°. 

Safrord, William H. The Blennerhassett Papers, embodying the private 
journal of Harman Blennerhassett. and the hitherto unpublished corre- 
spondence of Burr, Alston [etc.] Cincinnati: Moore, Wilstach & Bald- 
win, 1864. 665 pp. Portraits. Plate. 8°. 

3S0 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 


Todd, Charles Burr. Life of Colonel Aaron Burr, Vice-President of the 
United States. .-..Reprinted from the author's "History of the Burr 
Family. 5 ' New York: S. W. Green, 1879. (2), 67-130, (1), 419-426 pp. 
Portraits. 8°. „ 1 

The True Aaron Burr, a biographical sketch. New York: A. S. 
Barnes & Company, 1902. iv, (2), 77 pp. Portrait. Frontispiece. J2°. 

Tompkins, Hamilton Bullock. Burr bibliography. A list of books relating 
to Aaron Burr. Brooklyn, N. Y. : Historical Printing Club, 1892. 89 
numbered leaves. 8°. 

[Van Ness, W. P.] An examination of the various charges against Aaron 
Burr, Esq., Vice-President of the United States; and a development of 
the characters end views of his political opponents. By Aristides. Phil- 
adelphia : Printed for the author, 1803. 77 pp. 8°. 

Also the following newspapers and periodicals : Orleans Gazette, 1804 to 
1807; Palladium, 1S04 to 1807, and Western World, 1S05-1807, both of 
Frankfort, Ky. ; The National Intelligencer/ 1804-1807; The American 
Historical Review, July, 1898. 

By Dr. William Berrien Burroughs, of Brunswick, Ga. 

This is the most beautiful and charming island on the South 
Atlantic coast. Its climate is the counterpart of the Island of 
Ischia in the Bay of Naples. Like Iscbia, its salt laden, balmy 
breezes cure rheumatism and bronchitis, and bring relief to very 
many other diseases. Its flora is of the largest variety, commingling 
the beautiful blossoms of the North and tho^e of the tropics with 
flowers peculiar to this island and its neighborhood, carpeting the 
earth in variegated hues of remarkable brilliancy and beautiful 
effect. Its fruits are unrivalled in profusion, variety and richness 
of flavor; lemons, figs, pomegranates and melons grow in greatest 
abundance. The groves of olive and orange trees were the finest in 
the South until the frost of 1835 destro} r ed them. Three thousand 
oranges have been gathered from one tree.* 

Long before the Empire State of the South secured this 
island as a part of her domain the Chief Justices of South Caro- 
lina, as the Governors were called at that time, received many 
applications for grants on this island from noblemen in England, 
io raise cotton, olives, wine and silk. There was a peculiar grass 
which grew in the old Indian field which the English called silk 
grass, which the Indians used on account of its great strength. The 
Bank of England imported this grass, and it is said that all their 
bank bills were made from it until the Revolutionary War. The 
timber .to build the famous United States warship Constituton was 
cut on this island. On this warship history tells us that more 
midshipmen and lieutenants have been drilled than on any other ship 
in the United States Navy. When General Oglethorpe visited this 
island and its surroundings, he described the men as being "tall and 
manly, well shaped and very kind. Theft is a thing unknown; 
murder they look on as an abominable crime, and if a man is too 
intimate with the wife of another, the husband cuts off his ears. 
The women are very small. They, as the ancient Grecians did, 
anoint with oil and expose themselves to the sun, which gives them 

♦White's Statistics of Georgia, p. 139. 

3S2 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

the brown color: the men wear a girdle with a piece of cloth drawn 
through their legs, and the women a petticoat to their knees. 
They both wear mantles in winter as the Romans wore their toga, 
they are men of genius and have a natural eloquence; the men pro- 
vide the meat and the women till the soil and make a bread from 


the Indian corn and boil it into hominy. They live on the best 
in the land; deer, wild turkey and what the English call buffalo, 
but this is not the proper name because ths animal is described by 
Cajsar as the urus or zorax. The hawks and eagles grow to an 
enormous size. I saw an eagle a few years ago as large as a turkey. 
The Indians' garden contained peaches, pease, nectarines, locust, 
potatoes and melons. They found plenty of honey made by the ; 

bees, in the hollow trees, which they used as we do sugar. Wood 
ashes supplied the place of salt and bay leaves supplied the place 
of spice. Those that take care of themselves live to long old age, 
. one having recently died at the age of one hundred and thirty 

Early in November, 1738, General Oglethorpe took up his tem- 
porary quarters at Fort St. Andrews, Cumberland Island, to 
superintend the construction of the military defenses. This island 
was garrisoned by companies which had been detailed from Gib- 
ralter. One of the men became very insolent to the General. Cap- 
tain McKay, who was in command of the fort, drew his sword, but 
the soldier took it away, broke it in half and threw the hilt at the 
officer's head, got his gun from the barracks, crying loud "One and 
all," and tired at the General. The ball whizzed by his ear, and the 
powder scorched his face and singed his clothes. Another soldier 
presented his piece, and fortunately it missed. A third drew his 
hanger and tried to stab the General who unsheathed his sword 
and parried the thrust. An officer coming up ran his sword 
through the ruffian's body. The mutineers ran away, were caught, 
and after a trial by a court-martial, the ring leaders were found 
guilty and shot. 

On Cumberland Island was buried "Light Horse" Harry Lee, the 
famous soldier of the Revolution. It was but right and proper that 
this illustrious Virginian, who risked life to defend Georgia's honor 
and land should claim a hallowed spot on Georgia's sacred soil. 
Harry Lee was born January 29, 1756; graduated at Princeton. 
Two and one-half years afterward we find him captain of a cavalry 

Cumberland Island. 3S3 

company. In 1779 he captured a British fort, Paulus Hook (Jer- 
sey City) for whieh Congress voted him a gold medal and pro- 
moted him. He served villi General Washington and General IT. 
Greene in the Southern army, where he received his military renown. 
He was in 1786 elected to Congress and was governor of Virginia 
till 1791. He was selected by Congress in 1799 to pronounce the 
funeral oration on the death of General Washington. During the 
Kevolutionary War he was ordered to Georgia, and on his way 
captured Fort Galphin with valuable military stores. On his 
juncture with Pickens, they captured Fort Cornwallis at Augusta 
and forced that cruel brute, Colonel Brown, to surrender. Brown 
was the miserable wretch who captured this fort the year before 
after a bloody resistance by the Americans. Captain Ashby and 
twelve wounded prisoners he had hanged on the steps of Georgians 
State House, while seven other prisoners he delivered to the In- 
dians, who threw them in the fire and roasted them to death. 

General "Light Horse'* Harry Lee, broken in health from the 
effects of the war, visited Cuba to regain his strength, but returned 
to the United States in 1818 and stopped at Dungeness, where he 
visited the wife of his late commander — General Greene. This 
estimable lady and her family did all in their power to keep the lamp 
of his life burning, and although the oil was expended they still 
blew the gentle breath of love and affection, to preserve the wick 
alive; but human power availed but little. He ascended on March 
25, 1818. 

The Savannah Republican, March, 1818, gives an account of his 
military funeral. Commodore Henley superintended the last sad 
duties. Captains Elton, Finch, Madison, Lieutenants Fitzhugh and 
Richie, of the navy, and Mr. Lyman, of the army, were the pallbear- 
ers. As the procession moved, the swords of the two first crossed the 
old man's breast. They were in their scabbords, for his heart beat no 
more, and seemed to say "rest in peace/" Other officers of the navy 
and Captain Payne, of the army, followed the procession. 

On the 11th of January, 1815, the British effected a landing on 
Cumberland Tsland in two divisions, with nineteen barges, as- 
sisted by two look-out boats, and flanked by two gun barges. At 
first they showed a disposition toward the bay, but ascertaining that 
the Americans were prepared to receive them, they changed their 
course, and took the Plum Orchard passage, keeping Cumberland 

384 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

close ahead. The first division effected its landing at Dungeness; 
the. second at Plum Orchard. On the morning of the loth of Jan- 
uary, 1815, the enemy with fifteen hundred men moved against 
Pointe Pefcre. Captain A. A. Messias received information of the 
approach, and was aware of his intention to place himself in his rear, 
with considerable force, while he was advancing in front, to attack 
the battery on the St. Mary's. With a view to cut off Messias' retreat, 
he ordered Captain S'tallings to remain at the Pointe with about 
thirty-six effectives, with orders to defend it as long as possible, and 
if he should be overpowered, to spike the gnns, fire the train at the 
magazine, and retreat to him with the remainder, abont sixty rifle- 
men and infantry. 

Messias' detachment moved against the enemy in the rear, deter- 
mined to oppose his passage at a narrow defile at Major King's 
at which they came about nine o'clock. This defile was flanked by 
a marsh on each side, and had a complete cover for riflemen on the 
right and left, across which, the day before, Messias had caused 
some large trees to be felled. It was the intention of Messias to 
gain the cross-roads near Major King's; but finding himself 
stopped, Lieutenant Hall, of the Forty-third Infantry, was ordered, 
with a detachment of riflemen, to advance on the enemy's left, and 
Lieutenant Hardee, with another detachment, to pass the thicket 
and endeavor to gain his rear, which order was promptly obeyed. 
Captain Tatnall of the 43d infantry, was at the same 
time to endeavor to advance in close column and pass the defile. 
At this time the enemy's bugle sounded, and a brisk fire commenced 
on both sides. The Americans had already passed some distance, 
and the enemy had given way twice, when Captain Tatnall re- 
ceived a severe wound, which caused him to fall back, and the num- 
bers of the enemy appearing too imposing, a thousand to sixty, a 
retreat was ordered, which was effected in good order without the 
loss of a man. In this battle, Captain Tatnall, Sergeant Benson and 
Private Greene, are mentioned as having acted bravely. All did 
their duty. When Oglethorpe first landed at the island it was by the 
Indians, called "Missoe," the Indian name for "Sassafras." By the 
Spanish the island was called "San Pedro." On the 18th of March, 
1736, Toonahowi, the nephew of Tomochichi, and prince of this 
island, while assisting in building Fort St. Andrews, called in 
honor of the patron saint, pulled from his pocket his gold watch, 

Cumberland Island. 385 

which was given him by His Royal Highness the Duke of Cum- 
berland when he visited England with General Oglethorpe, saying, 
"He gave me this watch that we might know how time went, and 
we will remember him while time goes; and this place must have 
his name that others may be reminded of him." 

Within a short distance of the ruins of the old fort stands the 
elegant mansion of Mrs, Lucy Carnegie^ who owns three-fourths of 
the island. She has the most elegant and costly home and grounds 
in Georgia, and is a lady of most estimable character, whose deeds 
of charity appear to have no bounds. 


By Thomas C. McQoevey, A. M., Professor of History m Univer- 
sity of Alabama. 

The romantic story told by Captain John Smith how Pocahontas 
had saved his life, when Powhatan wished to put him to death, is 
now very generally regarded as an after-thought of that bold and 

able explorer, whose "chief faults," says a recent writer, "were his 
vanity and boastfulness, which led him. to exaggerate his adven- 
tures." It is hard to relegate to the realms of the mythical so dra- 
matic an incident, hallowed by more than two centuries of unques- 
tioned belief, but the cold decree of historical criticism, has gone 
forth, and the story is fast disappearing from our school man- 
uals as well as from the standard works on American history. 
The Narrative and Critical History of America, edited by Justin 
Winsor, (Vol. Ill, p. 161) says: "Mr. Deane first pointed out 
(1860) in a note to his edition of Wingfield's Discourse, that the 
story of Pocahontas saving Smith's life from the infuriated Pow- 
hatan, which Smith interpolates in his General Historic, was at 
variance with Smith's earlier recitals in the tracts of which that 
book was composed when they had been issued contemporaneous 
with the events of which he was treating some years earlier, and 
that the inference was that Smith's natural propensity for embel- 
lishment, as well as the desire to feed the interest which had been 
incited in Pocahontas when she visited England, was the real source 
of the story." Both sides of the question sprung by Mr. Deane 
have had able champions, and the literature of the controversy is 
quite extensive. Mr. Bancroft permitted the original story to 
stand for a while with only a reference to Mr. Deane's note (Hist. 
U. 8., 1864, Vol. I, p. 132) ; but he dropped it out of his Century 
Edition without expressing a judgment. While there may be some 
historical scholars who are still inclined to give credence to the 
story as told by Captain Smith, the general verdict is against its 
acceptance. It is not the purpose of this paper to reopen a vir- 
tually settled question, which has lost its interest for the public; 

The Original Pocahontas. 3S7 

but to suggest what was, in all probability, the real origin of tlie 
Pocahontas story. 

At the time when the losses and mismanagement of the Virginia 
Colony were jeopardizing its success, Bichard Hakluyt, one of the 
chief patentees under the charter granted by King James, pub- 
lished his translation of the Portugese Narrative of Be Soto's 
Expedition with the avowed intention of encouraging the colonists 
and procuring in England an increase of support for the colony. 
The work first appeared in 1609 under the title: Virginia Richly 
Valued by the Description of the Maine Land of Florida, Her Next 
Neighbor, etc. This translation, published as it was for the en- 
couragement of the Virginia colony, was read, in all probability, by 
Captain Smith, and the incident which it narrates of the rescue of 
John Ortiz by the daughter of the Indian chief Ucita, doubtless 
suggested to the imagination of the Virginia explorer the story in 
which lie, Powhatan and Pocahontas figure. 

Soon jifter the landing of De Soto in Florida, a reconnoitering 
party under John Rodriguez Lobillo very unexpectedly came upon 
Ortiz, the story of whose adventures and rescue is best told in the 
following quaint extract from Hakluyt' s translation: "Two 
leagues from the towne, coming into the plaine field, he [John 
Rodriguez Lobillo] espied ten or eleven Indians, among whom was 
a Christian, which was naked, and scorched with the sunne, and had 
his arms razed after the manner of the Indians, and differed noth- 
ing at all from them. And as soone as the horsemen saw them, 
they ran toward them. The Indians fled, and some of them hid 
themselves in a wood, and they overtooke two or three of them 
which were wounded ; and the Christian, seeing an horseman runne 
upon him with, his lance, began to cry out: Sirs, I am a Chris- 
tian, slay me not. nor these Indians for they have saved my life. 
And straightway he called them, and put them out of feare, and 
they came forth of the wood unto them. The horsemen tooke both 
the Christian and the Indians up behind them; and toward night 
came inti the campe with much joy; which thing being knowne by 
the Governour [De Soto] and them that remained in the eampe, 
they were received with the like. This Christian's name was John 
Ortiz, and he was borne in Sivil, in worshipful parentage. He was 
twelve yeares in the hands of the Indians. He came into this 

3S3 The Gulp States Historical Magazine. 

countrie with Pampliilo de Narvaez, and returned in the ships to 

the Island of Cuba, where the wife of the Governour, Pamphilo de 
rsarvacz, was; and by his commandment with twenty or thirty 
others,, in a brigandinc, returned backe againe to Florida; and com- 
ing to the port in the sight of the towne, on the shore they saw a 
cane sticking in the ground, and riven at the top, and a letter in it; 
and they believed that the Governour had left it there to give adver- 
tisement of himself e, when they resolved to go into the land; and 
they demanded it of foure or five Indians, which walked along 
the sea shore; and they bad them by signes to come on shore for it, 
which, against the will of the rest John Ortiz and another did. 
And as soone as they were on land, from the houses of the towne 
issued a great number of Indians, which compassed them about, 
and tooke them in a place where they could not flee; and the other, 
which sought to defend himselfe, they present-lie killed upon the 
place, and took John Ortiz alive, and carried him to Ucita their 
lord. And those of the brigandine sought not the land, but put 
themselves to sea, and returned to the island of Cuba. Ucita com- 
manded to bind John Ortiz hand and foote upon foure stakes aloft 
upon a raft, and to make a fire under him that there he might bee 
burned. But a daughter of hisi desired him that he would not put 
Mm to death, alleaging that one only Christian could do him neither 
hurt nor good, telling him-, thai it was more for his honour to heepe 
him as a captive. And Ucita granted her request, and commanded 
him to he cured of his wounds." 

The narrative continues with the thrilling adventures of Ortiz 
among the Indians. After his rescue by Lobillo's scouts he 
became an interpreter for De Soto. However, it is only the story 
which he told of his rescue by the daughter of Ucita that has a 
special interest here, due to its manifest connection with the much 
discussed adventure of Captain Smith. In all essential respects 
the two stories are the same. 

When we remember that Hukluyf s translation was made for the 
avowed purpose of encouraging the Virginia colony, in which Smith 
was the most conspicuous figure; that this translation was, in all 
probability, read by the Virginia explorer between the publication 
of his True Relation in 1G08 and that of his General Historic in 
1624: that before the publication of the latter work, which first 
contained the story, Pocahontas "had become as famous as the 

The Original Pocahontas. 389 

'Lady Rebecca' by her services to the colony; by her marriage with 
an Englishman, Kolfe; by her visit to England, presentation at 
court, and her baptism into the Christian Church ; and by her death 
on the eve of her return to her own country" — when we remember 
this chain of circumstantial evidence, we are forced to the con- 
clusion that the daughter of ITcita was the original Indian "prin- 
cess" who interposed to save the life of a white captive from the 
vengeance of an enraged father. 


(Florida, Alabama, Louisiana.) 

By Anne Bozeman Lyon, of Mobile. 


Louisiana,, that one-time magnificent appanage of the French 
crown, has been shorn of its countless arpens, until now its 
shrunken proportions must arouse even the ghostly anger of its 
arrogant master, Louis Quatorze.. Although it is a dwindled 
shadow of its former magnitude, there lived and died for it men 
of the grandest purpose and courage. 

The first French priest who looked upon the Mississippi Biver 
was Marquette. He, with Joliet, saw it on the 7th of July, 1673. 
A suffocating day it was, so hot that the yellow water drew fiery 
lines of light down into its depths. The sky was glowing blue as 
the blaze of burning wine; the leaves of the trees rustled dryly as 
though they swirled, brown and dead, in autumn days; the tram- j 
pet vines, climbing the great trunks of trees like twisted serpents, 
were brilliant with blossoms that were the incarnate flame of the 
summer heat. Above, everywhere, floated the peculiar mist of the 
Mississippi valley, that palpable exhalation of the swamp so 
poisonous to human life. 

Amid such sickeningly beautiful days the priest and merchant 
went down the low-flowing river, which parted to cast up, as a 
living thing, wide sand-bars that glittered in the dark expanse 
as celestial shores shine in the visions of dying men. At last, 
satisfied with the land through which they drifted, Joliet and 
Marquette returned to Quebec as surely discoveiers of the Missis- 
sippi as Be Soto; and possibly more purposefully, since lasting 
benefits accrued to Louis through them. 

There was another lapse of years until Bobert de la Salle, with 
de Tonti, a company of soldiers and three monks, came from Canada 
to the Mississippi in 1G82. Then followed the greatest event in 
the history of New France, the sailing of Bienville and Iberville 
into the Mississippi in 1099. Fere Anastase Louay accompanied 
them. Merely this is recorded of the priest and nothing more, save 
that lie was also with la Salle in 1G82. 

Early Missions of the South. 391 


The ecclesiastical history of southern Louisiana had its actual 
"beginning at Fort Biloxi in May, 1699. Pere Borden ave was 
•chaplain, and Sairvolle, an eminently capable judge of all ex- 
emplary virtues, held him in highest honor. Iberville, com- 
pelled to return to France, left the chaplain with bis young brother, 
•over whom was already falling the shadow of the terrible disease 
that so speedily terminated his life. Fere Borden ave disappeared 
after Iberville came with Pere du Eu from the mother country. 
The latter consecrated a small burying-ground at Fort Mississippi, 
above the mouth of the Mississippi, shortly after his arrival in 
America. Returning to Biloxi he ministered to the Indians about 
the colony till he finally settled at Fort Louis de la Louisiane. 

Pere de Limoges, of the Society of Jesus, ordered to establish 
a mission among the Oumas, bravely set out on his lonely voyage 
clown the Mississippi with no company but his aspirations for the 
well-being of the people to whom he went. In that limitless soli-* 
tnde, emphasized by the rushing of the river and roar of the wind, 
no fear assailed him; he would fall asleep in his canoe as calmly 
as though he were in a monastery cell. But one night the frail 
fastening of the cockle shell in which he lay, snapped against the 
pressure of the current. His life was imperiled, yet he escaped. 
Wet and worn, but tightly grasping his chalice, he reached a 
settlement of Arkansas Indians. Stirred with pity for his forlorn, 
condition, they succored his distress. He remained with them a 
brief while, then went to the Oumas. So susceptible were they to 
holy influences that they readily heeded the priest's teachings. 
His example and piety were productive of such good that he was 
obliged to erect a chapel for his converts ; a plain, rude building it 
was, but into it crowded not only Oumas, but Bayagoulas as 
well, to listen to the story of the Saviors dwelling among men. 

Now began in earnest the struggle of the Jesuils in Louisiana. 
Wishing to obtain control of religious affairs in the French 
colonies, they besought Bishop St. Yallier to appoint the Superior 
of the Missions Vicar-General of the Bishop of Quebec. The de- 
mand was apparent between the courteous lines of the request, for 
they also complained to the French King that other orders were 
gaining ascendancy in their jurisdiction. The Bishop, who was 
as tenacious of his right as the Jesuits, held a consultation with 
ecclesiastical dignitaries, among them the Bishop of Chartres. 

892 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

With much judgment the hierarchy advised Bishop St. Yallier not 

to vest any order with absolute power to govern Louisiana, as they 
thought "it better to assign districts to religious or collegiate 
bodies of seen] or priests, all to be subject to a Yicar-General 
named from time to time by the Bishop of Quebec." 

His majesty, Louis, not fully satisfied with the verdict regarding 
the Jesuits, carried the momentous question to the Archbishop 
of Auch. He also refused to give an individual opinion, and 
sought aid from the Bishops of Marseilles and Chartres. Even 
the confessor of the . King was admitted to the august council. 
But to the Jesuits the situation was not lacking in cause for self- 
gratulation. This delay was to them the tacit admission of the 
dominance of the Company of Jesus, whose inflexibility had never 
relaxed since St. Ignatius Loyola emerged from, his soul-cleansing 
novitiate in the dreary cave of Manresa. Afterwards he communi- 
cated his purpose to his companions at the University of Paris "to 
renounce the world, * * * to live in it that they might over- 
come its evil, while remaining interiorly separate from it." To 
the disciples of the man who so imbued His Holiness, Paul III., 
with such confidence that he instantly accepted his proffered ser- 
vices when disintegration threatened the Church, these verbose 
conferences were merely the babble of children. For they knew- — 
those silent, invincible Jesuits — that their dawn of triumph would 
as inevitably rise in Louisiana as it had risen throughout the world, 
and therefore they patiently submitted to the decision of the Arch- 
bishop of Auch and his coadjutors when they declared that to the 
Seminary of Quebec belonged the Tamarois Mission. Bishop St. 
Yallier, with, an evidently latent desire to placate the indomitable 
followers of Loyola, re-appointed their Illinois Superior as Vicar- 
General in that part of the northwest. 

From the first they should have known that the Bishop would 
shape events, in a measure, to suit himself. Of a noble French 
family, several of whom had been elevated to Episcopal honors, 
he was sternly unyielding in his will, and brooked no encroach- 
ment upon his prerogative. The stupendous labors that were im- 
posed upon him by his great diocese demanded that he should be 
firm and at times almost harsh, for he had many vexations and 
perplexities. Nevertheless, he left the impression of his mind 
upon the people of his own time and the Catholic Church in Amor- 

Eakly Missions of the South. 393 

ica. Naturally from such a man, though not of their Order, the 
Jesuits looked for sympathy with their views, as his character was 
moulded on the same lines of severity and asceticism as Loyola's, 
which ought to have formed a bond of union between them. 

Bishop St. Vallier in his pastoral of 1719 addresses the Jesuits, 
whom he calls, in the opening sentence, "His beloved children in 
Jesus Christ." He especially commends to their guidance those 
impious persons, who, leading scandalous lives and guilty of var- 
ious vices, he fears "will draw down the maledictions of God" 
upon the men in charge of their souls. A quaintly worded, direct 
document it is that terminates the authority of the Bishop in 
matters pertaining to his diocese in the Mississippi Valley; but 
it reveals plainly the strong, pure heart of the man, and also indi- 
cates that he justly valued the tie of spiritual kinship between 
himself and the Jesuits. 

In Louisiana, in 1717, affairs clerical and financial were so dis- 
astrous that on August 13th of the year the Duke of Orleans, 
Regent of France, decided, after the relinquishment of Crozat's 
charter, upon the transfer of Louisiana to a Company. It was at 
the Council of State at Versailles that the Regent resolved upon 
this couise. The Charter of the West and Indies was registered 
on the 6th of September. Acquired for a quarter of a century, it 
gave to the corporation the monopoly of Louisiana trade. Their 
own interest and emolument secured, the Company, in its fifty- 
third clause, declares "that the glory of God" was earnestly desired ; 
the building of churches, conversion of Indians and all holy things 
were to be promoted, but all priests were to be under the au- 
thority of the Bishop of Quebec. The Company, on May 1G, 
1722, divided Louisiana into " three ecclesiastical sections." North 
of the Ohio was assigned to the Jesuits, by permission of the Bishop 
it has been alleged. The Capuchin, Pere Louis Duplessis de 
Mornay of Meudon, had been made coadjutor of Bishop St. Vallier 
on April 22, 1714. Louisiana was given to him by St. Vallier, 
who also made him Vicar-General. Although Bishop de Mornay 
was never in America, he naturally sought to strengthen his Order 
in his new diocese; consequently whenever requests were made to 
him for priests to convert the natives lie gave preference to the 

New Of leans had ceased to be a vision of Bienville's and was 

394 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

an actuality shadowing its future greatness. True, in 1722, when. 
Pere Charlevoix reached the place, it was nothing more than a 
few huts; and the chapel, winch was never used, was a miserable 
building. A church was constructed of rough logs so poorly put 
together that it was blown down by a terrible wind. Devastating 
the coast, the storm shattered many houses of the new establish- 
ment. Wretched and insignificant as it was, the first church in 
New Orleans was named for the great Loyola, St. Ignatius, but 
was consecrated by Pere Anthon} r , a Capuchin. Two or three years 
after its destruction a brick church was built; still there is no 
account of the saint to whom it was dedicated, nor of any priests 
who celebrated mass. 

That long-past request which the Jesuits had made of Bishop 
St. Vallier received, in 1722, a qualified answer. It gave hope to 
the unwearying Order whose members gratefully accepted the 
command to baptize and convert the Indians in the French colonies 
in Louisiana. The Bishop sanctioned the authority accorded the 
Jesuits, yet there is no authentic account at Quebec of any active 
part that he took in the bestowal of it. However, most cordial 
relations appear to have existed at that time between himself and 
the Company of Jesus; for they had power to go at will through- 
out Louisiana and found missions at their own discretion. Vast 
as their district was among the Indians, they were not allowed 
to either preach or teach in New Orleans, where they had their 

The missions in Louisiana were at that time "six hundred Cath- 
olic families in New Orleans * * * six at Balize, two hundred 
at Les Allemands, one hundred at Pointe Coupee, six at Natchez, 
and fifty at Natchitoches, besides, three other missions, which are 
not named; these comprised the whole/- inclusive of those at 
Mobile and {he Apalache village. 

Matters were not going well with Bienville. Treacherous In- 
dians and Frenchmen of position were inimical to him. The latter 
constantly sent letters to France containing unjust charges against 
him who for years had but one thought — Louisiana's develop- 
ment. The culminating point was reached when he received a 
dispatch from the home government demanding his presence in 
France. Once before he had been summoned to the French King 
to refute the accusations of his enemies. But before he sailed he 

Early Missions of the South. 395 

issued his "famous Black Code," whose first and third articles 
seem out of place there, hearing as they do upon the permanent 
expulsion of the Jews from Louisiana and the precedence of the 
Catholic religion over any other. 

Bienville, with superh dignity, placed that now renowned de- 
fense of himself before Louis. It must have aroused strong 
emotions in his majesty, granting that profligate had a heart, when 
he beheld the man who for twenty-seven years had toiled amid 
hardship, discouragement and danger that France might keep 
this glorious jewel in her crown. To read this exculpation of the 
gracious gentleman, is to know and feel that his traducers were 
basest calumniators, for it holds so much of manliness and truth, 
and loyalty to his sovereign. Bitter as his foes were, his friends 
loved him with an intensity begotten of his own high, qualities and 
magnetism. Yet, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts made to 
aftect the king's opinion, Bienville was divested of his almost 
monarchical authority, and Perier was made Governor of Louisiana. 

Luring this period nothing of interest transpired in the Church 
history of Louisiana until Pcre Nicholas Ignatius de Beaubois 
reached there. The originator of the mission of the Society of 
Jesus in Louisiana he was a native of Orleans in France, and was, 
in 1719, parish priest of the church at Kaskaskia when Major Bois- 
briant was at that post. 

The Company of the West, in accordance with its fifty-third 
clause, announced its intention to provide funds for the support 
of six nuns and four servants. With customary thrift the Com- 
pany also sapiently apportioned the work of the IJrsulincs before 
they had even left their French convent. To two nuns were rele- 
gated the mnsing of sick persons; one of the good women was 
to be a supenuunerary should one or both of the nurses be indis- 
posed; the fourth was to supervise the housekeeping and culinary de- 
partments of the projected hospital ; then an instructor was ap- 
pointed for the charity school. A certain generosity was evidenced 
by the Company as it bestowed upon each nun before leaving 
Kouen five hundred livres. 

Mother Mary Tranchepain, of St. Augustine, accompanied by 
her devoted nuns, and Fathers Tartarin and Doutreleau, set out 
in the Gironde for Louisiana. A long and disagreeable time it 
was — that voyage across the ocean — but it was as bravely borne 


39G The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 


as the journey of Francoise de Bermont of Avignon, when she went 

from city to city in Southern France and erected Ursiilinc houses 
at Aix, Marseilles mid Lyons. The place of Mother Tranchepain's 
landing in Louisiana is not told, although it is surmised that it 
must have hcen Biloxi, as "she made her way to i\ T ew Orleans in 

Pere Bcaubois met the nuns and went with them to the house I 
selected for their abode until their own was done. Bienville's 
hotel was where they went. It was described by a nun "as the 
finest house in the town. It is a two-story building with an at- 
tic * * * with six doors in the first story. In all the stories there 
are large windows, but no glass. The frames are closed with 
very thin linen, admitting as much light as would glass/'* 

The Company of the West had already given to the hospital 
eight acres of ground, fronting on the Mississippi to the depth 
vff forty acres. Each nun was to be paid eight livres annually " ) 
until the convent land supported them entirely, or in five years 
they would be given eight negroes on the same terms as those on 
which they occupied until they went to a handsome house 
erected for the Ursulines on Conde street, between Barrack and 
Hospital streets. In 1730 they took possession of their new home, 
which they occupied until they went to a handsome house three 
miles below the city on the river. 

On a July day — the 17th of the month — 1734, a procession is- 
sued from the convent, an imposing spectacle as it marched through 
the narrow streets. There were twenty maidens, attired in loose 
white garments to typify angelic hosts ; one represented the British 
princess, St. Ursula, and eleven the eleven thousand virgins who, 
with the saint, were martyred by the Huns. Pere de Beaubois, 
Pere Petit aria the Caupuchiu, Pere Philippe, bore the Sacrament 
under a magnificent canopy. The Ursulines, their choir mantles 
wrapped about them, and down-drawn veils, followed with lighted 
tapers that burned in yellow points of light in the brilliant noon. 
The most interesting figure there was that of Monsieur le Gour- 
erneur, who had returned to his beloved people. Older, graver and 
not so debonair as when he witnessed the baptism of the little Apa- 
lache convert at Fort Louis, he walked in the midst of his officers, 

*Rev. Mother Austin Carroll, of the Convent of Mercy, Mobile, dis- 
covered and translated Sister Mary Hocher's letters during a visit to the 
Ursulines while she was stationed in New Orleans. 

Early Missions of the South. 397 

a splendid personality still in spite of those eight lost years in 
Prance. The blare of martial music was about him. His heart 
kept tune with it; for had not his colonists proven that they conld 
not prosper without him? Solemn chants rose above the blatant 
sound of trumpets, and with them ascended a prayer of great 
thankfulness from the commander's soul. 

Pere Petit preached a most edifying sermon on the importance 
of Christian education; then, after benediction, the procession 
wound its way back to the convent from whose belfry a jubilant 
welcome pealed. 

The first Jesuit who entered the Louisiana Missions was Pere 
Michael Baudouin, a Canadian. There followed him in 1726 Pere 
Mathurin le Petit, Paul du Poisson, Jean Souel, x^lexis de Guyenne 
and Jean Dumas. Pere Tartarin and Pere Doutreleau arrived on 
the 7th of August, 1727. Pere Dumas was sent to Illinois; Pere 
de Poisson to the Arkansas, who had received no special teaching 
since Nicholas Poucault's death; Pere de Guyenne was missionary 
to the Alibamons, and Pere le Petit was ordered to the Choctaws. 
Pere Pouel went with the Yazoos at Fort St. Claude, formerly the 
charge of the Abbe Juif; he had been a chaplain in the French 

The Capuchins in 1728 had a wide area, comprising every post 
in Southern Louisiana, Pere Raphael was Vicar-General of the 
Bishop of Quebec and parish priest of New Orleans; Pere Hya- 
cinth was vicar, Pere Cecilius taught the children; Pere Gasper 
was priest at Balize ; Yictorin, a Recollect and Pere Mathias were 
at the Apalache village and Mobile; Pere Maximin was at Nat- 
chitoches, and Pere Philippe was at Los Allemands; while Pere 
Philbert, whom Pere le Petit highly esteemed, was at Natchez. 

The office of Superior of the Jesuits had been taken from 
Pere de Beaubois for some unjust reason most trying to Mother 
Tranchepain whose confessor he was, and Pere le Petit, who was 
with the Choctaws, was made Superior in his stead. At that time 
Pere du Poisson and Pere Souel were still with the Arkansas and 
Yazoos. Fathers Tartarin and Le Boulanger were at Kaskaskia; 
Pere Guymonneau was with the • Meichigameas ; Pere Doutreleau 
was upon the Ouabache river, and Pere Baudouin was endeavoring 
to found a permanent mission among the Chickasaws. 

In 1729 the missions in Louisiana were almost destroyed by the 

398 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

Natchez Indians. Chopart, the commandant at Fort Rosalie, had 
so aroused the wrath of the Sun-Worshippers that they rebelled 
against the French, and murdered them' with insatiable cruelty. 
Pere dn Poisson, who happened to stop at the Fort on the 26th 
of November for a few days' stay, in the absence of the Capuchin 
cure, was slain by a tomahawk. An officer hurried to the priest's 
rescue, but to no avail, and he was himself killed. Pere Souel 
was also treacherously murdered by the Indians of his own mis- 
sions, the Yazoos, who had been incited to rebellion by the Natchez. 
Pere Doutreleau, after many terrible adventures, was on his way 
to the Yazoos at Fort St. Claude, where he had been ordered after 
Pere Souel's death. But he finally reached New Orleans in a 
sad plight. 

Then immediately followed the war of the Natchez and French, 
during which the missionaries were forced to abandon their sta- 
tions. After the defeat, of the natives, Pere de Guyenne and Pere 
de Carette assumed Pere du Poission's place with the Arkansas. 
Circumstances were not conducive to the promulgation of religion, 
as the licentiousness of the French officers counteracted Pere Car- 
ette's efforts to convert the Indians. Like so many other priests 
similarly environed, he relinquished his mission. 

Bishop St. Vallier died in 1729, and Bishop de Mornay suc- 
ceeded to the See of Quebec. Although he did not resign until 
five years later, he achieved nothing of importance in Louisiana. 

The Capuchins continued in favor, but so unobstrusive were 
they that no special act is recorded of them, except that Pere Jean 
Francois was missionary for a longer period than any other priest 
of his Order. He consecrated the Church of St. Francis at Pointe 
Coupee, that place where, years after, Julian Poydras lived. In 
the little cemetery the rich planter was buried in a coffin, so dimin- 
utive that one woiiXcI never think it held the remains of a man. 
It rested for a short time, during the overflow of 1890, in the 
chancel of St. Francis' Church, while awaiting removal to Poydras 
College. Painted blue, it evidently inclosed a leaden casket, as one 
so proud would not have been interred in a common wooden box. 
The waters of the Mississippi, eddying into the bank, washed the 
earth so that not only Monsieur Poydras, but other aristocrats had 
to be taken to a grave yard where they would not be dragged from 
their lowly bed by the resistless current. Notwithstanding this 

Early Missions of the South. 399 

care many a coffined gcniilliomme, shrouded in silk, with jewels 
on his breast and fleshless fingers, was exhumed by the flood and 
set adrift on the river. 

The Jesuits, now finding their plantation a great source of in- 
terest and pleasure, cultivated many exotic plants, and successfully 
brought oranges and sugar-cane to perfection in Louisiana. The 
Company of the Y\ T est had made liberal provision for the Fathers; 
beside paying their passage from France, it had freely bestowed 
upon each of them one hundred, and fifty livres. For the first two 
years they were in Louisiana they were paid eight hundred livres 
annual!} 7 , though later their salary was curtailed to six hundred. 
While they were permitted no parochial functions, they had charge 
of the Ursulines, and Pere de Beatibois continued, in New Orleans 
with Pere Yitry and others as assistants Yet the Capuchin Vicar- 
General, Pere Baphael, did permit Pere de Beaubois to give Ex- 
treme Unction to Mother Tranehepain. 

During the eighteen years Pere Baudouin was with the Choc- 
taws he had for assistant Pere LeFevre. Pere Guillaume Francois 
Morand took the cure of the Alib anions in 1735. He remained 
among them for several years, but afterwards was ordered to New 
Orleans, as successor to the Ursulines' director, Pere Doutreleau. 
Pere Le Roy, hitter in his denunciation of the license of the French 
officers' permitting his Alibamons the use of whisky or rum, was 
banished from his mission at Fort Toulouse by the Commandant 

The senseless war against the Jesuits, begun in Paris in 1761 at 
the Parlement, was urged on by the provincial Parlemcnts which 
sought to crush, them through France. There, where their success 
as educators hod been unequalled by any other Order, a cabal was 
formed for their overthrow; there where their inspired preachers 
Bourdaloue and Tere de la Colombiere, the director of Ste. Mar- 
guerite Alacoque lived, they were hated and maligned; there where 
the famous Voltaire, formerly their pupil, poisoned the souls of 
men with his scepticism, they were derided as purists; and para- 
mount to all, that creature of mirth and evil, Madame de Pompa- 
dour, despised them because they denounced her influence over 
Louis XV. So, since Madame la Marquise hated them, their down- 
fall was swift. By command of the Paris Parlement of April and 
August 1762, the Jesuit colleges were closed, and their Order pro- 

4.00 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

hibited. The Archbishop of Paris, Christophe dc Beaumont, did 
manfully espouse their cause, but Louis's decree was immutable, 
and in ^November, 1764, four thousand Jesuits were banished from 

Although so light a thing — all glitter and froth — the Pompa- 
dour's hatred was as strong as death, and, like it, readied every- 
where; therefore the Superior Council of Louisiana, impregnated 
with the wrath that was actuating Louis, decided upon the expulsion 
of the Jesuits. Insults and base charges were heaped upon Loy- 
ola's disciples, who bore them with undaunted fortitude and pa- 
tience. The malignant persecution of Xogun, the son of the 
Chinese emperor, Diafusarna, was not more causeless than this of 
the Superior Council, only now there was no bloodshed. Yet the 
implacable enmity against these men was in all countries the same 
— men whose one desire had always been to purify and elevate 

Their chapels were closed in ISTew Orleans, and their vestments 
and plate bestowed upon their rival Order, the Capuchins. Di- 
vested of all property save their books and clothing, they were 
driven forth and reviled as the lowest of earth. In Illinois, where 
the Superior Council had no authority, a warrant was issued to 
Louis's officers to seize the plate and priestly robes. The Council 
even ordered that all chapels of the Jesuits be ruthlessly destroyed, 
although they were the only houses of worship for Indians and 

Possibly ashamed of its own mandate the Council now alleged 
its own reason for it, which was that the Jesuits had been negli- 
gent of their missions; that they had too industriously cultivated 
the ground given them by the Company of the West, and lastly — ■ 
most heinous offense — that they had usurped the office of Yicar- 

Had Bienville been there it would have been different, and it 
would never have been done, this terrible thing; but he had left 
his people forever, twenty years before, and there was no one to 
protect those downtrodden priests. Besides it was so subtle, the 
charge of usurpation, revealing the meanness of the Council as 
nothing else could have done. ISTo littleness could have been more 
contemptible than this loug-nurtured plan of vengeance against 
the Jesuits. It clearly evidenced the cowardice of the members 

Early Missions of the South. 401 

of the Council and the fear that had impelled them to sanction 
Monsignor de Pontbrian's appointment of Pere Bauhois as Vicar- 
General. And now that the power was in their hands to strike a 
helpless old man, under cover of obedience to their king, they fell 
upon their enimies and glutted their rankling hatred. Hot only 
did they batter the walls of Jesuit chapels in New Orleans — those 
law-givers of Louisiana — but they desecrated the vaults of the 
dead; and left the bodies to the mutilation of birds of prey and 
prowling animals. 

Scarcely any other crime perpetrated by Christians equals this, 
except the murder of Hypatia by Cyril's monks. Separated by 
hundreds of years as the two outrages are, they were begotten of 
the same demoniac spirit. One was instigated four centuries after 
Christ by one of his high-priests, a sojourner among the fanatics 
of N itria ; the other was prompted by a king of the most advanced 
nation of &e eighteenth century. 

Pere Carette was banished to St. Domingo; Pere LeEoy, after a 
long and circuitous journey, reached "Mexico. But the most in- 
human act, crowning these atrocities, was the indignity shown 
Pere Baudonin. Old and shattered in health, he was hunted through 
the streets he had traversed as representative of His Holiness. 
Not one of the people whose souls he had comforted come to his 
aid till rough sailors were dragging him in the burning sun to a 
ship about to sail to Europe. Then friendly hands rescued him, 
and he was taken to the house of Monsieur Bore. Rich, tender 
and generous, this gentleman cared for the aged priest until he died. 

After the eviction of the Jesuits, New Orleans and all Louisiana 
suffered for religious direction, as the Capuchins could not per- 
form the duties necessitated by the care of Illinois and the southren 
city. The population was now four thousand. Nine priests found 
it impossible to properly attend to this "immense district." Grad- 
ually they lost courage, though hope was still strong in their hearts, 
and they saw a future as pregnant of good as the past had been. 
But life had gone out of the missions as long ago it had gone from 
Bienville, whose love was always with the people he had seen for- 
saken by their king. 

The Editor acknowledges gratefully the courtesy of The Angelus Pub- 
lishing Company, of Cincinnati, Ohio, by whose permission the installments 
of "Early Missions" have appeared in the last three issues of The Gulf 
States Historical Magazine. 


William LeRoy Broun, A.M., LL.D., whose death occurred at 
Auburn, Alabama, on January 23rd, 1902, was a native Vir- 
ginian, a gentleman of profound scholarship and far-sighted wis- 
dom, and was for half a century connected with the most promi- 
nent educational institutions of the South. He was a Master of 
Arts graduate of the University of Virginia in the class of 1850, 
and began teaching in 1852, in Oakland College, near Port Gibson, 
Mississippi. He was for two 3 r ears in charge of the department 
of mathematics in the University of Georgia, and then he organ- 
ized Bloomfleld Academy, a classical school, near the University 
of Virginia, from which he entered the Confederate service as a 
lieutenant, in an artillery company from xllbemarle county, rising 
to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the ordnance department of 
the Confederate army. He was in command of the Confederate 
arsenal in Richmond when the closing pressure of Federal troops 
compelled the evacuation, of that city, and the arsenal was blown 
up by his orders. After the war he was the professor of mathe- 
matics in the University of Georgia, and later was the president 
of the Georgia Agricultural and Mechanical College. In. 1875 he 
was elected to the chair of mathematics in the Vanderbilt Uni- 
versity, and in 1881 was elected to the chair of mathematics in 
the University of Texas, in Austin. "While in this latter position 
his wife died. He then continued educational work in Alabama, 
being elected to the presidency of the Alabama Agricultural and 
Mechanical Co]k-ge, an institution whose name was changed to 
Alabama Polytechnic Institute by his suggestion to the State legis- 
lature. Of this institution he was the president for nearly twenty 
years. He lifted it to marked success, enlarging its courses of 
study, introducing departments of biology, electrical engineering 
and other subjects not before emphasized in Southern colleges. 
He made the Institute recognized as one of the leading scientific 
schools in America. He lived to be seventy-four years old, im- 
pressed himself upon the age in which, he lived, and died beloved 
and honored. President Charles C. Thach, his successor in the 
presidency of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute in a speech at the 

The Broun Family and Tbeik Kindred. 403 

memorial services in honor of Dr. Brouii, said of him : "His was 

the greatest intellect that I have ever known; absolutely accurate, 
full of refinement and delicacy, appreciative of the finest shades of 
culture, yet vigorous, robust, constructive, hold to plan and work 
out new lines, and capable of carrying those plans to the most 
successful issue." 

His wide acquaintanceship and family connections give interest 
in the Broun Genealogy which appears below, by the courtesy of 
his brother, Thomas L. Broun, Esq. 

By Thomas L. Broux, of Charleston, W. Ya. 

William Broun and Bobert Broun were brothers, and from 
Scotland. One settled in Northern Neck, Virginia, and the other 
near Georgetown, South Carolina, in colonial days. 

Willam Broun was a lawyer, resided in Lancaster county, Ya., 
and practiced his profession in Lancaster, Northumberland, West- 
moreland and other counties. 

Bobert Broun was a physician, and resided near Georgetown, 
in South Carolina, and there practiced his profession. 

The parents of William Broun and Bobert Broun were George 
and Margaret Broun, of North Britain (Scotland). 

William Broun and Janetta Me Adam (my grandparents) were 
married in Northumberland county, Ya., October 20, 1771. 

The parents of Janetta Broun were Dr. Joseph McAdam, of 
Northumberland county, Ya., and his wife, who was Sarah Ann 

The parents of Sarah Ann Gaskins were Thomas Gaskins of the 
fourth generation , and his wife, who was Mary Conway. 

The parents of Mary Conway were Edwin Conway, of the third 
generation, and his wife, who was Ann Ball. 

The parents of Ann Bali were Colonel Joseph Ball, of "Epping 
Forest," Lancaster county, Ya., and his wife, Elizabeth Bomney, 
of London. 

Sarah Ann McAdam, the wife of Dr. Joseph McAdam and 
mother of Janetta Broun (my grandmother) was a granddaughter 
of Edwin Conway, of the third generation, and was also a grand- 
daughter of Colonel Joseph Ball, of "Epping Forest/' who was the 
grandfather of General George Washington. 

404 The Gulf .States Historical Magazine. 

Colcme] William Ball, the father of Joseph Ball, was born in 
London in 1615; married Hannah Aiherold, July 2, 1634, and died 
at Mellenbaeh-, in Lancaster county, Ya., in 1680. 

Colonel Joseph Ball, son of Colonel William Ball, was born May 
24, 1649; died at "Epping Forest/-' Lancaster county, Va., in June, 
1711. He was married twice. (1) Elizabeth Romney, daughter 

of William Eomney, of London; (2) Mary Johnson, widow of 

Johnson, of Lancaster cunty, Va. 

Issue by first marriage : 

(a) Hannah Ball, who married Raleigh Tr avers. 

(b) Elizabeth Ball, who married Rev. John Carnegie. 

(c) Esther Ball, who married Raleigh Chinn. 

(d) Ann Ball, who married Colonel Edwin Conway in 1704. 

(e) Joseph Ball, who married Frances Ravencroft. He resided 
in London and was a prominent and successful barrister at the 
English bar. 

Issue by second marriage : 

Mary Ball (mother of Washington), born 1707; married Augus- 
tine Washington March 6, 1730; died August 25, 1789, aged 
eighty-two years. 

The children of my grandparents, William and Janetta Broun, 
were as follows : 

(1) George McAdam Broun, born 8th Jaunary, 1773. 

(2) Ann Lee Broun, born 8th November, 1775. 

(3) Thomas Broun, born 11th June, 1777. 

• (4) Harriet Broun, born 4th October, 1779. 

(5) Edwin Conway Broun, born 9th March, 1781. 

George McAdam Broun, Ann Lee Broun (who married — 

Stowers), and Harriet Broun, died without issue. 

Tliomas Broun, son of William and Janetta Broun, of Lancaster 
county, Va., married October 29, 1807, Elizabeth G. Lee, daughter 
of Charles and Sarah Lee, of "Cobbs Hall," in Northumberland 
county, Va., and had issue as follows : 

(1) William Waters Broun, born 27th August, 1808. 

(2) Sarah Elizabeth and Jane Ann Broun (twins), born 20th 
September, 1810. In February, 1812, Jane Ann died at "Cobbs 
Hall" and was buried in the family burying ground. 

(3) Charles Lee Broun, born March 1st, 1813. 

(4) Jane Ann Broun, born 25th November, 1814. 

The Broun Family and Tiikir Kindred. 405 

(5) Thomas Kennerly Broun, bora 26th January, 1817, and 
died October 6, 1820. 

(6) Edwin Broun, born September 30, LSI 9. 

(7) Judith Lee Broun, born July 6th, 1823. 

Edwin Conway Bronn, my father, was born. March 9, 1781, in 
Lancaster county, Va. He was the son of William Broun, of Scot- 
land, and Janetta McAdam, his wife, of Lancaster county, Va. 
His first wife was Maria Hale, widow of John Hale, and daughter 
•of Colonel Crane, of l\orthern Neck, Va., and was born March 3, 
1787. They were married December 3, 1807. 

Issue of Edwin Conway Broun and his first wife, Maria Broun: 

(1) George McAdam Broun, born 7th September, 180S. 

(2) James Wilson Broun was born 23d June, 1810. 

(3) Harriet Ann Broun was born 2d October, 1812. 

(4) Edwin Conway Broun was born 28th August, 1818. 
"Maria Broun, the first wife of Edwin Conway Broun, died 28th 

August, 1818. 

Edwin Conway Broun and Elizabeth Channel, only daughter of 
Dr. James Channel (tradition says of Philadelphia), and Susan, 
his wife, who was the widow of Perry Brady and daughter of Wil- 
liam S. Pickett, of Fauquier county, Va., were married in Mid- 
dleburg, Loudoun county, on 10th August, 1819, at the residence 
of Dr. Richard Cochran, where, at this date, Mrs. Fanny Dudley 
Woodward and husband reside. Dr. Channel practiced his profes- 
sion in Middlebu rg and the surrounding country. 

Elizabeth Channel, my mother, was born 10th February, 1802, 
and died 15th January, 1838. 

Issue of Edwin Conway Broun and his second wife, Elizabeth 
"Broun : 

(1) Maria Broun was born 11th October, 1820. 

(2) James Channel Broun was born 15th May, 1822. 
(3-) Thomas Lee Broun was born 26th December, 1823. 

(4) Susan Jane Broun was born 12th October, 1825. 

(5) William LeRoy Broun was born 1st of October, 1827. 

(6) James Conway Broun was born 1st April, 1829. 

(7) Ann Eliza Broun was born 15th November, 1830. 

(8) Sarah Broun was horn 17th June, 1832. 

(9) Elizabeth Ellen Broun was born 18th April, 1834. 
(10) Joseph McAdam Broun was born 23d December, 1835. 

408 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

(11) A child was bom and died a few day? later prior to tlje. 
death of my mother, which oeeured on the 15th January, 1838. 

My father died 10th of August, 1839. 

My grandmother, Susan Channel, died in August, 1838. Her 
maiden name was Susan Pickett, daughter of William S. Pickett. 
of Fauquier county, Va. (See his will dated January 10, 1789, and 
recorded in clerk's office of Fauquier county, Va.) She was buried 
by the grave of her husband, Dr, Channel, in the northeast pari 
of the old cemetery lot in Middleburg. 

At the time of my father's death, to-wit : August 10, 1839, he had 
twelve living children to-wit: 

(1) Dr. George McAdam Broun, of Fauquier county, Va. 

(2) Harriet Ann Bailey, wife of Stephen Garland Bailey, of 
Westmoreland county, Va. 

(3) Edwin Conway Broun, Jr., of Middleburg, Va. 
(ij Maria jDioun, ex Miuuleburg, va. 
(5) Thomas Lee Broun, of Middleburg, Va. 

* (6) Susan Jane Broun, of Middleburg, Va. 

(7) William LeBoy Broun, of Middleburg, Va. 

(8) James Conway Broun, of Middleburg, Va. 

(9) Ann Eliza Broun, of Middleburg, Va. 
(10) Sarah Broun, of Middleburg, Va. 

. (11) Elizabeth Ellen Broun, of Middleburg, Va. 
(12) Joseph McAdam Broun, of Middleburg, Va. 
James William Broun, son of Edwin C. and Maria Broun, 
died 27th June, 1810. 

James Channel Broun, son of Edwin C. and Elizabeth Broun, 
died 17th of May, 1828. 

At this date (above data from my father's Bible), January 11, 
1904, the children of my father, Edwin Conway Broun, living are: 

Thomas L. Broun, of Charleston W. Va. 

Mrs. Susan J. Stevens (widow of Joseph M. Stevens), of Ashe- 
ville, K C. 

Joseph McAdam Broun, (lawyer), of Madison, Boone county, 
W. Va. 

The family Bible of Joseph McAdam, the grandfather of my 
grandmother, Janetta Broun, is now in my possession. It was 
printed in London in 1698, by Charles Bill and the executrix of 

The Broun Family and Their Kindred. 407 

Thomas New-comb, deceased printers to the King and Most Ex- 
cellent Majesty. 

In this Bible is found the following record, made by Joseph 
McAdam, of his marriage with Janet Muir, and of the respective 
births, names and ages of their seven sons, in 1769, as follows, to- 

"Joseph McAdam and Janet Muir were married in the year 1712 
by the Kev'd Mr. Charles Coates, minister of Govan, in his own 
house the. 30th day of July. 

"My first son, James, was born April 21st, 1713. 

"My second son, John, was born March. 18, 1715. 

"My third son, James, was born October 8, 1717. 

"My fourth son, Joseph, was born May 28, 1719. 

"My fifth son, Hugh, was born Jnly 5, 1720. 

"My sixth son, Charles, was born November 8, 1722. 

"My seventh son, Robert, was born September 18, 1723. 

"The sons of Joseph and Janetta Mcx\.dam : 

"Their ages at the present year, 1769 : 

"James 56 

"John 54 

"James 52 

"Joseph 50 

"Hngh 49 

"Charles 47 

"Robert 45." 

On the back of the same paper are written these words, to-wit: 
"Children of my grandfather McAdam" — evidently written by 
Janetta Broun, my grandmother and w T ife of William Broun, of 
North Britain. 

My grandfather, William Bronn, in said Bible, made record of 
.his marriage with Janetta McAdam and of the respective births 
and names of their five children herein before mentioned. 

My nncle, Thomas Broun, in said Bible, made record of his mar- 
riage wTth Elizabeth G. Lee, daughter of Charles Lee, of "Cobb's 
Hall," and of the respective births and names of their eight child- 
ren hereinbefore mentioned. 

Edwin Conw r ay, of the first generation, came to Virginia, from 
Worcestershire, England, about 16-10. He settled in Northampton 

408 Tite Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

couniy, Ya., and was the third clerk of that county. He was mar- 
ned twice. 

(1) In England, to Martha Eltonhead, daughter of Richard El- 
tonhead, of Lancashire, England. 

(2) In Virginia^ in 1649, to a sister-in-law of Colonel John Carter, 
of Carotoman. 

He was horn about 1610, and died in Lancaster county, Ya., in 

Edwin Conway, of the second generation, resided in Lancaster 
county, Ya. He was born about 1640, and died in 1698. He was 
married twice: (1) To Sarah, daughter of Colonel John Walker, 
of Gloucester county, Ya. ; (2) To Elizabeth Thompson. 

Issue by marriage to Sarah Walker: 

(a) Edwin Conway. 

(b))Mary Conway, bom September 6, 1686, died 15th Septem- 
ber, 1730. She married, first, John Dangerfield, November 11, 
1703; second, Major James Ball, April 16, 1707. 

Issue by marriage to Elizabeth Thompson : 

Francis Conway, born 1697; married in 1720 to Rebecca Catlett. 

Edwin Conway, of the second generation, made a deed, May 10, 
1695, conveying lands and other valuable property to his two child- 
ren, Edwin and Mary, recorded in Lancaster county clerk's office, 
July 12, 1695.* 

Eleanor Rose Conway, daughter of Francis Conway and Re- 
becca Catlett, was born January 9, 1731, and married Colonel 
James Madison, Sr., September 13, 1749, and died February 11, 

James Madison, President of the United States, was the son 
of Colonel James Madison, Sr., and his wife, Eleanor Rose Con- 

Colonel Edwin Conway, of the third generation, was born in 
Lancaster county, Ya., in 1681, and died October 3, 1763, in his 
eighty-second year. He was a man of wealth and very promi- 
nent and influential in church and colonial matters for a long 
period. He was a member of the House of Burgesses from 1710 
to 1742, a period of thirty-two years, excepting the year 1720. He 
was an active member of the Church of England, and vestryman 

*See Haydcn's Genealogies, p. 232. f/rf. pp. 244, 255. 

The Broun Family and Their Kindred. 409 

of Christ Church, Lancaster county, Ya., from 17-39 to 1743, and of 
Christ Church and St. Mary's after the union until his death hi 
1753. He is described as "a gentleman of very great parts."* 

General Washington's grandmother was a widow three times, to- 
wit : 

(1) Mary Johnson, widow of Johnson. 

(2) Mary Ball, widow of Joseph Ball. 

(3) Mary Hughes, widow of Richard Hughes. 

Francis Conway, the half brother of Edwin Conway, of the third 
generation, was the grandfather of President Madison. 

Edwin Conway, of the third generation, was eighty years old 
when he made his will, 27th of July, 1762. He bequeathed most of 
his property to his grandson, Edwin Conway, of the fifth gener- 
ation, whom he made sole exeeutor of his estate. f lie also made 
a deed of gift of three negro slaves to his graddaughter, Sarah Ann 
Sic Ada in. (nee Gaskins), the wife of I)r. Joseph McAdam, on the 
16th of January, 1761, which deed was recorded in Lancaster 
county February 20, 1761. 

Colonel Edwin Conway, of the fifth generation, and William 
Broun, of Scotland (my grandfather), married sisters, who were 
daughters of Dr. Joseph. McAdam and Sarah Ann, his wife, 
That is, Colonel Edwin Conway, of the fifth generation, mar- 
ried Sarah Conway Me Ad am, and William Broun married Janetta 

Thomas G a skins, of the fourth, generation, married Mary Con- 
way, daughter of Colonel Edwin Conway, and had. issue: Sarah 
Aim Gaskins and other children. 

Sarah Ann Gaskins married twice : 

(1) Jolm Pinkard, about 1741. 

(2) Dr. Jose pi i McAdam. 

Issue by first marriage: Thomas Pinkard, named "greatgrand- 
son" in the will of Colonel Edwin Conway, dated 27th of July, 

Thomas Pinkard married Ann Gaskins, daughter of Colonel 
Thomas Gaskins. She subsequently married Richard Henry Lee. 

Thomas Gaskins, of the fifth generation, married Sarah Eustace, 
daughter of William Eustace and Ann Lee, widow of William 

*Hayden's Genealogies, p. 238. "\Id. p. 238. 

4io The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

*See Hayden's Genealogies, pp. 22, 230 

"^ee nayaens genealogies, pp. 22, 230. 

See William and Mary Historical Magazine for 1902. 1003 and 1904. 
Also Dr. Lyon G. Tyler's report of my Northern Neck Kindred. Lee of 
Virginia, Bnrke's Peerage, 1899, Burke's Landed Gentry, 1900, and Broun- 
Ramsey, Marquis of DaJwusie, in Encyclopaedia Britannica. Vol. 6, page 
776 — (Werner Edition of 1903. 

Armistead. Ann Gaskins, sister of Sarah Ann Gaskins, who was 
the mother of my grandmother, Janetta McAdam, married Captain 
William Eustace, son of Captain William Eustace, and Ann Lee, 
daughter of Hancock Lee. J 

Thomas Gaskins, of the sixth generation, married Hannah Hull, 
and had, among other children, Sarah Eustace Gaskins, who mar- 
ried George Thomas M'eAdam, son of Dr. Joseph McAdam and 
Sarah Ann Gaskins, and brother of my grandmother, Janetta Mc- 


Martha Eltonhead, wife of Edwin Conway, of the first gener- 

ation, was sister of the wives of various prominent settlers in 

Maryland, and Virginia, to-wit: Jane, wife of Cuthbert Fenwick, 
of Maryland; Agatha, wife of Ralph Wormeley, of York county, 
Va, ; Eleanor, wife of Captain William Brocas ; Alice, wife of Hen- 
ry Corbin, of Middlesex county, Va.* 

Ancestors of the Broun kindred who held the office of Councillor 
and Burgess: 

(1) Lieutenant-Colonel John Walker, Burgess for Warwick 
county, 1644:, 1645, 1646, 1649; member of council, 1657-8. 

(2) William Ball, Burgess for Lancaster county, 1668, 1672, 
1674, 1677. 

(3) Captain John Pinkard, Burgess in 1688. 

(4) Joseph Ball, Burgess 1695, 1698, 1702, fox Lancaster 

(5) Colonel Edwin Conway, of the third generation, Burgess 


By TTlbioh Bo^tfEfrL Phillies, Ph. I)., of fche University of Wis- 

Land Companies in Tennessee and Kentucky, 17 — . 

The following documents, from the Draper Collection of Manu- 
scripts of the Wisconsin Historical Society, illustrate several phases 
of the process of securing and occupying lands in the West by com- 
panies and individuals. 

In securing tenure of any piece of land, there was need to ex- 
tinguish the aboriginal claim and also to obtain a grant or writ 
from the civilized government having sovereignty over it. As a 
rule the governmental grant came first and the Indian cession 
afterward — as in Raleigh's patent and the charters of the Virginia 
Company, the Georgia proprietors and the Georgia trustees, and 
also in the patents of the Ohio Company, the Greenbriar Company 
and the Yazoo Companies. On the other hand, the Rhode Island 
settlement, the Henderson purchase in Kentucky, and the purchase 
of Blount and Martin in Northern Alabama, with which the fifth 
document of this series treats, are all instances where the -Indian 
title was extinguished before the governmental patent was obtained. 
In a multitude of instances, of course, either or both of these 
formalities were dispensed with in the occupation of the back 
country until after the actual settlement had been made. But, as 
a rule, mere squatter claims were discouraged and efforts made 
to systematize the process. The systems followed were strikingly 
at variance in the different regions and periods. leaving aside 
the New England townships, there were head-rights throughout 
the colonies, sprinkler! here and there with special grants of large 
areas to favored persons or companies. Later, the system of head- 
rights and irregular private surveys was replaced by governmental 
survey into squire-; and the distribution of these squares or lots 
among the people. The Federal government for a time distributed 
its lots by sale at auction with deferred payments. Finding that 
that system promoted speculation and brought financial distress, 

412 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

it dispensed, first, with the credit feature and then with the auction- 
system; and finally, at the end of the nineteenth century, in the 
distribution of the Oklahoma lands, it has resorted to a lottery 
system similar to that adopted by the Stale of Georgia beginning 
in 1803. 

The keynote of the land policy in the South was the demand for 





Draper Mss. Q.Q.-1-75. i 


Memorial of James Patton to the Government and Council of 

Virginia, January, 1753? 

"Honourables 3 

In 1743 I Pettitioned the then Governt. of Virginia for 
200,000 acres of Land on three branches of the Mississipia & 
the Waters thereof on which I proposed to settle one 
Family for each 1000 acres and to Pay his Majesties Rights & and 
all Fees accruing on the same on returning the Plans to the secre- 
tary's office, after some time spent their Hours, told me that never- 
theless of their inclination to encourage such an undertaking they 
could not at that time Grant my Pettition not knowing how the 
Govermt. at Home would approve of this Granting Land on those 
Waters least it might occasion a Dispute betwixt them and the 
French, who claim a right to the Land on those Waters, and as the 
distance was so great from any part of the Atlantick Ocean, they 
could not conceive that any Benefit could arise to his Majesty's Rev- 
enues or to the strength of this Colony by an handful! of Poor Peo- 
ple that might venture to settle there. But if a War broke out be- 
twixt England, and France, they would then Grant my Pettition. I 
then set forth the Praeticableness of my Scheme (with their con- 
currence) showing the great Distance it was from any of the French 
Governments what a usefull Barrier it might be there in time be- 
tween the French, French Indian & Virginia and of what use it 
might be to the Latter by Commerce and how it would increase 
His Majesties Revenues by other undertakers who Doubtless would 
follow my example should I succeed in it. And as I was the first 

Documents. 413 

Brittish Subject that had Petitioned for land on the sd. waters 
which I discovered at A 7 ast Expencc & that I fcar'd the noise of 
my Pettn. would spread abroad & oilier Pettrs. might come in be- 
fore me & reap the benefit of my industry therefore beged their 
Honrs. to insert it in their Council Hook that I might have the 
Preference for the above Quantity of Land before any others who 
might come after me which they Promised to do & that they would 
give me notice when, they could grant my Pettn. also all encourage- 
ment lay in their power as I was the first Pettr To which 

Promise as to my being preiTered to any other Pettr. for 200,000 
acres of Land, I refer to the Council Book, the then Council and 
Clerk being since removed by God in his Providence to Eternity. 

In April 1745 I had notice to attend the Council who gave me 
& others a Grant for 100,000 acres also to John Pobinson then 
President and others 100,000 & to another company 50,000 at 
which time I was told by my Friend in the Governmt. that as 
soon as I complyed with my Promise in setting of that I could not 
miss of the other 100,000, as it was on record, which I have since 
complyed with by Paying his Majesties Bights and settling above 
100 families on sd. Land; as also returning the plans to the secre- 
taries Office before Prefixed. What makes me give your Honours 
the Trouble of this long Introduction is, that since the above com- 
pliance Mr. Mercer in behalf of himself & the Ohio Company who 
has an order of Council for 500,000 Acres & Mr. James Powers in 
behalf of himself & his Company for 800,000 acres has entered 
caveats that no Patent may Issue out to me & others in the former 
Order for any land surveyd on ye afforsd. Waters, for what reason 
I am ignorant of having to the best of my Judgement complied with 
everything I undertook, the noise of which caveats has made my 
first settlers very uneasy not knowing what may be their Pate lest 
they should have their own Improvements to pay for, nevertheless 
they had bought their Land from those new Caveateers. 

"As to those two Gentlemen who in the course of their Practice 
may have been Fec'd to Perplex a good cause & plead with great 
assiduity to the justice of a bad one had they got a double 
fee they could not have fallen on a more effectual method! 
to Discourage the settling of these Frontiers than they 
have done by the above Caveat, and as they intend me so much 
trouble especially the Latter I cannot do less in Justice to myself 

414 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

than to beg of your Honours to give me an order of Council for the 
forcsd. 100,000 acres and that no renewal he given for the 
800.000 acres on ye waters of Woods Paver Holstons River until] 
thai I have mine surveyed which am willing to do in a moderate 
time. As to the Ohio Company who I understand intends to sur- 
vey their Lauds to the norward of the Waters of Woods Rivers, if 
so, it cannot interfere with mine. 

"Nevertheless if the company for 800,000 acres will go on 
Friendly and settle Bounds with me, I should he willing that they 
would survey and settle the country so that I may not he prevented 
from my claim, Perhaps they may have fallen into a mistaken no- 
tion that they cannot get their Quantity of Good land, when I am 
served but if they will pay me for it I think I can shew them a 
much larger quantity than they want 

£ "For the Honorable John Blair 

', - ' I"' -, "The HoDble. John Blair 

'l - . : * : "Esqr. his — 

■■"•'■'.■ "Letter" 

[This memorial and the accompanying letter are unsigned. They 
appear to be the rough drafts preserved by Patton, after the revised and 
signed had been sent to Williamsburg.] 


[From the unsigned, rough draft written on the same sheet with the 
above memorial.] 

"Honoured Sr. 1 

"I have been on the Waters of the Mississipia & the head of 
Roanoke and James Rivers From Last Geueral Court where I De- 
sign to spend the most of my time till the latter end of May next. 
The noise of Mr. Powers Caveat has reached the ears of the People 
here who is very uneasy not knowing but they may have as many 
Proprietors as many of them had who lived in the Jerseys, where 
when the(y) had Paid six Proprietors were obliged to pay a sev- 
enth and turned off in poverty at last. 

"I mentioned to your Honour when in Town that as I thought 
I had a just claim for 100,000 acres of Land on Woods River & Hoi- 

Documents. 415 

ston River that I was willing when an order (of) Council cou J d be 
obtained for it that four fifths of it should be for the Governor, You 
& Mr Corbin & Friends. Least you should be disappointed of the 
Lands on ye Waters of Susquehanah, but here there can be no 
Disappointment provided the order of Council can be obtained one 
fifth of which I only reserve for myself & Friends. I Purpose to 
be in Town against the Court of Oyer in June to answer Mr. Pow- 
ers Caveat, should that Company insist for a Renewal before that 
time (I) beg your Honour to Deliver the Inclosed Letter as 

"1 have had some trouble with the Cherrokee Indians but has got 
all Difference Compromised between them and our white People 
which I hope will continue. I have sent an express to the Governor 
Partly to comply with my promise to the Emperor (of the Chero- 
kees) but Principally Expecting that his answer will quiet the 
Minds of our People who was much allarmed at the report of Erwin 
Patterson who sd. he had an order to Dispossess, Tye & send down 
a Man upon the complaint of an Indian without giving the Man 
an opportunity to vindicate himself." 

The Loyal and Green Bryar Land Cos.. Memorial for Settlement in 
Western Virginia. 1783 Doc. 

Draper Mss. XX vol. 4, no 52. Thos Walker to Danl Smith, 

"Castle Hill, May ye 9th 1783 

The Court of Appeals have confirmed all the surveys made 
for the Loyal and Green Bryar Cornpanys, probably some of the 
settlers may be uneasie from an expectation of the agents distress- 
ing them, — for myself I promise not to distress any man, that has 
acted and continues to act in my opinion fairly, and does make pay- 
ment in a reasonable time — Colo Lewis agent for the Green 
Bryar Company has agreed to do the same — I shall be obliged to 
you for making this determination known to the settlers, the com- 
position money and patent fees must be paid in six months, the 
composition money is six shillings and eight pence for every fifty 
acres, or any smaller quantity, and if there is fifty-six acres, thir- 
teen shillings and four pence, and so in proportion for any quanti- 
ty. The patent fee is ten shillings and seven pence half penny for 

Kentucky Settle* rENT, Cumberland River, 1791. 

416 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

• I 

four hundred acres or any quantity under, if more — one shilling 
and three pence for every hundred over. 

"As it will be inconvenient for me to attend, on the western 
waters, or the people to come to me I should he glad you would 
undeiake the business, and hope for your answer as soon as 

"I send two copies for fear of miscarriage and am 

"Dr. Sr. Your Humble Servant, 

Thomas Walker. 
"(Addressed) Col. Daniel Smith, 

"(Endorsed) Received duly 22d 1783 

D. S. 1 

Draper Mss. XX v. 5, no 24, John Sappington to 
Major William Croghan. 

Red River Sept 20th 1791 
Dr. Sr. 

I with pleasure embrace this opportunity by Coin James Ford 
to inform you that T am well at present and have enjoyed a good 
state of health since I left the Falls of Ohio — 

I also have the Pleasure to introduce to you Coin James Ford, 
a person anxious to make a purchase near the mouth of Cum- 
berland River, there are a Number of Families that would wish 
to [buy] any land adjacent to the Town Moses Shelby requests me to 
inform you he would give Cash for five or six hundred Acres of 
Land near the Town five or six miles distant he would wish to 
know by this opportunity what you would take per hundred for 
Land in that Distance from the Town — Also several others wish to 
know what you would take for Land near the Mouth of Little 
River or Ramsey's Camp, particularly a Mr. Desha, he would wish 
to purchase two or three thousand acres he can make you good 
pay in Beef Cattle as he has a large Stock of Cattle he is a very 
punctual man — I have not the least Doubt provided you would en- 
gage Land at a certain fixed price your Town would be established 
at the Mouth of Cumberland immediately I have drew up an ar- 
ticle for the settling of sd. Town & find that if you would give an 

Documents. 417 

out Lott of about five acres with the two Lotts in Town the Settle- 
ment would be established this Fall indeed provided you 
would fix a Reasonable price on the Twenty acre out Lotts at 
the expiration of the ten. years 1 have the promise of a Number 
of Adventurers sufficient to establish a permanent Settlement. I 
shall expect to hear from you fully and particularly on the above 
head— as I intend to become, an Adventurer myself I conceive it 
must be a place of Trade at present and a future day a place of 
Consequence as it is the key of the Settlements on Cumberland & 
the. Ohio above & as it lies near the mouths of several Capital 
Elvers also near the present Spanish Settlements. I conclude 
with presenting my compliments to Mrs Croghan Mr. Clarks 
family, Colin Anderson & his Lady Doctr James Ofallon & Ms 
Lady & my Acquaintances in general! in the neighborhood of the 
Falls £ with subscribing myself 

Yr Mst Obt Servt &e 

"Jno. Sappington, 

William Grosdian 

Draper Mss. XX, vol 4 no 17. 
Win. Blount, to Joseph Martin, 1783. 

"Hillsborough October 26th 1783 
Dear Sir 

I had the pleasure to receive your favour by Capt. Bledsoe. 
The Gentleman whose name you mentioned as you expected I be^ 
lieve said several things to your Prejudice tho' I did not hear him. 
Had there been an Assembly I should have taken Care to have pre- 
vented if in my power anything being done against you unheard, 
indeed if there had been an Assembly I am very sure he could not 
have injured you. I am very glad to find that you have made the 
Purchase of the Indians of the Bent of Tenesee* and I think cheap 
enough the most of the goods to make the payment with were pur- 
chased in Philadelphia early in September and we have certain 
accounts that a vessel on board of which they were shiped sailed on 
the fifth of October from Philadelphia for Washington t where my 

*The "Bent," or bend of Tennessee was the district within the 
great bend of the Tennessee River, where it swings down into the pres- 
ent State of Alabama, and then northwestard again toward the Ohio. 

f i. e., the town of Washington, on Pamlico River, North Caro- 
lina. With Philadelphia, Baltimore, Richmond and New Orleans, that 

418 The Guj.f States Historical Magazine. 

Brother lives and at that place they must have arrived before 

this if the Gale of the seventh of October which was very hard has 
not proved fatal to both Vessel and Goods. If they are arrived at 
•Washington as I expect they are the Payments will be made by the 
first day of January at farthest if they are not arrived they must 
be lost and the Payment cannot be made before We can again send 
to Philadelphia. 

I am told that a dispute has arisen between the States of 
Georgia and South Carolina by the latter claiming a Eight to 
back?- lands as far west as the Mississippi now if South Carolina 
has any back lands the Bent of Tencsee must be a Part of it. 
This dispute between the two States will in my opinion be very 
favourable to oar Designs of obtaining the Georgia Title or the 
South Carolina Title and cither will answer our purpose equally 
well for We shall surely settle the Country before the dispute 
can be determined and in Order to procure a Title from one or 
both of these States I will certainly attend both their next As- 
semblies and I have not the least doubt but I shall succeed. 

Gen. Euthorford has agreed to become a joint adventurer 
with Us in the purchase and I have this day given him an In- 
strument of writing interesting him as much as either of the Orig- 
inal Adventurers. It was good policy to do so and Gen. Caswell 
advised it to be done and I hope it will be quite agreeable to you 
and Col. Donelson. I am glad to find that Col. Severe has also 
joined the Company. 

A number of People have here entered lands which I am sure 
they know lays without the limits of this State and in the Bent 
within the limits of our Purchase and expect to get Grants from 
this State! I hope Care will be taken to have the line of this State 

town shared the very slight external commerce of the East Tennessee 

$The dispute arose over the uncertainty as to the true source 
of the Savannah River, reieired to in the charter of the colony of Georgia. 
Georgia claimed that that river rose upon the North Carolina boundary, 
while South Carolina contended for an intervening strip, twelve miles 
wide, reaching to the Mississippi South Carolina ceded her claim to the 
United States in 1786, and Georgia had too many more important con- 
troversies on hand to vindicate her title. The twelve mile strip was 
afterwards incorporated in the States of Alabama and Tennessee, but it 
did not include all the land in the Great Bend. 

Hi. e., North Carolina. 


Documents. 419 

well known, that the Persons making surveys without the limits 
may not be able to plead Ignorance. It would seem to me that 
every person I have seen here envyed us the Purchase and wished 
to own a part of the Bent of Teuesee I am with much esteem 

Your Most Obt 
, Humbl e Servant 

Wm. Block t 

P. S. I think it will be best to admit some more Partners in 
Georgia or South Carolina and probably shall be obliged to do it.§ 

Col. Joseph Martin." 

§This whole enterprise proved a failure, in spite of the efforts 
of Blount, Martin, Sevier, Caswell and others, who composed the com- 
pany. Cheap lands and lands in plenty were demanded for the profitable 
use of slave labor and the plantation system. The chief moving force 
in the West was the belief in the rights of the people, and impatience 
with any policy which hindered their enjoyment of the bounties of nature. 
The border land where the South merges into the West, was accord- 
ingly the region where prevailed the wish for the utmost freedom and 
expansiveness in the distribution and settlement of the public domain. 
A?id with that border land these documents deal. 


The following account of Nathaniel Barnwell Yancey, one of the 
uncles of William L. Yancey, comes from Mr. A. S. Salley, Jr., 
secretary and treasurer of the South Carolina Historical society, 
Charleston S. C. : 

"Camden, Sept. 6, 1800. I 

"Died, on the 2d hist. Nathaniel -Barnwell Yancey, aged 
fifteen years and eight months, son of the late James Yancey esq., 
deceased. Left an orphan without patrimony, in a state of child- 
hood, lie fell into the Lands of distant relations; where his treat- 
ment was sufficient to extinguish every spark of genius, virtue 
and emulation, in a youthful mind of ordinary texture: they 
were not extinguished in his. His native genius and energy of 
mind, at the early age of thirteen, broke the hands of treacherous 
protection, and sought patronage and protection among strangers, 
where he fondly looked forward to the period when, by a cultiva- 
tion of the talents God had given him, he might become useful and 
estimable in society. In a short time he made a rapid progress 
in education, and was daily unfolding those germs of native ex- 
cellence of mind, which had lain dormant. He discovered a quick- 
ness of discernment and maturity of judgement rarely visited in a 
youth of his age. Those qualities, added to a good temper and 
agreeable manners, procured him the universal love and esteem 
of the inhabitants of Camden ; and it may be truly said, that no one 
in so short a time, from his own personal merits, (the best of all 
merits) ever acquired, them in a higher degree; and as a prom- 
ising meritorious youth, his loss is sincerely deplored. He hath 
left brothers, (one of them a midshipman on board the Constitu- 
tion, with Capt. Truxton, in the memorable battle with the French 
ship Vengeance) whose grief will be more sensibly felt. 

This account of a youth, unknown to the world, and in whose 
life or death but few feel a concern, is given with a view to bring 
men to reflect, that they have nearly all been orphans, or are liable 
to leave orphans, and to consider what treatment they would wish 
their children to receive after their deaths, and to act accordingly 

Minor Topics. 421 

towards those under their care, and that they may not forget 'to 
remember the fatherless/ and the divine rule to 'do unto others as 
you would that they should do unto you/" — City Gazette and Daily 
Adrvliser, Charleston, S. C., Friday September 12, 1800. 


By Ulkich Bunnell Phillips, Ph. D., University of Wisconsin, 

The Draper collection of manuscripts, belonging to the Wis- 
consin Historical Society, is a great mass of manuscripts re- 
lating mostly to the Indian wars upon the frontiers, from New 
York to Georgia, With special fullness upon Kentucky and Ten- 
nessee. Dr. Draper was more of an antiquarian than a historian. 
He was interested chiefly in the personal exploits of the border 
heroes, and felt only a secondary interest in social and economic 
development, etc. Yet the documents include a very great 
amount of all sorts of historical data. The only trouble is to find 
it. The material is bound in. volumes in sets under the names of 
the principal heroes in whom Draper was concerned: e. g. George 
Bogers Clarke, Boone, Thomas Sumter, John Cleves Symmes, Pres- 
ton, Eobertson, &c. There is no index and no adequate catalogue 
of the collection. A calendar of it is now being prepared, but 
the work is very, very slow. Until the calendar is completed it 
is almost impossible, except by chance, to find any particular doc- 
ument desired, or documents upon any particular subject unless 
the subject is one of the border warriors. 

The material is of four kinds: 

1. Original documents, letters, commissions, muster rolls, re- 
ceipt books, diaries, &c. P written to or by or about these frontier 
leaders or some of their satellites. 

2. Copies made by Dr. Draper from other original documents 
which he was allowed to copy but not to beg, buy or get otherwise. 

3. Letters to Dr. Draper from acquaintances or descendants of 
the frontier leaders, written in reply to Draper's inquiries for 
reminiscences of them, genealogy, &c. 

4. Diaries of Dr. Draper himself, written upon his numerous. 

422 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 


Mrs. Gordon was a charming creature. She was but a girl then. 
True, she had two children, but they were not with her, and the 
soldiers, beholding her tall, willowy form, her blooming youth, 
her gazelle eyes, lighted with love and patriotic fire, looked upon 
her as the bride of their beloved commander. At the outbreak of 
hostilities, her difficulty was not in deciding what was her hus- 
band's duty, — that was clear, — but what was her own. To the de- 
cision of that she invoked her marriage vow, and, forsaking all 
others, site clave unto him. The children and their nurse were 
placed with Captain Gordon's mother, and Mrs. Gordon accom- 
panied him and remained with him throughout the war, as much a 
part of the army as any camp-follower, and often as obnoxious to 
the commanding officer as others of her class. This was true espe- 
cially when Gordon served under Early, whose experience with 
ladies was exceedingly limited. 

When Gordon was fighting at bloody Seven Pines; when, day 
after day, he charged and charged again, in the seven days' battles 
around Richmond, Mrs. Gordon was within sound of every cannon 
and volley of musketry that marked the progress of the fighting. 
A companion thus describes her : "The cannon was roaring around 
the horizon like some vast earthquake on huge, crashing wheels. 
She asked me to accompany her to a hill a short distance away. 
There she listened in silence. Pale and quiet, with clasped hands, 
she sat statue-like with her face toward the field of battle. Her self- 
control was wonderful, — only the quick-drawn sigh from the 
bottom of her heart revealed the depth of emotion that was strug- 
gling there." 

In the autumn of 1862, the tide of battle drifted away to far-off 
Antietam. She followed him. Until then he had escaped harm. 
He had exposed himself so often and so recklessly that his men 
began to think he bore a charmed life. Antietam dispelled that 

trips in search of the documents for which he had such an over- 
mastering passion. 

To gain any thorough knowledge of the Collection, you will have 
to spend weeks or months delving in its three or four hundred. 
v«j umes. 

Minor Tones. 423 

illusion; for there he fell pierced with five wounds. His devoted 
young wife was among the first to reach him; and although his 
chances for recovery seemed desperate, her love and care wooed 
him heck, almost miraculously, to health. — From "Two Great Con- 
federates," by John S. Wise, in the American Monthly Reviciv of 
Reviews for February. 


Another statue for Statuary Hall of the Capitol has arrived and 
been put into position and draped for appropriate unveiling cere- 
monies to take place at some date to he determined when Congress 
resumes its sitting. 

The new statue is a marble presentment of Francis H. Pierpont, 
the first Governor of West Virginia., and is the work of Franklin 
H. Simmons, an American sculptor living in Italy. The statue 
has been placed by the side of that of John E. Kenna, last in 
public life as a United States Senator from West Virginia. 

The Pierpont statue will be the twenty-eighth placed in Statuary 
Hall. Each State, by act of Congress, being entitled to two statues 
in the hall, there are sixty-two yet to come, whenever the States 
not now represented shall see fit to furnish the figures. When all 
of the States are represented, Statuary Hall, with its present lim- 
ited dimensions, will be so full of marble sculpture as to resemble 
the stock-room of a tombstone shop. As it is, the hall is already 
crowded. The last figures to be placed there were those of Charles 
Carroll of Carrollton and John Hanson, set up by authority of the 
State of Maryland. The next statues will probably be those of 
George Washington and Robert E. Lee, for which the Legislature 
of Virginia recently made provision. 

The States that are so far represented m the hall are as below: 

Connecticut — Eoger Sherman and Jonathan Trumbull. 

Illinois — James Shields. 

Indiana — Oliver P. Morton. 

Maine— William King. 

Maryland — Charles Carroll of Carrollton and John Hanson. 

Massachusetts — Samuel Adams and John Winthxop. 

Michigan — Lewis Cass. 

424 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

New Hampshire — Daniel Webster and John Stark. 

New Jersey — : Philip Kearny and Richard Stockton. 

New York — Robert Livingston and George Clinton. 

Ohio — William Allen and James A. Garfield. 

Pennsylvania — Eobert Fulton and John Peter Gabriel Muhlen- 

Rhode Island — Roger Williams and Nathan ael Greene. 

Vermont — Ethan Allen and Jacob Collamer. 

West Virginia — John E. Kenna and Francis II. Pierpont. 

Wisconsin — Pere James Marquette. 

It will be seen that only sixteen of the forty-five States are 
represented by any statue and but eleven of these by their full 
quota of two. A glance at the names of the characters represented 
will show a remarkable variety of figures more or less historic. 

Conneeti cut's two* Roger Sherman and Jonathan Trumbull, were 
both members of the Continental and First Congresses. 

The single Illinois representative in this American. Hall of Fame 
spreads himself illustriously over a great deal of ground. He 
represented in the Senate the three States of Illinois, Minnesota 
and Missouri successively and was a resident and prominent in 
the affairs of the States of California and Iowa. He died in Iowa 
at the age of 70, and it is believed that had he lived, General 
Shields might have represented that State also in the Senate. He 
was a gallant soldier in the war with Mexico and served with dis- 
tinction for the union in the civil war. He is remarkable like- 
wise as one of the first Union generals to have a clash, with Stone- 
wall Jackson and to elicit an overpowering exercise of the trans- 
cendent genius of that wonderful military hero. 

Oliver P. Morton, Indiana's representative, was last in public 
life as a United States Senator from Indiana. 

Maryland's representatives, Carroll mid Hanson, were members 
of the first Congress as well as signers of the Declaration of In- 

Samuel Adams and John Winthrop, representing Massachusetts, 
were signers of the Declaration of Independence. 

Lewis Cass, for Michigan, was best known as Secretary of State 
under President Buchanan. He had previously been Secretary of 
War under President Jackson and twice served Michigan in the 
United States Senate. 

Mings Topics. 425 

New Hampshire is represented by a. statesman and a soldier in 
Daniel Webster and John Stark. Webster entered Congress at the 
age of 41 ; served twice as Secretary of State, his death occurring 
at the age of 70, while holding the last office. Stark was one of 
the f animus fighting brigadiers of the Re volution, and lived to be 
96 years of age. 

rTew Jersey's representatives in the hall, Philip Kearny and 
Eichard Stockton, were respectively soldier of several wars and 
signer of the Declaration of Independence. Stockton was also a 
member of the Continental Congress. 

rsew York's pair, Eobert Livingston and George Clinton, were 
members of the Continental Congress. 

William Allen and James A. Garfield, for Ohio, contrast the fig- 
ures of a great Democratic leader with that of a great Republican 
leader, both better known as politicians than as statesmen. 

Pennsylvania, in Eobert Fulton and Muhlenberg, is represented 
by an inventor and a statesman-soldier. Muhlenberg was an 
Episcopal clergyman when the Revolution began, and, joining 
Washington, was given command of a regiment of Germans. He 
was a brother of Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, who was the 
first Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

Ethan Allen and Jacob Collamer, of Vermont, were soldier and 
statesman. Collamer figured as late as during the period of the 
Civil war when he was a United States Senator from Vermont. 

Rhode Island, in Roger Williams, has the statue of the only 
character historic to America prior to the Revolutionary era be- 
sides Pere Marquette, which the State of Wisconsin has placed 
in the hall. 

Of the twenty-eight whose statues are in the hall six were signers 
of the Declaration, of Independence and eighteen were members 
of Congress. Only three were soldiers of the Revolution. Two 
served in both the Mexican and Civil wars. Four served in the 
Civil war only, three of them on the Union and one on the Con- 
federate side. 

The Kenna statue is that of the first Confederate soldier to be 
placed in the hall, but his distinction was as political leader 
rather than soldier, his military service being when he was but a 
youth. The statue of General Dee will be the second of a Confed- 
erate soldier to be placed in the hall. 

426 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

It will be some mouths before the Washington and Lee statues 
will be ready to be placed. The next and twenty-ninth will be 
that of John J. Ingalls, the famous and brilliant Senator from 
Kansas, which will provide his statue for the hall and have it in 
place witl i in a few weeks. 

S'o far not a strictly Southern State is represented in this only 
American Hall of Fame. — 11. H. Watkins in the Montgomery Ad- 
vertiser, Dec. 26, 1903. 


Campbell. — In answer to inquiry of the family of Chief Justice John A. 
Campbell it may be of some interest to know that Archibald Campbell, 
the grandfather of the Chief Justice, died in Montgomery, Alabama, in 
1820, and in the cemetery there his remains lie buried. Mrs. Towns, a 
daughter of Archibald Campbell, died in 1824, and was buried by the side 
of her father. A simple marble slab at the head records the names and 
facts of death, as a simpler one at the foot marks the bottom of the graves. 
(See this Magazine, November, 1903, p. 223.) 

Tre Oldest Female College.— -On page 133, this Magazine, September, 
1903, Dr. Thomas M. Owen, the Director of the Alabama Department of 
Archives and History, challenges the statement that the Wesleyan Female 
College at Macon, Ga., is the oldest female college in the world. Dr. 
Owen claims that dates prove the oldest college in the world established 
for the granting of diplomas to women was the Athenaeum, founded in 
Tuskaloosa in 1S36, and that the Tuskaloosa Female College is, in fact, 
the logical descendant of this first college for women. 

Mr. T. K. Oglesby, author of Some Truths of History, claims that Miss 
Catherine E. Brewer (Mrs. Benson), the first graduate of the Wesleyan 
Female College, is the first woman in the world to receive a diploma from 
a chartered institution. 


The Alabama Plan. — Among the various methods adopted for the 
preservation and collection of history treasures, the Alabama Plan will 
take pre-eminence. It takes a step beyond other plans in that it has 
embodied a new Department of State under whose fostering care will be 
garnered and arranged for convenient uses all documents, publications, 
works of art, curios, relics, etc., connected with history, and whose pro- 
ductive works will add value and dignity to the history interests of (1) 
Alabama and her people, and (2) of the neighboring States and their 
people, and (3) of America and all other nations of the world. Dr. 
Thomas M. Owen, the originator of this Plan, is now the Director of the 
Department of Archives and History for Alabama. Mississippi has organ- 
ized and established a similar department under Mr. Dunbar Rowland. 
Other States will likely adopt the plan, because it puts the State in charge 
of the history interests. No historical society can possibly assume the 
authority of demanding the guardianship of public documents and public 
assistance in securing historic treasures, the Wisconsin Plan, in contra- 
distinction to the Alabama Plan, has done valuable work, and is the one 
most generally in use now. It has been very active and very broad m its 
efforts in history, but it is supported by contributions from the funds of 
the societies, and is limited in that it docs not contemplate or involve the 
gathering and guardianship of state treasures of history. Combining the 
private and State interests as does the Alabama Plan, there is a wonderful 
gain to the possible service, and a richness is given to the department 
that surpasses in promise the best work of other historical organizations. 
Already Dr. Owen has secured many newspaper files, oil paintings of dis- 
tinguished citizens, rare curios, battle flags, cannon, swords, pistols, docu- 
ments, private letters, muster rolls, books, pamphlets, even the originals 
of important telegrams in political crises, and other things of great value 
to the cause of history, and these he has at ready command for use and 
pleasure. Through his services in the department have been rescued some 
of the most yaluable documents affecting the past history of the State. 


Second Annual Meeting oe the Tennessee Valley Histori- 
cal Society. j 

The second annual session of the Tennessee Valley Historical Society 
was held on Tuesday, Jan. 12, 1904, in the City Hall, at Huntsville, Ala. 
The meeting convened at 10:30 o'clock. Judge R. W. Walker, the presi- 
dent, was present, but was called away by business engagements, and 
R. K Pettus presided during the session. The roll was called and the 
minutes of the. last meeting were read and adopted. The reports of the 
secretary and treasurer were read and approved. 

Hon. Thomas M. Owen, of thes,Department of Archives and History, 
read an interesting paper on "Notes on the Settlement and Early History 
of Lawrence County/' Hon. O. D. Street then followed with an excellent 
paper entitled "A Narrative of the Establishment by the Legislature of 
Georgia, in 1784, of a County in the Great Bend of the Tennessee River," 
which contained much valuable information on history of the early settle- 
ment of the northern portion of Alabama. 

The secretary then announced the following papers by title, the finished 
papers to be handed in later: "Recollections of Gen. P. D. Roddey's 
Command, C. S. A.," by Col. Josiah Patterson, of Memphis; "Talucah 
Cave in Morgan County," by Mrs. Roy Nelson, of Decatur; "Reminiscen- 
ces of Madison County Prior to the Civil War," by Hon. Sutton S. Scott, 
of Auburn, and "Some Landmarks of Huntsville," by R. C. Brickell, of 
Huntsville. Mr. Owen then presented some interesting documents con- 
•cerning Morgan county in 1818 for incorporation in the printed proceed- 
ings. An informal discussion of general subjects. of interest was entered 
into, which proved exceedingly interesting, many facts being brought out. 

Officers for the year were then elected as follows: Judge R. W. Walker, 
president; Oliver D. Street, secretary and treasurer; vice presidents: R. 
E. Pettus, R. C. Brickell, Jesse E. Brown, Thomas R. Roulhac, W. C 
Rayburn, W. T. Sanders, W. E. Skeggs, J. C. Kumpe. 

Resolutions on the death of Gen. John B. Gordon, who was an honorary 
member of the society and a former Alabamian, and Hon. W. I. Bullock, 
the vice-president of the society in Franklin county, were ordered pre- 
pared by the executive committee. 

Ben P. Hunt and Bruce Armstrong, both of Huntsville, were elected 
to membership. 

Mr. Street made a brief talk and told of the work Mr. Owen was doing 
in the State Department of Archives and History and urged citizens to 
assist him in every way possible. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

Historical News. 42$ 

Confederate Monument at Gainesville, Fla. — The birthday of Gen- 
eral Robert E. Lee, Jan. 19, 1904, was observed by the Kir by Smith Chap- 
ter, United Daughters of the Confederacy, at Gainesville, Fla., by the 
dedication and unveiling of a Confederate monument in that place. W. L. 
Palmer, of Orlando, made the presentation address. The address of re- 
sponse was made by the Hon. Robert Bullock, who accepted the monu- 
ment on behalf of the Confederate veterans. 


State Buildings at the World's Fair. — The Georgia State building 
at the World's Fair, St. Louis, will be a reproduction of the residence of 
the late Gen. John B. Gordon, at Sutherland, near Atlanta. The Virginia 
State building will be a reproduction of "Monticello," the home of Thomas 
Jefferson. The Tencssee State building will be a reproduction of "The 
Hermitage," the home of Andrew Jackson. The Texas State building 
will be a two-story star, and. the Mississippi State building will be a re- 
production of President Davis's home at Beauvoir. 

Statue of John Jasper. — A statue of the late Rev. John Jasper, the 
colored preacher of "Sun vv Move" fame, was unveiled Jan. 24, 1904, 
in the church of which Jasper was pastor at Richmond, Va. The exer- 
cises lasted nine days, and an admission fee was charged to defray the 
cost of the statue. 

* Dr. George Frederick Mellen has contributed some very valuable histor- 
ical articles to prominent magazines and newspapers. Especially interest- 
ing are his articles on "Famous Southern Editors : John M. Daniel, Thad- 
deus Sanford, William Winston Seaton, George Wilkins Kendall," and 
his "New England in the South: George Denison Prentice," which have 
appeared in the Nashville Methodist Review; "William G. Brownlow and 
John M. Fleming"; "Seargent S. Prentiss and His Mother"; "John Mitch- 
ell, Irish Patriot," "John Howard Payne," in the Knoxville Sentinel; 
"Thomas Jefferson and the Press," "When John Bell Became Senator," 
"The Bench and Bar of Tennessee," in the Nashville Christian Advocate; 
"Jackson's War on the Banks" and "Joseph G. Baldwin and the Flush 
Times," in the Scwanee Review; "New England Editors in the South" and 
"Thomas Jefferson and the Foreign Educator," in the New England Maga- 
zine. Dr. Mellen possesses in marked development the happy faculty of 
selecting from the mass of matter the leading facts of history and investing 
them with the vital coloring of the times. 

The American Historical Revieiv, January, 1904, contains 
"Ethical Values in History/' by Henry Charles Lea; "The Padesta of 


The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine is publish- 
ing a series of valuable letters from Henry Laurens to his son John. In 
the "South Carolina Gleanings" in England, the Magazine presents a 
number of biographical sketches. 

The Sczvanee Review for January, 1904 has from the pen of 
Dr. W. P. Trent "The Aims and Methods of Literary Study." Br. Trent 
gives outline of the growth of interest in literary studies in America 
and suggests how the criticism of literary productions should be made. 
Other prominent articles are "The Poe-Chivers Traditon Re-examined," 
by Alphonso G. Newconib; "Lucretius," by B. B. Steel; "'A Study of 
Shelley's 'Prometheus Unbound/ " by Lilian Steichen, and "The Black 
Belt," by Dr. UMch B. Phillips. 

In the April, 1904, number of this Review is "The British Novel in 

the Nineteenth Century," by the editor, Br. John Bell Ilenneman; "Tha 

f Novel in America," by C. Alphonso Smith; "The South During the Last 

Decade," by Frank T. Cariton, and "The American Primary," by 

Charles W. Turner. 


Siena," by Ferdinand Schwill; "The Merchant Adventurers at Ham- 
burg," by "William E. Lingelbach; "Naturalization in England and 
the American Colonics," by A. H. Carpenter, and "French Influence on 
the Adoption of the Federal Constitution," by Clyde Augustus Duniway. 
Documents, Reviews of Books, Communications on "The Early Norman 
Jury," Notes and News complete the contents. 

The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political 
Science has for its leading article, January- February, 1904, "A Trial Bib- 
liography of American Trade-Union Publications"; for March- April, 1904, 
''White Servitude in Maryland, 1634- 1820." 

The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, January, 1904, has 
the introductory chapter on "The Site of Old James Towne, 1607-169S." 
A good map of "James Towne" is given. The second chapter is in the 
April, 1904, number, and the article will be continued in succeeding num- 

Book Notes and Reviews. 431 

FROM EMPIRE TO REPUBLIC. By Arthur Howard Noll. A. C. Mc- 
Clurg & Co., Chicago, 1903. (8vo., pp. 336; with maps and portraits.) 

Professor Noll's volume is interesting, impartial and scholarly. In 
the space of three hundred pages lie leaves on the mind of the reader a 
vivid picture of the slow progress through struggles and trials toward a 
constitutional government. The defects of the work are few and not im- 
portant. He speaks of constitutional self-government as something al- 
ready accomplished. lie takes the term "Republic 7 ' entirely too seri- 
ously. The work of Diaz is strictly that of a benevolent despot. It is to 
be admitted, however, in accordance with the philosophy of hypocrisy, 
that the forms of constitutional self-government may in time educate the 
people to grasp the reality. His ascription of the incapacity of the Mex- 
ican people for self-government to Spanish misgovernment, as if they had 
previously possessed such a capacity, is a common error similar to that 
of New England waiters who attribute the degradation of the negro to 
Southern slavery. The space devoted to details of "constitutions" and 
"pronunciamentos" which existed but a few days, might often be re- 
duced with advantage. The added space could well be used to give a 
more adequate portrayal of the stages in development of the economic, 
moral and intellectual lives of the peasantry. A map showing the cities 
and localities referred to in the text would be helpful. The chronological 
summary and the index are carefully and conveniently arranged. 

Jos. W. Park. 

ELEMENTS OF GEOLOGY. A text-book for colleges and for the gen- 
eral reader. By Joseph LeConte. New York, D. Appleton & Co., 
1903. (8vo., pp. 667.) 

This book, which has been before the public for years, has been re- 
vised and partly rewritten by Professor Herman LeRoy Fairchild, of the 
University of Rochester. In addition to the work of revision Professor 
Fairchild has added a large number of new plates and illustrations, 
which bring all the charm and worth of the newest texts on the sub- 
ject. These features, when added to the solid contribution of Professor 
LeConte to the original history, progress, composition and development 
of the earth, make it withal a book for the class-room equal to the best; 
and one that will abundantly interest and reward the general reader. 
As stated in the preface, some current problems and new theories 
are discussed in the work. This is fitting for a text of this kind. When 
the views of a Creator and the created undergo transformation with, 
every passing decade, men need fresh light from the fmds of every 
branch of geology. Professor LeConte reverenced all things, and, to him 
the world was truly the handiwork of God,— animate and inanimate 

Joseph LeConte, late Professor of Geology and Natural History in 
the University of California, was born in Liberty County, Georgia, Feb- 

432 The Gulf States Historical Magazine. 

ruary 26, 1823, and died in the Yosemite Valley, July G, 1901, at the 
age of se\ enty-cight years. He was a man of broad scholarship. He 
received his Bachelor of Arts degree at the University of Georgia in 
1841, and his Medical degree from the College of Physicians and Sur- 
geons of New York City, in 1845. In 1850 he became a student of 
Agassiz at Harvard University, and received his Bachelor of Science de- 
gree a little later from that university. Soon after leaving Har- 
vard he was elected Professor of Natural Science in Orglethorpc 
University in Georgia. A little later he took the chair of Geology 
and Natural History in the University of Georgia which he 
held for four years. From 1856 until the outbreak of the war he was 
Professor of Chemistry and Geology in the South Carolina College at 
Columbia. During the war he was engaged in chemical work for the 
Confederate government. At the close of the war he returned to the 
South Carolina College and remained until 1868, when he went to the 
University of California where he held a professorship until his death. 
Professor LeConte was not only a man of intimate knowledge of 
scientific details, but he was a close student of evolution in all of its 
phases. He continued to contribute to geology and to comparative 
studies in natural history far into his life, and was always ready to as- 
sist his co-laborer. It was his lot to die amid his beloved mountains 
of that wonderland of the Yosemite, while seeking further aid from 
earth's stone for the enlightenment and elevation of his students. 

Samuel T. Slaton. 

Smith, Ph.D., State Geologist, and Henry McCalley. Brown Printing 
Company, Montgomery, 1904. (8vo., pp. 79.) Illustrated. 

A bulletin by Dr. Eugene Allen Smith, State Geologist, giving a 
survey of the mineral products of the state. It contains a list of the 
published reports of the Alabama Geological Survey, and a map and 
table of the geologic